The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 30, 1931, Page 4

Published by the 18th Street, New Page Four Comprofally P Ine York City. N. ¥. ishing Co., , Gamy except Sunday, at 50 East lephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. DAIWORK.® Dail orker _Dorty USA’ By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs one year, $8+ six months, $4.50, Develop the League Into An Organization ot Struggle By GIL GREEN. { be satisfied with the small the period of the 2 Month nust only be the basis ly into the problems con- hey must bring out all ortcomings. We must uch more fundamentally. nt with some’ small im- ase in membership. We we get our new members? our work? To what ex- changing the situation in the more analyze We must not be c provements or y the role of a revolutionary What is our task as a You It is our task to learn the | i} | | tcoming? The League | | | i} | | | | evances of the youth. To nces into slogans and de- und which we organize one this? No! We have c outh or ization of | hortcor g in our or ial demands at the ent time. is? _ Wh at is their rela- cents per thousand adult workers doing per thousand pieces. d for the youth is | vill at the sa On the issue of this | we will organize the against piece-work and for ‘am. In other words, the nds are based on the every day the young workers, and are levers | ich we create struggle for our general youth program. The failure of the League to develop struggle around the specific youth issues, creates a danger that the League will not develop its face nization, that it will not play The failure to put to see youth issues, , to remain a sectarian organization isolated from the young workers. It means to fail to see the necessity for special youth activity and special youth forms. This was alrea en at the time of our Na- tional Plenum. ‘The comrades in the trade union work failed to understand the role of the youth gema nd fought against the formation of Youth sections. T an also be seen in the vther work of the League. Take our factary work. Even those districts that did good work, relatively speaking, such as | leveland or Detroit. what was the real charac- ter of their work? Did the comrades in Cleve- | Jand, in their work at the Fisher Body Plant, | reach the young workers on specific youth issues? | No, they reached them on only the general issues. They carried on only general work. They did | not play the role of a youth organization. They did nothing to develop the partial youth demands in this factory. The result of this, is that the | contacts they got in the main are adult workers. | When they ned an unemployed council, it was composed of mainly adult workers. In their | work in this unemployed council at Fisher Body, | they did not even organize a youth committee, let alone the organization of sports activity, and a struggle on specific youth issues. Let us look at our unemployed activity. What has been the main failure of our unemployed ion, ctivity? Is it the failure of the League to par- ipate in this work? In some places such as New York, yes, but in most places, no. The League has been very active in the unemployed work, but we find that it was only active in the general work. League comrades led demonstra- tions, were head of councils, did the every day work, but what was wrong? They did nothing to develop struggle around the special demands of the youth. They did nothing to develop spe- cial forms of youth activity. That is why the young workers did not respond in such large numbers to our demonstrations of Feb. 10th and Feb. 25th. In all of our unions we find a complete under- estimation of youth demands and forms of work. The young organizers are not permitted to do youth work, but are forced to become dues col- lectors and general technical workers in the union. The comrades in the textile union de- veloped the viewpoint that “First build the union, and then worry about the youth demands.” In none of the important industries, such as coal, metal or textile, have we developed real youth programs based on the needs of the youth. The failure to learn the special needs of the young workers and to crystallize these into slo- gans of action, shows itself practically in a line | The youth organizers would | of least resistance. sooner do the general work, than learn how to work among the youth. The Party must help the League to correct this The Party must be the leader in fighting these tendencies which negate the role of the youth in the class struggle. In most districts, this is not the case. The Party in most districts does not consider youth work of importance. Instead of demanding re- sults from the League comrades in their work among the youth, the Party gives these com- rades general work. This does not mean that we mechanically separate youth work from adult work. It means that we demand that League comrades place the majority of their time on winning the young workers. The Party and League must raise the slogan, “‘All youth cadres for work among the League.” A few examples: In New Haven the Party which has more than 250 members needed a Negro director. The Party felt there was no comrade who could handle the work. Instead of putting in a new comrade and developing him in the work, they made the League District Organizer, the Negro Director of the Party. This shows an underestimation of Negro work, a failure to understand how to de- velop new forces, and an underestimation of youth work. Although the above was a mistake on the part of the Party, it was a double mis- take on the part of our League comrade who agreed with this act. In Philadelphia the Party uses the League leadership as a sort of “shock troop” to fill every vacancy the Party has, at the expense of the League and the development of new forces in the Party. In California, a comrade sent to the Agricultural region for youth work is made the general organizer. In the Pittsburgh <dis- trict all youth comrades do mainly general work, and in most other districts the same is true. This situation must be changed. The respon- sibility for the change rests on the League. The Party must help the League to struggle against all these wrong tendencies, by forcing the League comrades to build the League, and win the youth for the unions. Only by the development of the partial youth demands can we organize the youth for the revolutionary unions and for struggle. In this way we can basically smash the sectarian isolation of the League, and begin to build it into a mass youth organization. Russky Golos and Fairy Land ARTICLE 2. INCE; March 9, we have until now been un- able to continue our correction for the bene- fit of the unprincipled sheet known as the Rus: Golos, a New York daily in the Russian language which pursues devious ways in trying to sit on tio, or even three chairs—to be “friend- ly” to the Soviet Union and to support American capitalism In the meantime, Russian immigrant workers’ organizations in many parts of the country, in- cluding right here in New York, have vigorously__| condemned Russky Golos for supporting Amer- ican capitalism and having its lawyer threaten to take legal action against the Daily Worker because, in our issue of Feb. 20, we mistakably | said in a headline that Russky Golos was in a | scheme to swindle the Russian workers, when the fact was that it merely took money for ad- vertising the said swindle scheme, a perfectly legitimate practice under capitalism. In our March 9th article, we promised to give some further details on the scheme, designed to induce foreign-born workers in New York to buy Arizona land at $250 per acre, sponsored locally by the Rodina Realty Co., 151 Avenue A, in New York, whose advertisements Russky Golos pub- lished. Explain as it will, why it prints such ads, Russky Golos is finding that its threat to invoke the capitalist courts to attack the central organ of the Communist Party meets with in- dignant condemnation of the Russian workers in this country. To play ostrich, and by avoiding mention of the Communist Party of this country in order to keep Russian workers from finding and join- ing it, to hide its existence from the workers, is something of a feat. Rather a stupid dis- guise for enmity against the Communist Party. But when Russky Golos resorted to threat of capitalist law against the Communist press, it exposed itself to the workers as its direct enemy. Comins on top of endorsing Hoover's starva- tion policy against the unemployed and praise of Mayor Walker of Tammany Hall, it was the straw that broke the camel's back. But we have here the duty of explaining the character of advertising not only carried by Russky Golos, but defended by it as quite all right. This “paradise nook—Arizona,” as one ad stated, is the most marvelous land under the sun. There, said one Russky Golos ad, “blessed toil. . secures you and your family happiness and health.” Something new for workers under capi- talism! This ad, as many others, is given as a Statement of some mysterious “Initiative Farm- ers’ Group” which seems to exist solely for ad- Vertising purposes. ‘To sanctify this smelly land scheme, another Russky Golos ad calls everybody to come tor thurch, for an “Arizona Evening” in the hall of the Church of Christ's Ressurection, on Feb. 1, last. In still another ad, on Feb, 3 and 4, another ‘Arizona ayia reveals thai the “Initiative anne cb 2 a ) t | nothing less! | marketing cooperatives, «Indeed, no! Farmers’ Group” was to reports But the “farm- ers” who reported for it appear only as three names. One is a gent named Homer Sewell, also | said to be a “representative of the ‘Southern Pacific’—though that railway company disowns him, we find upon inquiry. Another reporter was N. C. Shupinski, claim- ing to be an “agronomist.” In a prospectus put out by the Rodina Realty Co. Shupinski is | quoted as testifying—in an affidavit—that in Arizona, “the farmer gets good prices for prod- ucts grown on this land’”—which is marvelous, And “due to assistance of the which work without profit to themselves, the farmers in the Southern part of Arizona are growing rich!” Think of it. you other American farmers! You who have seen prices falling and falling, you never knew that a man named Shupinski has discovered that in Arizona farmers get “good prices,” and are “growing rich!” It is a secret discovered only by Shupinski, we are sure! And he reveals it in an affidavit, but takes good care that the secret is imparted only to foreign-born workers in New York City, far, far away from Arizona! And more, when asked about prices in Arizona by a representative of the Communist paper in the Russian language, the Novy Mir, the sly Shupinski denies knowledge of the prices of farm products in Arizona! Still another reporter, apparently coming from that weird “Initiative Farmers’ Group,” was V. F. Kruklyak. Now to readers of the Daily Work- er, Kruglyak is only a name, and not such a pretty one at that. But we assure you that Mr. Kruglyak is a person, although how he is identified with a “farmers” group is hard to say. For this person Kruglyak is none other than the head of the Rodina Realty Co.! But we must not pass over Mr. Shupinsgi so lightly. For Shupinski, which is also merely a name to our readers, is not just an “agronomist.” Mr. Shupinski is an “agronomist” with a tradition. And as the Russky Golos, which takes ads for the Rodina Realty Co,, which company seems to be so intimately connected with Shupinski, declares strenuously that it is hot to defend and not to defraud the Russian workers, since it pretends to be a “friend” of the Soviet Union, we must inform it, as well as the Russian workers, precisely who this Shup- inski is who is advertised in the Russky Golos as an expert who assures them Arizona is a paradise for those who will buy land there.’ In the prospectus put out by the Rodina Real- ty Co., we find that Shupinski in his aforesaid affidavit, admitted, in an unguarded moment, that he was—was, not is—“owner of an estate of over 12,000 acres, which I cultivated myself (!) near Moscow.” And thep—ah, then! He says: “Due to the revolution Iwas compelled to leave my fatherland.” So, alone and with his own hands, he cul- le 2 pian tg | un basic shortcoming. | OUT AGAIN THE COMING ELECTIONS IN NEW JERSEY By J. S. The coming elections in New Jersey are of special importance to the Party. It gives us a splendid opportunity to mobilize wide sections of the workers behind the Party. With the many fights carried on against wage cuts, lay offs, etc., the many unemployed demonstrations, and the Trenton Hunger March, the Party’s influence has grown tremendously amongst the workers. In the coming elections this influence must be registered with a big increase in the votes cast for our Party candidates. In this year’s elections the Party is penetrat- ing into a lot of new territory. The Party is | putting up candidates for city commissioners in New Brunswick, Trenton, Bayonne, and Hoboken. In all these cities elections will take place in | May, and the Party is busy collecting the neces- sary signatures to put our candidates on the ballot. In all of these cities it is the first time we have put up candidates. In the fall there By BURCK | A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney This is the fifteenth installment of Tom Mooney’s own description of the betrayal of Mooney-Billings case by the A. F. L, labor leaders. In the last installment he gave evidence that the California union czars fought to prevent the pardon of the two framed militants, and told the governor that if he had to let them go, they should be paroled instead of pardoned. Parole would mean that their fight against evil influences in the labor movement would be hampered. Mooney continues, below. 7 8 6 INSTALLMENT 15. The California State Federation of Labor. ‘OR fourteen years Tom Mooney has collected and compiled data concerning the ‘activities of the labor misleaders who could have helped | him had they been less craven. Each succeed- will be city elections in Linden for Mayor and | | of industry and finance, their political satellites, four Councilmen, and the Party is preparing to enter the campaign. In Linden the Socialist Party through Yeager, its leader in New Jersey, is entering the campaign. This means that our Party will have to carry on a sharp fight here | against the socialist party. In the fall there will be elections for Governor and Board of Free- holders and for the General Assembly in the | various counties. We will have candidatcs for the first time in Middlesex, Mercer, Union and Hudson counties for the county officers. Can- didates are put up also in Essex County. The comrades are busy now collecting the necessary signatures to place the above candidates on the ballot. This election campaign should result in strengthening the existing units, building new units especially in the small industrial towns we expect to penetrate into, such as in Carteret, Milltown, South River, Camden, Harrison, Kearny, Irvington, etc. We intend to reach the unemployed workers with our program, also the copper, metal, rubber, oil, and marine transport- workers of these small towns. The Trade Union Unity League, the auxiliary organizations and the Party press must be built during the cam- paign. A mass State Nominating Convention is be ing prepared for June 7 in Newark and our per- spective is 400 delegates from throughout the state at this convention. A survey is being made of all comrades able to speak to be used in the campaign to penetrate new territory and carry on a lively campaign. State campaign platfrom is being prepared dealing with the issues of New Jersey in connection with the present situation in general. ‘The immediate job before us now is the col- lection of the necessary signatures to put our * candidates on the ballot in the various cities, counties and the state. Our task in the election campaign is mighty. We need the help of all comrades and militant workers. This campaign must result in organizational gains for the Party. Forward to the election campaign. Will we prove to be equal to the tasks before us? FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! Visit the homes of the unemployed workers. List all cases of starvation, undernourishment, inade- quate relief. Carry on a sustained and steady struggle for unemployment relief for the starving families from the city government, the large corporations and employers. Have large delegations of unemployed workers present at every mecting of the city council to fight for adequate re- lief for all cases of starving and undernourished workers’ families. peasants more likely! Which was why he was “compelled” to leave “his” fatherland! And now, unable longer to rob the Russian peasants near Moscow, he tries a new game on the Rus- sian peasants who have immigrated here and become workers in America! A nice man, this Shupinski, whom Russky Golos ads recommend to Russian immigrants! Indeed, this Russky Golos advertiser is so in- teresting that we will have to devote more at- ing year brought new data to light, each day other misleaders came out in their true colors. Day by day Tom Mooney has seen the captains the California state officials, and their subser- vient tools, the labor leaders, strengthen the hold of the jailers upon Billings and himself. One of the most flagrant acts of betrayal oc- curred just a few months ago. The Marysville Convention of the California Staté Federation of Labor, September, 1930, refused to demand the pardon of Mooney and Billings at the most critical period of the case; neither did the Execu- tive Council of the State Federation of Labor go on record for a pardon. No doubt the bat- like labor “Czars” were so busy with the agents of Big Business that they could not, and would not, consider the demand of the whole labor movement for the pardon of Mooney and Billings. It is very significant that the California State Federation of Labor, with thousands of dollars in its treasury, has not donated one cent to de- fend Mooney and Billings for the past twelve years; and the California State Building Trades Council has never given a nickel for the defense of these two men during the entire fifteen years of their imprisonment. Directly after Governor Young's refusal to par- don Mooney and Billings, the foremost “labor leaders” of California formed a Union Labor Governor Young Club and were zealously active in the campaign for, his reelection. They urged all Trade Unionists to vote for the jailer of Mooney and Billings—and the few “leaders” who did not climb onto Young's bandwagon were for either one or two other major candidates, who were non-committal on the Mooney-Billings _ issue, LABO™ LEADERS WHO SUPPORTED MOONEY AND BILLINGS JAILER. The most conspicuous “labor leaders” who cam= paigned for the renomination of the servile tool of the corporations, C. C. Pouns, during the state primaries were: Paul Scharrenberg, Secretary-Treasurer Cali- fornia State Federation of Labor; Michael Casey, Vice-President International Brotherhood of Teamsters; John O'Donnell, Secretary San Francisco Labor Council; Roe Baker, President San Francisco Labor Council; Vice-President International Barbers’ Union; Frank C. McDonald, President California State Building Trades Council; John McLaughlin, officer International Broth- erhood of Teamsters; Internal Revenue Collector for San Francisco; James Hopkins, Vice-President California State Federation of Labor; Theodore Johnson, legal advisor San Fran- cisco Labor Council; George Dixon, Business Agent of Chauffeurs’ Union; George Kidwell, Business Agent Bakery Driv- ers’ Union, THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. The American Federation of Labor, on a na- tional scale, has done absolutely nothing to help Mooney and Billings, In some instances there are A. F, of L. leaders whose perfidy equals that of the California officials. During the fifteen years that Mooney and Billings have suffered in prison because of their - labor activities, the Official Organ of the A. F. of L,, the “American Federationist,” never once printed a line concerning the arrests, the trials, the convictions, and the demands for a pardon. appeared in the pages of this publication devoted to “organized labor in the United States.” The American Federation of Labor with hun- dreds of thousands of dollars in its treasury, has, never given a single penny for the defense of Mooney and Billings. Just before the close of the 1917 Convention of the A. F. of L. in Buf- falo, a resolution demanding new trials for Mooney and Billings was so amended that the “punch” from the resolution was taken out. Among the matter extracted from the original resolution was a request calling for financial assistance to the defense. As a result of baseless charges made at the 1919 A. F. of L. Convention in Atlantic City, E. D. Nolan made the following statement, in part, in answer to. the charges made against the handling of the Mooney case by the Defense League: “In reply to a question asking the at- titude of the Defense League in connection with the reported charges of disruption at the A. F. of L. Convention, the Mooney Defense forces represented by Trade Unions which have con- ducted the defense of the Mooney case do not feel that it is at all necessary, after the clean and clear fight of nearly three years, to reply to the jealous and carping criticism of the dis- gruntled old grandmothers in the American Labor movement. Tom Mooney has realized since his first day in jail that the reactionary gang of officials who are responsible for the charges of disruption against the defense are his enemies, and that he would stand a better show for life and liberty from Fickert and the Cali- fornia Junkers than from such personal enemies as Frey and his kind of extreme reactionary group on guard at Atlantic City.” For three years, 1926-27-28, Tom Mooney, in an attempt to arouse interest in the case, sent mimeographed sets of documents, which conclu- sively established Billings’ and his innocence, to many persons of influence. A set mailed to President William Green of the A. F. of L. brought forth this “warm and encouraging” an- swer from Washington, D. C., April 25, 1927: “Please accept my acknowledgment of the receipt of your_letter of April 17, with enclo- sures. Very truly yours.” In January, 1928, Mooney again wrote to Pres- ident Green, Two and a half months later Green replied and among other things asked: “Will you also advise me if you still maintain the position that you will not ‘under any cir- cumstances accept a parole, but that you insist upon a complete pardon’?” Green's attitude is clearly that of a man who has his opponent down, and is energetically ad- ministering a severe beating with the demand to know if he has had enough. Needless to say, Mooney has not changed his position and will today, as ever, accept nothing less than a com- plete and unconditional pardon. TO BE CONTINUED | Jn apotiner articl®, cag ipameas.$ She naMes of Mogney, apd Billings, bare yexer | hold | PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League NEW form of organization of struggle is de- veloping with the new methods adopted by the Party at the present period. Around the issues of the bonus agitation, involving about 4,500,000 World War veterans, and the fact that there are about 2,000,000 unemployed war vet- erants, makes it possible for the Party to win over to the support of the class struggle the militant and more class conscious war veterans as well as other workers who have seen milifary service. The limited experience of the Workers Ex- Servicemen’s League in NeW. York City shows the possibilities for this work. In the Election Campaign last year, of which the Workers Ex-Servicemen’s League was one of the united front organizations, committees of ex-servicemen made it possible, united with the other workers, to overcome the resistance in New Brunswick. On the line of the hunger march to Albany, when the Unemployed Councils were unable to a in: oupem ® Sib: npar iNew By JORGE Arrest Him For C. S.! The C. S, stands for “criminal syndicalism,¥ which in turn means anything the prosettiting attorney—in any case against a worker—wante it to mean, such as “advocating destruction” of property,” “sabotage,” or “betterment of social conditions by unlawful means,” etc. But here comes Daniel Willard, president--of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, and says. the following about what he, himself would do if he were jobless and starving: “J would be less than candid if I did not say that in such circumstances I would steal before I would starve.” Jail him! Deport him! Sick the Ku Kluxers on him! Tell Fish! Indict him for “criminal syndicalism” and slap a bail of $40,000 on him, ef soins Chiang’s Successful Defeat As told in the N. Y. Times of March 24, in two separate stores printed under the same head~ line: “Peiping-Hankow Road is Cleared of Reds,” | the victorious set-back occurred as follows: “SHANGHAI, Marche 23, (Special Cable to-the | New York Times)—It is officially announced that | the first through Peiping-Hankow trains were operated today since the Communist seizure of part of the railway a fortnight ago, the Nanking Government having rushed 50,000 troops to the affected area to repel the Reds.” Then below that, another story: “HANKOW, China, March 23 (Associated Press)— Communists have looted numerous villages within thirty miles of Hankow in-the last few days. Farther north, near the Honan province border, they again cut the Peiping- Hankow Railroad.” Go on, now, remembering how many times-the Soviet at Moscow was “overthrown” even as late as last summer in the N. Y. Times, and take your choice as to what Chiang Kai-Shek's “victory” is worth, ® . A “Fait ‘Anoneigit? Which is highbrow for an “accomplished fact... It being in this case a “fait accompli” confront. ing J. H. Sexton, a farmer at Galesburg, Ill, on whose farm a 28 pound meteor fell. Trusting farmer that he is, he loaned it to’ an interested person, who passed it to a member of the Naval Reserve, who promptly cadged it ‘and sent it to the Great White Father at Washington. And the Great White Father, after looking it over and finding that it was valuable, sent the farmer a letter expressing the hope that he would “take pleasure in donating this to the Gov- ernment, as we are going to keep it.” A eer e Most Extraordinary! “All the inhabitants of the region...,..are forced to work to make a living—they must_ labor to exist.” Now, you just guess, comrade workers, to what “region” this applies. You don’t have to gets headache thinking, for if you are a worker you'll pipe right up and say, “Why, that’s right here in the United States!” Wrong, brother! It was written about the Soviet Union, that particular part, moreover, in the Northern lumber region where Mr. Fish has discovered, without going there at all, an atro- cious condition of “forced labor.” It appears in the N, ¥, Times of March 27, under the name of Henry Wales, who cables his story direct from Archangel. By the way, he says that—“Convict labor is not employed by the Soviet State Timber Trust for export produc= tion.” Which kind of wilts the Fishy arguments behind the present U. S. embargo against So- viet wood. But to return to “forced labor”: “All the in- habitants of the region are forced to work to make a living.” While workers in the U.S. A: will think that this applies to America, on second though they will remember that here in capitalist America there are people who don’t work, yet get. a living and a darn sight better living than those who do work, So, after all, there is something different be- tween the Soviet system and the capitalist sys- tem. There, “all” inhabitants must work to make a living. Here, well, some don’t work at all-and live on the fat of the land. Some can’t find any work and are rapidly starving to death. ~Some do find it, work like hell and still starve, to death—a bit slower. But it’s a rather awkward situation for Yankee capitalists, Either their own system is one of forced labor for the working class, or they must. absolve the Soviet from the charge of forced labor to be consistent. But being consistent is impossible for a capitalist apologist. That’s why. you can expect to see the same old lies repeated. York, without danger of breaking the line of the march, the Workers Ex-Servicemens League- was able to break through and hold a very large demonstration, one of the largest ever held in. that city, On the entire march to Albany, and in | 3 interference in Albany, the ex-servicemen possible the organization and descipline of th hunger march and afterward were active-in the defense of the hunger marchers, Every district must work out a concrete pro- gram for the formation of ex-servicemen’s leagues. The basic problems are: : 1, The immediate demands, among which ere, full cash payment of the bonus, without interest, to prevent the stealing of 50 per cent of the Tombstone Bonus still due the war veterans; better hospitalization treatment and the right of a war veteran to choose his own physician at” the expense of the government; no jim crowing of ex-servicemen, unity with the workers in al}- their struggles, struggle against imperialist war _ and supporting of the workers who are in the armed forces in their demands for treatment and conditions while in the’ armed” forces, 2, In addition to fighting for these, to strug= gle against and to expose the American Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Disabled War™ Veterans, in order to win over the workers from: _ their influence and to the support of the other~ workers in their struggles; utilize the ex-ser. vicemen organization in united front activittes,— picket lines and in carrying on the every-day... struggles in the Unemployed Councils. 3. To form branches of the Workers Ex-Ser- vicemen’s League with the aim in view to form” a national conference and organization. 4, To immediately establish a national maga zine around which to mobilize the ex-servicemen.- ‘This work is of major importance in all f ex-seryloemen tpta: Rx-Rerviogmeny: ate