The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 31, 1931, Page 4

SSPE AEE eee ee Published by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc., dally except Sunday, at 50 Hast 13th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Page Four Dail orker Porty USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES! By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughé >t Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $3+ six months, $4.5@, “LILY WHITE AND PURE” By S. VAN VEEN HE wholesale kidnapping of tens of thousands of the Negro people from the shores of Africa began in the fifteenth centw This kidnap- ping wa d with the most bestial ter- ‘oes were bodily away from Africs ages, many of which on » high plane of culture and civilization. It is not generally known that this people had for centuries been engaged in the peaceful oc- cupation of farming, weaving, etc., and had de- veloped arts and crafts to the highest degree. In Ethiopia and Egypt, Negroes and Negroid peoples reared the earliest civilizations recorded by history. This knowledge has been hidden by the white ruling class in order to keep up the lie of “racial inferiority.” Beaten and driven, herded like cattle into “slave ships,” thousands of men and women and children died on the way and were thrown to s. Those that remained were sold into from which the murderous slave traders plantation owners grew immensely wealthy. he “fine old south” was based on this slave trade. The lily white ladies and gentlemen of the old south were slave drivers and served hand and foot by the Negroes. The famed “southern hospitality” was “hospitable” on the sweat and lood of slaves and the government sought to justify its crimes against the Negroes by the lie te superiority of “w Two hundred years later, in 1865, the civil war put an end to chattel slavery as an institu- tion, but for all purposes the Negro people have remained in a condition of slavery up to the present time. All the brutal traditions of the old slave traders, slave drivers and p¥antation owners continue to exist. These have been used to continue the subjection and partial enslavement of the millions of Negro share-croppers and ten- ant farmers of the south and also to keep the white and Negro workers all over the country separated. The Negro masses of the south are living in a condition of serfdom practically tied to the soif and forced to labor. They are prevented from leaving the farms just as in the old slave days. They are forced by the threat of whip- ping and lynching as in the slave days, to ac- cept any condition that the white landlords and overseers want to impose on them. Before the civil war the government of the United States stood behind chattel slavery. Since the civil] war the government has stood behind the continued serfdom of the Negro nation in this country and behind all the name- less terror, persecution and lynching of the Ne- gro workers and farmers. The poison propa- ganda of the slave drivers has been, and is, the policy of the U. S. imperialist government against an oppressed, super-exploited national- ity. It is a part of the schools, churches, press and movies. It preaches and teaches and keeps alive race hatred and the separation of the white and’ Negro masses. Tuis is white chauvinism. And white chauvin- ism means anything from the belief that a white person is better than a Negro, through every siep, to Ivachir, At this particulor time, wh2n millions of white and Negro workers are unemployed, starving and herded into breadlines, soup kitchens and flop houses, the rulers of the country have in- creased the terror against the Negroes, north and south. They are afraid that the starvation of the masses will lead them to unite and this is what they want to prevent. This is why the Tynching mobs have been so busy in the south in the past 14 months. This is the reason for the framing of the Atlanta cases and the flog- ging of Coder and Hurst, white workers fight- ing for the rights of the Negroes. Before the civil war the slave owners feared and hated the enslaved Negro masses. They had terrible dreams about revolutionists like Nat Turner and the uprising of the enslaved nation. ‘Today the ruling class of the United States and the Wall St. government fear not only the Negro masses but the starving white workers as well. They fear and hate the ten millions of unemployed. They fear and hate the Communist Party, which is leading and uniting the workers, Negro and white, American and foreign born, in the struggle for the demands of the entire working class. The white workers of this country have been taught to believe that they are “superior.” The Negro workers have been taught by rope and faggot and nameless atrocities to hate the whites. White chauvinism is the belief on the part of a white person that he is better than the Negro. It is the task of the revolutionary workers to break down this chauvinism which is a weapon of the boss class against the entire working class. The natural suspicion and distrust on the part of the Negroes against the white workers must be broken down in order to unite the masses. This can only be done by a determined fight against white chauvinism wherever it raises its head; inside the Party or in other working- class organizations. White chauvinism must be fought in words and deeds. We must organize defense corps in the south to protect the Ne- groes from the lynch mobs and we must defend the Negroes in the north against all persecution and intimidation. White ruling class prejudice and hatred against the Negro people was born in the fes- tered brain of the slave owners of the old south. It came from the slave traders and slave mas- ters. It was used against the enslaved race. And it is used today by the white ruling class for precisely the same purpose. It was used to terrorize the slaves then and it is used to terrorize the Negroes today. It was used to separate the white and Negro masses then and has been used for the same purpose up to the present time. White chauvinism is just one weapon of the bosses against the workers. They have the courts, police, jails and clubs and they have white chauvinism. The persecution of the foreign-born workers at the present time is a part of the schemes of the bosses to keep the workers divided by any and all means. And in the same manner that they spread the lie of “inferiority” so they de- port the militant foreign-born workers under the screen of “criminal alien.” It is the duty of the Communist Party to unite the entire working class. We must break down all these prejudices planted by the bosses against the Negro masses and against the for- eign born as well. We must smash every trace of white chauvinism. We must fight for the rights of the Negro and the foreign-born work- ers in the United States. We call upon the entire working class to close its ranks and to fight against every form of terror of the bosses against the masses. The Communist Party fights for social equality of the oppressed Negro masses and lends all its forces in the battle for Negro rights. We are in the fight to smash white chauvinism in this country and we will stand behind the Negro Nation in its struggle for self-determination in the south. Our slogans are: Death to the lynchers, for the rights of the Negro and foreign-born masses and for a united working class. Russky Golos and Fairy Land ARTICLE 3. F WE take up the prospectus on Arizona land offered (at $250 per acre) by the Rodina Realty Company, advertiser in the Russky Golos, which recently threatened the Daily Worker with legal action, we find things more marvelous in Arizona than the famous petrified forest. Here, in an illustrated folder, is a magic “wish- ing carpet” transporting the reader to a won- derland where people “do not know the struggle of labor with capital.” Think of it! How the Rodina Realty Company, plays vilely upon the fear and insecurity of the wage workers, to get them to buy land at $250 an acre in dis- tant Arizona, may be seen in all its rottenness. The prospectus says: “When you go to the shop, isn’t your soul torn by dark thoughts? ‘Now the factory will close and the boss will say that I'm already old!’— What are you going to do then? You have seen what happens with the worker at the time of crisis. Then misery and hunger reign in the cit- ies. Before it is too late, immediately emmi- grate to Arizona!” These are the friends of Russky Golos, for which it speaks when it threatens to use capital- ist courts against the Daily Worker, defender of the workers in America, foreign-born and native alike! The prospectus waxes eloquent about Arizona, the promised land of the Rodina Realty Com- pany. Here, in one part, we are told that “one fig tree gives $200 yearly income;” that “one bee hive gives 350 pounds of honey.” Such trees and bees deserve mention in the tales of Paul Bunyan or John Henry, the wonder-workers of American folk lore. But there is more. The Rodina Realty Company, prospectus prom- inently displays a list of figures showing what great wealth may be extracted from 20 acres of their Arizona land, claiming that the figures are approved by the Phoenix Chamber of Com- merce, the “Society for Testing Cows” and the Poultrymen’s Union. On eight acres, it says, six cows will produce an income of $915.96—which indicates that the Rodina Realty Company, are no pessimists. Likewise six four-month calves are supposed to bring a total of $120, doubtless for veal, but we must remember that they are in Arizona, while the top prices for veal at the Chicago stockyards are $6.50 per hundredweight, and a four-month calf cannot weigh over 300 pounds. The same goes for “four pigs” put down to bring $100 profit, which would mean that each must weigh not less than 250 pounds, and be sold at least for $10 per hundredweight; yet we find res tom pork prices in Chicago are $8.25 per fe hundred—and the Arizona pigs are in Arizona, and there is freight charges to Chicago market to pay—not to speak about (on any of this live- stock) the “little matter” of cost of raising these animals. Evidently they live on Arizona climate exclusively! But if you examine the cotton crop, from ten acres of which Rodina Realty Company tells us $900 income can be won, we must come up for air. For brutal statistics tell us that in 1929, in Arizona, 150,000 bales were raised on 266,000 acres, or at the rate of 56-100th part of a bale per acre. Now at this average rate, the ten acres claimed by the Russky Golos advertizer to produce $900 income, would yield 5.6 bales. Each bale weighs 500 pounds. And even for long staple cotton (the highest grade) the price paid by the dealer to the grower in Arizona could hardly be more than 11 cents per pound—and may be much less. Thus instead of $900 income, the most possible would be $315. So much for debunking the in- come, which Russky Golos’ advertizer says would total $2,186. Then we look at the “expenses,” which are given us by the Rodina Realty Company, as a total of $1,298.60, leaving, so these mathema- tical marvels claim a “Net profit, first year, of $887.40.” But these expenses include only “ir- rigation, taxes, interest on debt, and part pay- ment for land.” Where, might we ask, is the cost of a house? For the Rodina Realty Company is selling bare land with no houses on it. Where is the cost of a barn in which to keep work animals?—And where, indeed, are these animals? Or the plows and other implements which, in spite of Russky Golos ads assertions that Arizona is a “para- dise,” may still be needed to till soil? And upon what food is the Russian farmer and his family to live in this paradise? This also is left out of “expenses” listed by the Russky Golos advertizer. All told, the Russian immigrant workers in America can discount Russky Golos ads in the measure that it is willing to accept money for printing ads for such deceptive schemes which are nothing more or less than a swindle. And these Russian workers will remember that, to defend such swindles, the Russky Golos threat- ened to call in the capitalist courts to attack the Daily Worker. And last, but not least, Russian workers in America will know from now on that the only paper in America in their native language which defends their interests as workers, which really —and not hypocritically—defnds the Soviet fath- erland of all workers, ts the NOVY MIR, organ of the Communist Party of the United States. MORE SWILL! SE NEaGauNe PARTY LIFE Section Leadership and Units By ALICE WARD (Section 2, New York) Section leadership takes an airing at the Convention and flops right back into the same habits as before. Some new and good comrades are drawn into this leadership and are immediately initiated into an impermissible situation that has been existing in the section, namely, that the Section Committee do not find it necessary to assign themselves to any unit. The new elements of the Section Committee who are going to be trained for leadership get | their first lesson by attending their first Section Committee meeting on a Tuesday night (the Unit meeting night), and so if these comrades have been accustomed to attending their unit meetings regularly and giving their units some | leadership, they are immediately given the wrong slant on what their tasks are and where their major work lies, and the role of the unit in the Communist Party, and the units are de- prived of having them at the first meeting where the Section Convention should naturally have been discussed. In my opinion, the regular attendance at unit meetings of which one is a member is of the greatest importance. Just sitting in at a meet- ing as a Section representative is next to use- Jess, as you do not get involved in the real prob- Jems of the unit and so can only superficially assist the unit in its work. It is true that some Jarge sections cannot supply each unit with a regular member of the Section Committee, but that does not mean that it should not utilize those that it has. The Section Committee has many, many meetings that last hours, and out of these meet- ings are born instructions to the units, such as: “Unit No. ——, hold open-air meeting in your neighborhood under auspices of League of Struggle for Negro Rights”; “Unit No. ——, hold open-air meeting in your neighborhood and speak about Tenants’ League.” When these in- structions are handed out, it never occurs to the leadership to question what. the unit members know about the L. S. N.-R. Yes, I know the units are supposed to develop their own initia- tive, but actually what do you find in the units? The capable comrades are all busy with some meeting higher up, and, when they do come, they scarcely enter into the life of the unit, so as not to become involved too much, and everything is left to the few who want to carry out instructions but are hampered by in- experience and by being unable to speak the _ language, etc. But to come back to the Section Committee. After the order is issued to the unit to hold its open-air meeting or whatever else it may be, nothing further is heard. The Section had its comfortable little meeting and sent out its in- structions. Did these units have open-air meet- ings? (Often, they don’t.) How did they or- ganize them? Who spoke? What was gained by the meeting? No one asks. The Section leadership seems to be satisfied that what they don’t know won't hurt them. The Section Com- mittee is composed of nine members and I don’t see any reason why when street meetings are scheduled for the week some member of the Section Committee should not have the curiosity to come and see what it looks like, This time the committee can’t give the reason that it has not enough members to go round, as we have not yet reached the stage where we hold 31 street meetings at one given time. ‘The Section Agitprop Director issues an or- der that a unit should have a neighborhood paper. The Buro of this unit invites him to a Buro meeting in order to help them discuss the possibilities of such a paper, which they recognize as being a necessary and important’ move with organizational possibilities, but he flatly refused to attend this buro meeting on the plea of “some more important meeting.” Always “more important meetings,” where you stew in your own juice and get as far away from the real, practical problems that are con- fronting the units as possible! (Of course, I suspect ‘that he got the same kind of general instruction about neighborhood papers from the district, and doesn’t know either what a neigh- borhood paper should be like.) So, what it comes down to is, if the unit has any initiative they will have a paper, if they have no initia- tive then this suggestion will follow many sim- ilar ones and no one will be any the wiser. Cer- tainly not the workers in that neighborhood. ‘The whole point is: What does the Section BURCK That Baby Raffle—And So On A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney In the last installment Tom Mooney, writing his own story of the treachery of the A. F. L. bureaucracy in the case of himself and Billings, tells how William Green, A. F. L. president, tried to force him into asking for parole instead of pardon, and how the ‘leaders of the A. F. L. organization in California cam- paigned to re-elect Governor Young, who had denied a pardon to Mooney and Billings. Now Mooney continues: yer tee | INSTALLMENT 16. 'HE Convention of the A. F. of L. held in Los Angeles, in 1927, and. the activities of the labor leaders at the convention, unmistakably indicates their real attitude on the Mooney- Billings case. Among the principal speakers was Governor C. C. Young. Naturally, Paul Schar- renberg, who has been his close friend for over twenty years, did his utmost not to have the delegates embarrass him by any undue reference to the Mooney-Billings case. In this “noble” task he was most ably assisted by the foremost “red” baiter of the A. F. of L., Matthew Woll, vice president of the American Federation of Labor and Chairman of the powerful Resolutions Committee. Also a member of this committee was Victor Olander, Secretary of the Illinois State Federation of Labor and Secretary- Treasurer of Scharrenberg’s “own” Seamen’s Union. And so it happens that in 1927, the American Federation of Labor in convention in the City of Los Angeles, California, Mooney and Billings’ home state, failed for the first time to resolutely. demand the unconditional pardon of these two men. Edward Nockels, Secretary of the Chi- cago Federation of Labor, had come from Chi- cago expressly to urge the Convention to take a stand on this question, but the Resolutions Committee, influenced by Olander and Woll, at the solicitation of Paul Scharrenberg, success- fully consigned the Pardon Resolution to the “graveyard!”—the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. This is the text of the committee’s recommendation: “The committee is of the opinion that the general purpose of the resolution can be ac- complished by instructing the President and the Executive Council to use their judgment as to the procedure best calculated to bring about the release of Mooney and Billings and recom- mends that the President and Council be so instructed. The committee also recommends that all affiliated organizations, including Cen- tral Bodies and State Federation of Labor be guided solely by the declaration of the Aier- ican Federation of Labor and the advice given from time to time by the President and the Executive Council whenever called upon to take action regarding the case to which the resolu- tion refers.” ey Thus did the American Federation of Labor “assist” Mooney and Billings at a time when concerted action by all their friends was most. needed to secure pardons for them. The A. F. of L. resolution distinctly ordered all affiliated organizations to be guided solely by the declara- tions of the President and the Executive Council. The 1927 convention did more than this. At the solicitation of Paul Scharrenberg, Matthew ea me Cae ice oe, vals eopaIn “That before moneys are appropriated to other than union organizations listed in the official directory of the A. F. of L., that in- formation with regard to the organization mak- ing the request and the purpose for which the money is to be used be sought and obtained from the President of the A. F. of L. . . . The committee recommends that the resolution be adopted and that the President be instructed to send copies thereof to all affiliated National and International Unions, State Federations, City Central Bodies, Federal Labor Unions and to the Labor Press.” Paul ; through the willing assis- tance of the A. F. of L. officials, secured these two resolutions and so thoroughly revealed him- self as the “helpful friend” of) Mooney and Billings. Let the workers know him by his own actions. He stifled the angry protests of the rank and file of the American Federation of Labor, and not content with that he went further and made it practically impossible for any body directly chartered by the A. F. of L, — leadership think they are leading, if they have | Ro time to give leadership tg the, units? | such as: Local Federated Labor Unions, Central | Labor Unions, State Federatiens of Labor, to Billings. Scharrenberg and the A. F. of L. leaders cun- ningly, but effectively, accomplished their task. The rank and file was gagged, Governor Young by the A. F. of L. to secure Ed. Nockels, the Joyal friend of Mooney, wrote 1928, in-part as follows: their pardon. Olander, I believe, was (in drafting the resolu- he denies greatly influenced tions) by Scharrenberg, although this. “I understand your position in reference to parole. I think you are right about it and so I argue with anyone who thinks differently. . . We all know that the recommendations of the committee (A. F. of L. Convention, Reso- * lutions Committee, 1927) that no one must in- tercede in the Mooney case was done at the instigation of! Scharrenberg and Olander. I have denounced Olander in no unmistakable terms about the report of the committee. “Of course, Tom, I know of no official in the labor movement in California, or on the Coast for that matter, who is sincere in your behalf, and that, after all, is the biggest drawback and this made me realize, and in fact I was told so by Scharrenberg directly, that the ‘labor movement could well take care of itself with- out interference from the outside. “I must close this letter because of my in- dignation in reference to your case. Command me at any time and Iam at your service.” Fremont Older wrote Tom Mooney after the Los Angeles Convention, and said: “I was terribly disappointed at what hap- pened in the A. F. of L. Convention in Los Angeles. Of course, you know who is respon- sible for it without me mentioning any names. Isn’t it a strange situation, Captain Matheson trying to ges you out, and the A. F. of L. try- ing to block it? I would not have believed that the case would ever have got into such a situation as it is. However, don’t be despondent, you may always rely upon my help until the end.” Fremont Older refers directly, although not by name, to Paul Scharrenberg. Older calls it a “strange situation.”’ It is more than strange. The situation is extraordinary. Captain Matheson is a police officer, hard boiled, unrelenting to- ward all law breakers, hired under oath to per- form a certain duty. That duty is to arrest the guilty and protect the innocent. Captain Math- eson is now certain Mooney is innocent, so he wants him pardoned. Fremont Older calls at- tention to this extraordinary fact. A bona fide policeman working for the pardon of Tom Mooney and an impromptu “policeman,” Paul Scharrenberg, working overtime to keep him in prison. Such irregularities are uncommon, but so are the California labor leaders—both un- common and “irregular.” H, L. Mencken, editor of the “American Mer- cury,” in a letter to Tom Mooney, dated October 25, 1928, wrote in part as follows: “Thanks very much for the note and for the enclosure. The attitude of Governor Young is simply beyond my comprehension. How any man can have any doubt about your innocence after reading the various letters of the trial judge is more than I can understand. . . . The attitude of the California Labor Leaders doesn't surprise. I distrust the whole outfit. They are scabs at heart.” “They are scabs at heart!” This conviction forces itself upon everyone who has any knowl- edge of these “labor leaders.” They are more than scabs at heart; they are scabs in action. To ascertain just what the iniquitous 1927 resolution meant, Tom Mooney put it to a prac- tical test shortly after the convention. He asked J, H. La Force, Secretary of Local Union No. 45, International Union of Operating Engineers, an affiliated body, to write President Green for information regarding action on the Mooney- Billings case, in conformity with the provisions of the resolution. Mr, La Force complied with Tom Mooney’s request, and wrote President Green April 3, 1929. From Washington, D, C., President Green answered as follows on April 9, 1929: “Your letter of April 3rd is received. You refer to the Mooney case and ask my advice By JORGE A reader who, correctly enough, laments “rash statements” in our paper, feels hurt that we printed what wasn’t true. It appears that when that “Baby Raffle” was finally pulled off at the Audubon Theatre in Washington Heights, New York City, it was a live white baby pig! Yes, dear comrade, we learned that, too, Be- fore you had informed us. But also we learned indirectly from,the woman who was making some clothes for the genuine human baby with which the theatre was beginning the raffle, that because a lot of excitement was caused by the announcement, and the Society for the Preven- tion of the Exposure of Capitalist Barbarism— or some organization like that—had intervened, they switched off the human baby for the baby pig. And also we learned that in Brooklyn the same stunt, with a live human baby, had been carried out. If you want an affidavit for tt you won't get it from us. But so we are in- formed, just as in the case of the Audubon Theatre, Incidentally, comrade, do you think that capi- talists, who murder and rob our class every day of their lives, are above raffling off a human baby? Why trouble your soul then, at a diver- gence ftom the exact fact that in this particular instance they wanted to but didn’t dare, that they started to, but had to stop? It is all right to let us know we were incor- rect, but it is not all right to get morally in~ dignant about it. The same thing might be said to another comrade who took us to task because Hurst and Coder were NOT killed, but were only pretty near killed, and the Daily said at first that they were. Which is not a correct charge in the first place. Because: At first they were kidnapped, and the Daily said so—nothing more. As days went by, re- ports—published in Texas—said that they were believed to be dead. And that’s all we said We published the story of the capitalist re- porter who said that the klansmen had beaten them into unconsciousness and thrown them into the river. Now, comrade, if you were beaten unconscious and thrown into the river, what would you ex- subscribe funds for the defense of Mooney and | was saved from embarrassment, and Big Busi- | pect the Daily Worker to do? Put a little piece on page three saying that we didn’t know | whether it was an exact statement of fact or not, but if things keep on going like this we will have our suspicions that the Ku Kluxers are not being fair? 1 And only around the sixth day, and after th Daily had received a direct wire from Texas that said Hurst and Coder had been killed, did the Daily say so flatly. It certainly was a marvél | that they were not! The Kluzers did the best they could, and it was no fault of theirs that murder was not done. And we would forfeit every right to lead the American working class if wé did not rouse the workers everywhere to a perfectly healthy class anger and protest .. . all Pecksniffian protest to the contrary, notwithstanding. The function of Communists is not merely to be statisticians, to observe and record history, | but to CHANGE IT. And if our comrade who is so passionately devoted to exact detail doesn’t | think that the Texas Kluxers are murderers, | let him go down there and carry out the work of Comrade Hurst. If he is beaten half to | death, perhaps he wouldn’t object if we, in rous- | ing the workers against. it, made the “terrible | | | | | mistake” of saying that the Kluxers used whips, | when the “fact” was that they used wet ropes. The Daily strives for accuracy, because it is more damning than vagueness and inaccuracy. The important thing is the basic issues involved, in this case of the lynch terror. It we can get the exact detail, so much the better. But we refuse to be mere bookkeepers. oie Ve Alexander. But Not Great! Oh, Skinny! Lookit! We've got a Grand Duke! Right here in New York ton. in spite of the “righteous immigration res’ © * with which Mr. Doak is going to “solv: ployment. Grand Duke Alexander, late (very) from Rus- sia—not the Soviet Union, writes two whole col- umns in the N. Y. Times of March 27, and he opens up thusly: “When I think of Russia, my country and my home—when I return spiritually and men- tally to my beloved people, I forget the past, ¥ forget that I am a grand duke, and...” But we simply can’t go on! We are afraid our printers would be so touched that they would break into tears and the Daily wouldn't come out. So we'll only give you a touch of his guff as told in the headline: “Alexander Predicts Success of Five-Year Plan, but Failure of Communism Because of Lack of Spirituality.” Now, then. You know it all, the dreadfat truth: Communism will fail because it will sue- ceed. That’s clear, isn’t it? Alexander, we advise you to retire, “spiritually and mentally” from “your” country and “your” people, and remember again that you are a@ / grand duke, one of the most useless and even! pernicious things on earth! { as to whether your local union should peti- \ tion the Governor of California for a pardon ( for Mooney. Before taking any action I” would suggest that you confer with Mr, Scharrenberg.” 1 Green, presumably, had discussed the Mooney= Billings matter with Scharrenberg. Both a them had come to an understanding; the two prisoners must remain in the penitentiary, The method Green adopted when he answered this letter is devilishly clever. “See Paul Scharren- berg in-person.” Don’t write, he'd be compelled to reply—be placed on record in black and white, See him in person! Why all this secret diplo= macy? Paul Scharrenberg’s reply to Mr. la Force, who visited him in conformity to Green's letter, answers this question. “I will neither recommend that you do, or that you don’t taka any action on the Mooney-Billings case.” Herd is political maneuvering with a vengeance, Scharrenberg knew that as a member of the Harbor Commission he wielded enough power put his visitor under obligation to him, and his reply left no doubt in the mind of Mr. La Fores, ‘The added emphasis on “or that you don’t” gave J. H. La Force to understand that if he did take any action he would not only jeopardize his own job, but the jobs of many others. This test case amply proves that the Czaristic control over, the unions exercised by Scharrenberg, together with the Los Angeles resolution, effectively blocks @