The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 4, 1931, Page 6

euolished py the Comprodatly Pub 18th Street, New York City. N. Y, ‘Telephone Algong Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 & ishing Co,, Inc. dally @: cept Sund 7. Cable st [3th Street, New York. N. ¥ at 50 Ras DAIWORK.” Dail Central Ong ~~ BHO rker Porty US.A By matl everywhere: One year $6 Manhattan and Bronx New York Ctly Foreign: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: six months $3; two months, $1 one vear. $; excepting Koroughs 8+ siz months. $450 FIGHT AGAINST WAGE-CUTS| OUR Secretary of Labor! AND SPEED-UP! esolution of National Executive Board, Trade Unien Unity League, March 14, 15 and 16.) March 14, 15 and 16.) The strike struggles that have taken place period, particularly the strike of in Lawrence, have exposed that no strikes are pos- crisis, and that such not be effective in of the bosses and win- for the workers. The: a blow to the Hoove: s peace” and their boast ng eliminated. The workers 1 fight against the ef- sive the crisis at the ex- workers nist theory periods offensive speed-up and the stagger plan. Attacks On Workers’ Living Standards. 2) With the growth of the crisis, which is 1 deepening, despite the temporary seasonal 1 a few industries, particularly be- 1 reached in these industries ,) and the consciousness on the the bourgeoisie th the crisis is of much 1 they had expected, comes to further lower the living is of the workers. Wage cuts that have past been carried through on a partial departmental basis, are now being put into a more general and sweeping man- ethods of speed-up are developed killed and semi-skilled, not only workers, but also the organized, n the old unions, are beginning on: Not skilled workers 1 the effects of this offensive, and not ough unemployment, but through in- cuts and speed-up (building etc.) 1 Be Met By Increasing Struggles. s upon the workers will be sfrike struggles on the part This situation also creates the ‘able conditions for our work in the old wi The reason these moods of the work- ers f truggle were not yet expressed in larger and more widespread strike struggles, is to be found primarily in the weakness of the TUUL and affiliated unions, in approaching these workers with the correct and suitable partial de- mands, in the absence of shop organization and, in general, lack of shop activity of the revolu- tionary unicns, and almost complete’ abandon- ment of the work in the old unions, and the failure to develop a correct strike strategy in practice as laid down by the RILU. The TUUL unions were not only guilty of the right oppor- tunist mistake that there can be no successful “es during the present crisis period. They w also guilty of the leftist underestimation of the role of organization in the present period. There was prevalent the conception that in the present period, strikes will take place spontan- and that we will then be called upon to lead them. This whole conception was also con- nected up with the underestimation of the par- tial demands, R. I. L, U. Analysis Proves Correct, (4) The recent strikes have once more sharp- ly borne out the correct analysis of strikes in the present period, as laid down by the RILU. From the very beginning, the workers, fighting for the minutest demands, were faced with the combined attack of the employers, the A. F. of L. and the government. In the recent strikes, the Musteite wing of the A. F. of L. which, through left demagogy, tries to save the A. F. of L. as the instrument of betrayal in the in- terests of the employers, has, because of the sharpening of the struggle, exposed itself as a strikebreaking instrument no less than the of- ficial A. F. of L. (Danville, Kensington, and the reunion of the Fishwick-Lewis forces in the U. M. W. A.) This does not mean, of course, that new forms of demagogy will not be developed (mew attempts of Howatt to form a new union through a fake conference in the name of the rank and file; Ryan, in the shoe industry in Haverhill, to organize the open shop movement in the name of a rank and file shop committee movement, etc.) The role of the government already clear in a number of strikes, particu- larly in Flint, was sharply brought forward in Lawrence where, in addition to the local govern- ment forces, the Federal government, through the Labor and Immigration Department, played the leading role as a strikebreaker in arresting and intimidating the strikers and the strike leadership. Again the rapidity with which events Mature was indicated in the whole force of the employers, the reformists, and the state being brought down upon the strike from the very beginning, where in past periods this would tran- spire over many weeks and months. The Board calls attention to the necessity of struggle against the boss-government terror which is now openly used in every strike. The TUUL must rouse the whole working class to struggle for the right to organize, picket, etc. Unemployed in Solidarity With Strikers. (5) A very important lesson of the recent strikes, was the solidarity of the unemployed workers with the strikers. In all these strikes, there was hardly a case of scabbing on the part of the unemployed workers. This was unques- tionably due, to a large extent, to the organ- ization of the unemployed, and the struggle for relief and unemployment insurance carried on by the TUUL, and, to a lesser extent, by the respective unions of the TUUL. At the same time, the unity of the struggle of the employed and the unemployed remains one of the main tasks in the struggle against unemployment, par- ticularly in view of the increasing activity of the reformists and the growing use of demagogy and left phrases by the fascists and social- fascists. The Board considers it necessary to expose the six-hour day and other shorter work-day wage cut propesals of the A. F. of L., the Musteites, as proposals aiming to pull capitalism out of the Jurch, by ~instituting the stagger plan. The shorter work-day is at the expense of the work- ers. ‘The TUUL must continue to bring forward sharply the correct demand for the shorter work-day, the 7-hour day, without wage reduc- tion. An estimate of our unemployed activities and tasks was embodied in a separate resolu- tion adopted by the N. E. B, TUUL Influence Grows. (6) The TUUL and its affiliated unions have, in the recent period, played a more active role in the organization and leadership of the strike struggles, and as a result, have increased their influence. This was especially true in the case of the textile, mining and needle trades unions. The influence and leadership of the TUUL was not confined to the workers directly under its leadership and among the unorganized, but af- fected also workers still organized in the old unions (New Orleans longshoremen, [i met by increas most Rees fie v textile strike, etc.) The TUUL unions were able to show increased activity in the development and leadership of the strike struggles only to the extent that they have overcome the mis- takes and weaknesses indicated by the Fifth | Congress of the RILU, and which were thorough- Kensington | a ly discus: at the November session of the Na- tional Committee. But these weaknesses, which when partly overcome, resulted in the growing activity of the TUUL unions, the overcoming in the decline in membership in practically all the unions, and the gain in membership in a num- ber of unions (textile, mining); still remain the major weaknesses that must be overcome in order that the TUUL may organize the discon- | tent of the workers and develop strike struggles under its ieadership. These weaknesses were manifest in’ the preparation and leadership of all strikes in the recent period Weaknesses Sharply Brought Out. (1) The strikes of the textile workers in Lawrence, the strike of the miners around the Pittsburgh section, the strike of the dressmak- ers in New York, sharply brought out these veaknesses in our policy and organization. The ng approach and formulation of partial de- mands has not been overcome (dressmakers). The absence of sustained shop activity and bas- ing our organization in the shops, the develop- ment of the united front committees in the shops (grievance committees, shop committees) was clearly seen in these strikes. This was also seen in the work of the other unions and leagues, principally in the work of the Metal Workers’ Industrial League (Youngstown). The lack of democracy in the TUUL unions and leagues prevails everywhere, but was particularly disas- trous in the strike struggles (needle). All of the TUUL organizations have not as yet learned how to draw the most active rank and file workers into leadership, but instead constantly clamor for new forces from the outside instead of look- ing for these forces from among the masses. Another important shortcoming in the work of the unions is the lack of concentration in the most strategic sections of the industry, both from the point of view of territory (metal) and the sections of the industry (food) as well as the strata of the workers in the industry (needle). In the organization of the strike committees, the unions, while in theory adopting the correct Policy of the broad rank and file strike com- mittee, in practice have not developed these strike committees into the real leading body of the strike (needle) and in other cases, the failure to build broad strike committees was too easily dismissed on the ground of difficulties (Law- rence). Similarly, excuses were given for failure to draw women workers into active leadership on the strike committee (Lawrence). Another im- portant and serious error prior, during and after the strike was the lack of recruiting into the union (miners). Finally, the united front policy during the re- cent strikes, was carried out in the most sec- tarian manner by making it a condition that the workers join the TUUL unions in order to join the strike, instead of calling for the elec- tion of rank and file strike: ccmmittees of the | Workers in all unions, for the struggle for the economic demands (needle) and the failure to give more than formal recognition to the rank and file workers who came on strike. Also in the struggle for independent leadership in prac- tice, an insufficient struggle was carried on against the Musteites (Lawrence) and the ac- tivities of such boss organizations as the Amer- ican Legion (Lawrence). Concentration Points. The NEB decided that the TUUL shall con- centrate its major activities in the next period, on the development of the struggles among the mining, textile, metal and marine workers. This does not. mean that we must neglect the de- velopment of the struggles in the other indus- tries, where great possibilities exist (Rochester- needle, Haverhill-shoes, etc). Also that special attention be given to the development of the work in the most important industrial districts (Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago). Nor must this be interpreted to mean that the great- est attention must not be directed towards the development of our work in the South, where beginnings are now made (Danville, Elizabeth- town, Greenville, Birmingham, Chattanooga) and in the West, principally in the building of the oil, agricultural and lumber workers’ unions, The Development of Shop Organization. (8) The greatest attention must be given to the development of shop organization. The building of grievance committees as united front bodies, in the shop, furnish the key to the de- velopment of live shop organizations and strug- gle for the interests of the workers. Simul- taneously with the development of these grie- vance committees must go the recruiting into the unions and the building of shop branches of the union. In the process of the develop- ment of the struggle for the grievances of the workers, we must set up broad strike commit- tees, elected by all the workers to the extent that the conditions will permit. Finally the building of shop and mill committees on the ~united front basis must be organized when the conditions become ripe. Such committees, dele- gated bodies, selected by the workers in the mill to the extent that the conditions permit, are united front bodies, though working in co-op- eration with the unions of the T. U. U. L. to | the extent that we will be able to influence them without our leadership, must not be con- fused with the regular executive organs of the union in the shop. We must guard against the tendency that would liquidate the union by building only the united front shop commit- tees, and not simultaneously build up the union organization in the shops, and at the same time guard against the tendency that would liquidate the united front of the workers by limiting the shop committees to only those who are ready and willing to join our unions. T. U. U. L. Center Must Be Strengthened. ,’ In order to be able to give leadership to the potential struggles, the T. U. U. L. center must be strengthened. The Board recog- nizes that slight progress has been made in this direction since the meeting of the National Committee. The T. U. U. L. center has in the recent period given greater attention to the work of the unions. This was particularly truc in the direct leadership given to the various unions, by personal attention and meeting with the union executives, taking up the problems of the unions constantly, etc. But, at the same tii the departments of the T. U. U. L. are not established, except for the women’s and youth departments, which still have hardly much’ more than a formal existence. Failed to Build Negro Depzr!mer’ Particularly sharp criticism must be aye for the failure to build the Negro department By BURCK A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney In the last installment, Tom Mooney, writ- ing his description of the treacheries of the A.F\L. leaders, took some time to give credit to Robert Minor, and others who helped in the fight to free Mooney and Billings. Now he goes back to the traitors. INSTALLMENT 20 HYPOCRITES AND DOUBLE-CROSSERS 'HE California labor leaders have at times served on Committees that called upon the | Governor of California to urge the pardon of Mooney. They have also spoken at several public meetings in behalf of the prisoners, yet, without doubt these same men can truthfully be called the enemies of Mooney and Billings. Why? Be- cause their actions have been forced upon them | by pressure of public opinion, the press, and the | | | | | | rank and file of the unions. Whenever a labor leader such as Frank McDonald, President of the California Building Trades Council, would speak on behalf of Mooney and Billings he would later be found delivering a powerful ova- tion on the virtues of Governor Young, their jailer. Committee that called upon Governor Young to urge Mooney’s pardon, did he tell the Gov- ernor he would resign as a member of his Cab- inet if he did not act? Why, no! Immediately the hearing was over he assured the Governor he could be depended upon to help him carry out his policies, and one of the Governor's pol- icies was to keep Tom Mooney in prison, as Scharrenberg well knew. Certainly the Goy- ernor paid more attention to Scharrenberg’s ac- tion—approval of his policy by remaining in his cabinet—than to his words appealing for Moo- | ney’s “release.” The Executive Council of the California State Federation of Labor passed a meaningless resolu- tion on the case of Mooney and Billings, but that did not deter all major labor leaders of California from strongly endorsing Governor Young for his re-election on the same day. Goy- ernor Young understood the Mooney-Billings resolution was an empty gesture—he became | positive this was so when he was endorsed over the protests of Tom Mooney and all the REAL friends of Labor. LABOR LEADERS DISRUPT DEFENSE COMMITTEE ‘The poisonous influence of Paul Scharrenberg, Michael Casey, John O'Connell and the other labor leaders reached right into the Tom Mooney Moulders Defense Committee and disrupted it, demoralized its/personnel and paralyzed its’ ac- tivities. _ When Tom Mooney was arrested in 1916, the Officials of his own local joined the other labor leaders in a campaign to prejudice the labor movement against him. In order to protect him- self, and to offset the poisonous information sent to all the locals of the International Mold- ers Union by the agents of the frame-up crew, Tom Mooney asked a number of militant mem- | bers of Local 164—his locaJ—to help him. They met him in the San Francisco County Jail and agreed to band themselves together as the Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee. He was empowered to select a Secretary and to appoint this Secretary as his representative on the com- mittee. The committee gave Tom Mooney full | control and and direction over its policies,.and its individual members promised to help in every way when not working at their trade. Tom Mooney reorganized the Tom Mooney When Paul Scharrenberg served on the | Molders Defense Committee, September, 1928, and authorized Mary Gallagher, who had some | experience in defense work, to act as his rep- | resentative and appoint her Secretary of the | committee. He secured a loan of $100 from his mother, with this sum Mary Gallagher obtained a suitable headquarters, opened an account with the Hibernia Bank and began the génerfl work of the defense in the name of*the Tom Mooney Molders Defe: Committee. It was distinctly understood that Tom Mooney would have com- plete charge of the committee; that his policies regarding the defense would be followed; and that Mary Gallagher would implicitly follow his instructions. She agreed to all these conditions. Tom Mooney’s faith in Mary Gallagher was complete, and for 18 months he was fully jus- tified in his great faith. From September, 1928, to March, 1930, her devotion, untiring energy, her courage when. faced with tremendous ob- stacles, her tenacity and complete faith in the innocence of Mooney and Billings enabled her to carry out the exacting duties necessitated by Tom Mooney’s instructions. Solely on account of the effective work of the Committee, the California Supreme Court was compelled to re- view Warren Billings’ application for a pardon, and Governor Young, after almost four years of procrastination, had to make a decision re- garding Tom Mooney. In March, 1930, after 18 months of harmoni- ous agreement, Marry Gallagher’s devoted ser- vices to Tom Mooney were suddenly subverted, | and, instead of continuing the effective work of the committee, she sought completely to change | the policy of defense in defiance of the direct orders of Tom Mooney. What was the cause of her complete subversion? After much investigation, Tom Mooney learned that the labor leaders of San Francisco had, by insidious machinations, so. influenced Mary Gallagher that she head decided to follow their leadership and abandon Tom Mooney’s. About one year after Mary Gallagher became Secretary of the recognized Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee, the effectiveness of her work became so noticeable that John O'Connell, after a meet- ing of the San Francisco Labor Council, where the Mooney case had been discussed, shouted to George Kidwell: “Who is this Mary Gallagher?” Kidwell told O'Connell he had known Mary Gallagher for twenty years and gave him the inforination he wanted. O'Connell is not only Secretary of the Labor Council, he is also a “big shot” in the Teamsters Union. Tom Mooney’s implacable foe, Michael Casey, secured the data concerning Mary Gallagher from O'Connell, and together they schemed to gain her confidence and, in time, subvert the Defense Committee, After Casey had decided upon his course of action, he saw George Kidwell and instructed him to “cultivate” Mary Gallagher. He was told to win her confidence, and try to obtain ascendancy over her so that the policies of the ‘Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee might be subverted. Kidwell is a subordinate under Casey. His position largely depends upon the good will of the arch-enemy of Mooney, for Casey as International Vice-President of the Brotherhood of Teamsters has complete control over all the Locals of the Teamsters Union on the Pacific Coast, and could easily remove a minor official such as Kidwell from his position as Business Agent of one of the Teamsters Lo- cal Unions if he did not comply with his in- structions, TO BE CONTINUER “Tl Lavoratore” By May 1! By DOMENICK FLAIANI. EVER before was the Communist Press so nec- essary as the organizer of the working class as it is at present, when the whole force of the ruling class and of social-fascism is combined for the crushing of the militant resistance of | the struggle of the rising working masses. The | absence of Il Lavoratore, a Communist organ in the Italian language, in the struggle of the work- ers has been clearly noted in the latest strike struggles in Lawrence, Mass., and particularly in | the strike of the dressmakers. | In the textile industry, as well as in-the Nee- dle trades the Italian workers play an important role. Due to the suspension of Il Lavoratore for | | lack of funds the Italian workers in the dress- | makers’ strike and in the textile strike had no newspaper which would have guided them in the correct path and exposed the poisonous propa- | ganda spread by the fascist and _ semi-fascist organs which are daily serving the interests of | American imperialism. Must Have Il Lavoratore. Few facts of recent strikes will bring to the attention of the entire Party and the working class the need of Il Lavoratore; The N. Y. Ital- ian newspapers such as “Il Progresso,” “Il Cor- viere,” etc., in their fascist fashion allied itself ; with the reactionary, corrupt Schlesinger ma- | chine of the “International,” and published their statement calling upon the dressmakers to “refuse to strike.” Beside the fascist news- papers we find the organ of the social fascists— TM Nuovo Mondo. This organ represents the in- terests of the bosses and of the corrupted fascist leadership of the Amalgamated, “International” and similar categories. Strikebreaking Sheet. Il Nuovo Mondo, a strikebreaking sheet of social-fascism, before the strike of the dress- makers repeatedly appealed to the dressmakers to “refuse to strike.” When the strike was de- clared, Il Nuovo Mondo saw fit to ignore the fact that thousands of dressmakers struck for better conditions. On the fourth day of the strike this fascist outfit with the aim of breaking the militancy of the striking dressmakers published an article heading it, “The complete defeat of the strike of the Communists.” Thesé blunt facts cannot i be ignored. Social-fascism serves as a break in the struggle of the workers. The leading Party committees must take these faots into consider- ation. We must win the Italian, working class of this country for the class struggle. The lead- | ing committees must work out ways and means whereby the entire Party will be made to under- stand the importance of the organization of the Italian workers under the influence of our Party. ‘We Need the Paper NOW! Now, when the U. S. government is launching an attack upon the foreign born workers, with mass arrests and mass deportation, when the foreign born workers are being thrown out on the streets, jobless at the mercy of cold and hunger, especially now, when the government is trying to crush the American evolutionary movement and its leader, the Communist Party, we must realize the importance of maintaining the publication of the Communist Press which is as Lenin said, “the collective propagandist, agitator and organizer of the working class.” Funds—Problem. ‘ Tl Lavoratore was forced to suspend its publi- cations due to lack of funds. The entire work- ing class must be mobilized behind the drive for the support of Il Lavoratore. It is through Il Lavoratore that we will be able to reach the Italian workers and mobilize them in the strug- gle against unemployment, for immediate relief and unemployment insurance. It is through Tl Lavoratore that: we will be able to mobilize work- ers in the factories and shops against wage cuts; that-we will be able to smash the fascist and af the T. U. U. L. .This failure handicapped the T. U. U. L. in the development of the struggles of the unions in general, and particularly in the light of the increasing role of the Negro masses, in the industries and in the struggles (New Orleans strike). This shortcoming, re- flecting itself in the work of every union (metal, mining, etc.) was particularly eviden. in the recent dress strike. This failure is particularly dangerous at this time when the bosses, with the aid of the Negro misleaders, are taking steps to block the growing unity of the Negro | and white workers by creating a greater division by the application of the most demagogic meth- ods (Negro workers to take the jobs of the “sreign born, etc.) The Board instructs the “oraau to take immediate steps for the building » of the Negro Department in the ccnter and the varicw; roions, and to undertake the Sisugele acaiist the new attempts of the bosses. net merely through increased agitation, but primarily through the actual organization for the interests of the Negro masses, who are facing the discrimination in the relief given. by the various government and charitable agencies (Red Cross), and the struggle for the equal op- portunity for Negro workers to all jobs. To make special efforts to draw the Negro workers into the Unemployed Councils, and into the T.U. U. L. unions. To organize the struggle for the Negro rights and against all forms of persecu- tion. The Board also considers it important to strengthen the international and Latin-Ameri- can departments. In general, the T. U. U. L. and the unions have given little attention to questions other than of a so-called “pure trade union” character. Particularly was this true in the failure to develop the campaign for: the defense of the Soviet Union, Must Catch Up With Situation. (10) The Board meeting recognizes that thi T. U. U. L, in the recent period, has shown some progress in the development of strike struggles and in strengthening its organization. At the same time these are but the barest be- ginnings, and show the T. U. U. L. is still lag- ging far behind the development of the favor- able objective conditions, thus the widening of the gap between the radicalization of the masses and our ability to lead these masser in struggl>, This requires the greatest attention to the overcoming of ‘he serious wrong prac- tices, mistakes anf policies; and the applying of the correct policies and methods as laid down by the Fifth R. I. L. U. Congress. The crisis is worse. The masses’ readiness to strike growing *b-emaingt, sharpening, the condition of the workers is” these -eonditionsle~multivlying :daily. Reef | By JORGE cence See the Bed Bug! Not exactly the one preparing with Napo- leonie strategy, to drop on you from the ceil- ing of:your furnished room (that’s an experi- ence we have had many times), but “The Bed- bug,” the play by the Soviet writer, Mayakovskt. We reviewed this play in our columns re- | cently, and now the N. Y. District Daily Worker | agent is fixing it so that you who live in New York may see it at reduced rates this Sunday afternoon at 2:45, at the Provincetown Theatre, | 123 McDougal St. The price was out of sight for workers, but on this Daily Worker benefit performanee the Bedbug will perform for either ) $1 or for 75 cents. Please don't tell Fish, or he'll be howling about bedbugs being “dumped” at ruinous prices, competing with American-born bedbugs who | bite you with red, white and blue nippers. While we're on cultural subjects, we call your attention to the John Reed Club and Prolet- nen exhibition of peintines, sculnture and draw- ) ‘ngs, opening this Saturday night, to hold forth ill April 19. The John Reed Club: Night is “mday. The announcement sent us bashfully frains from mentioning whether there is an admission price or not. Some workers mistakenly think that we're go- ing to have a revolution without any artists, ac- tors, writers and so on; in fact. they bristle up at the idea of the Party “fooling with” them. We assurc these comrades that they never got such an idea from Lenin. ‘We must apologize for having slipped up, on account of piled up work and jumping out of | town a bit, and omitted saying that Detroit ar- tists, journalists, actors and so on, of Left in- clinations, were invited to meet to form a John Reed Club of Detroit on March 30. We're sorry, and, if it will help any, we advise all interested to look up Bob Crvden, at 1799 Fason Ave., who sent us in the notice and who probably thinks ill of us. We hope things went through O. K. anyhow. College “Humor” “In the April issue of ‘College Humor’ there is an article by Frank Condon on ‘The Curse of God, in which he cries about ‘the many happy homes food breaks up,’ and asks why we have no laws to protect ‘the unhappy victim of an inordinate appetite for food.’ He ex- presses much sympathy for those people ‘who are plainly going to pieces from food, and whose future is full of pills, operations, X-rays and a slow, lingering death, surrounded by sympa- thetic but helpless surgeons and nurses.’” So writes Comrade M., who naturally flies into anger at the whole thing. And being anery is not only natural but beneficial, if it contributes to the revolutionary will of the starving masses to struggle. ‘The cynical upstarts of bourgeois colleges can- not be expected to expose the misery of the masses upon which their lives of luxury and | degenerate idleness are built. But the fac* of it stares them in the face. So they get smart- Alecky about it, and—barred by everything in their nature from saying anything that would expose the vast inequality of classes, they think | it very clever to joke about the overeating of the rich. Actually, of course, it is avoiding the starva- tion of the workers. It contributes its bit to the bourgeois bunk that the rich live on rich foods and in fine houses out of a philanthropic desire to “give the workers jobs supplying these things.” Forced Labor on American Pulpwood! Now that you've heard all about the sup- posedly terrible Bolsheviks and the allegedly awful ‘forced labor” in the pulpwood produc- tion of the Soviet Union, kindly read this news about American pulpwood, remembering that Soviet pulpwood brings a higher—and not a lower—price in America, than American pulp- wood, because it is superior in quality useful for high class paper. “Danbury, Wisconsin, March 23. “Daily Worker:—It is very hard to get a hold on money around here, most of the farmers are very ‘poor and need help. There is pulpwood camps here that pay so little as four certs a stick for cutting and peeling. Lucky to earn enough to pay their $1 a day board, “Families that need help, the town sends the man to the camp to work for their board, and promises the man that they will take care of the family, and if he will not do that they do | not get help, and says, ‘You do not want to work.’—Fraternally yours, O, B. Hayden.” Paste this in your hat, workers, and read it to those who are not yet aware of the fact that Congressman Fish, who talks about Soviet com. petition with American “free” labor is an in-' fernal liar! Soviet pulpwood does not compete. American labor is not free! And semi-fascist propaganda circulated in the ranks of the working class by Il Nuoyo Mondo. Party forces must be mobilized and thus en~ able us to again and by May Ist publish Tf Lavoratore which as Lenin said of the press, “Will become part of an enormous pair of Smith's bellows that would blow every spark of class struggle and popular indignation into general conflagration.” P ‘We must quickly catch up with the situatics The Board also decided that the next Na- tional Convention shall be held in Chicago, in the firs’ week of September. The period be- tween now and the convention can be made the period of the greatest struggle in the history of the T.U.U.L,, So that the convention will register the turning point in the life of the T. U. U. L., from a weak organization still disconnected with the mass of the workers, to a real national trade union center leading the struggles of the masses against the bosses’ offensive. Lawrence has shown the way. In Lawrence, we have registered the beginning in the application of the line and methods of the R. I. %, U. Let us by the next convention make a turn in the A whole life and work of the T. UW. U. Le a