The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 28, 1931, Page 6

' t | - ro - PuBilaked Hy the Comprodaily Publishing Co.,Inc, dally except Sunday. at 50 Fast New York City. N. mail all checks to the Daily Worker 13th Street, Adéress a Page Six t e “ = The Renegades the Indian Revolution | The reyo- owing po- en with the help of the In- to solve the burning problems their expense. “The masses ing in the old ways, ible to continue ruling Consequently, the revolu- ing on is bound to the Leninist ap- tion in India, r own “philosophy” 1. The helpless mutter- too inarticulate to make 1 cannot possibly argue the habitual phrase he dictatorship of the ason that there are e re however, deserve speaking, they r bereavement, It’s Mahatma! How aed Gandhi “the struggle of the In- lo and behold: the without asking the nd has anybody ever je proceed after having ? Clearly, such an y pable. The Love- tly objective, cannot there- “period of deep depression it, disgust (all qn ac- the “symbol”!) and ex- of struggle and sacrifice.” and quote the paragraph in no jok “The reaction of the local Congress com- mittee makes it pretty obvious that Gandhi's surrender will not meet with approval of the masses of the Congress followers. Whether, however, this resentment will manifest itself in a vigorous movement for the continuation of the liberation struggle or whether it will Jead to a period of deep depression induced by disillusionment, disgust and exhaustion af- ter months of struggle and sacrifices, depends largely upon the influence that the advanced revolutionaries in the nationalist movement, especially the Communists, will be able to ex- ercise.” (Revol. Age. March 14.) So at the most, the renegades concede, one can expect a “vigorous movement (not for liber- no! But... for the continuation of the gele.”* What does it mean and does it depend? to the same article, “the struggle independence was initiated over a year ago as the result of the decisions of the Lahore Congress.” The National Congress, be- fmg the fountain-head of the revolutionary movement (the heroic strikes of the Bombay workers count for nothing!), it’s naturally on its attitude that the future of the movement depends. The local Congress committees are now Gebating: to accept Gandhi’s surrender or to go on with their former activities. Will the first tendency prevail, a “period of deep depres- sion,” ic. defeat of the revolution is in- evitable. In the second case (and here the Com- © graciously let in to play a part) ll hope that the debate on continua- 1ggle may eventually turn into ement for the continuation of ince there is no way of telling which side get the upper hand in the Con- @ress c . it would have been injudicious for Mr. Lovestone to favor one perspective at he expense of the other. And so both per- Jppectives remain side by side, both equally pro- bable, both having equal chances for their real- fzation. Gandhi has surrendered, but the National Wongress is still debating his surrender. The fate of the Indian revolution hangs on the out- @ome of this debate. This is the analysis of the Indian situation, as seen by the Right-wing. re- megaies, this is the sum-up of their wisdom. hat the masses do not debate the agreement f the Indian bourgeoisie with British imperial- fem, but go on with the struggle, matters little. What class does Gandhi represent in his sur- fender, what is the class character of the In- @ian National Congress—these questions are @bove the comprehension of the Roys and the Lovestones, as they are consciously falsified by the New York Times, which seems to be highly displeased at the anti-Gandhist demonstrations of the Bombay workers. “The comprehensive @amnation,” writes this mouthpiece of Wall St., in the samt sentence of Gandhi and of the Congress, though the two are far from thinking glike, is also familiar Communist style.” “Not we,” proudly answer the Right rene- ®ades, “we do not confuse Gandhi with the Na- tional Congress.” Seriously, Mr. Lovestone, after ‘all there is still some consolation left for you: you've lost Gandhi, your symbol, but you've ‘won over the New York Times. And who knows $f in the end this substitution may not turn out a “blessing in disguise” for you and your “cause”? ‘The Role of the Indian Communist Party It’s a positive relief to turn from the sayings nd doings of the degenerated renegades to the activities of the Indian Communist Party. The Indian Communists; in spite of all their weak- * messes, have already some achievements to their €redit, It is they who organized the first Red ‘Trade Unions in India, and thus, for the first time in its history, opened for the labor move- ment the way of the conscious revolutionary class struggle. It is they who put up a fight against the treachery of the National Congress and with the support of the workers made Gandhi and the Indian capitalists so unhappy over the re- cent demonstrations in Bombay. The trouble, however, is that some of our Indian comrades are not always consistent in their revolutionary Policy. ‘Three major tasks stand before the Indian Communist Party today: the building of the Communist Party, the struggle against the Na- Wional Congress and the organization of the General Strike. In the absence of a legal Com- miunist press in India, we can only tenatively rasp ,the attitude of the Indian com- rades towards these problems. With regard the s * This formulation is not without its historical antecedents. The Russian Mensheviks’ slogan in the Revolution of 1905 was “To arm the masses ‘with the desire to arm themselves.” One has nly to put both formulations side by side to ‘perceive the striking family likeness in both, i “ | represents the interests of the national bour- \ ¥. Telephone Algonguin 7956 Cable 0 Kast Stree to the first, the Indian comrades theo- | retically fully understand the importance and the leading role of the Communist Party. But, in face of tremendous difficulties to be overcome some of them seem to be inclined to give pre- | ference to the organization of trade unions and | to proceed slowly with the building of the Party. This is a great mistake. Whatever the outcome of the present struggle in India, the emergence of a strong Communist Party is the main condi- tion for future victory of the revolution, There can be, therefore, no counterposing of trade unions against the Communist Par Both are vital necessities for the working class. Without either of them the workers are doomed to de- feat in economic and political struggles. No less important is the fight against the Na- tional Congress and now particularly against the “left” bourgeois nationalists. Here, too, the In- dian comrades know that the National Congress geoisie and is betraying the struggle for inde- pendence, But, say some of them, the masses are following the Copgress. How are we, with our weak forces, to withstand this mass illusion? Shall we not completely alienate ourselves from the revolutionary masses by fighting the Con- gress? Yet the courageous and unflinching exposure of the Congress as the Party of the counter- revolutionary Indian bourgeoisie is the only way to win over the masses to the side of the Com- munist, Party and to assure the victory of the revolutionary struggle itself. In India there is no strong basis for reformism in the working class, and the revolutionary temper of the mas- | ses shows itself in spite of reformist and counter- revolutionary leadership. But it requires patient agitation by the Communists over and over again, to make the masses see it, to make them conscious of the fact that in reality they do not at all behave like those, whom they call their leaders, want them to behave. The fight against the National Congress is the fight for the hegemony of the working class in the revolution. In a huge peasant country like India the proletariat can only through mass action achieve the leadership of the peasantry. The General Strike serves to assert this leader- ship in the most tangible form. The General Strike, combining both economic and political demands, draws into the struggle the most back- ward strata of the workers, and shows the pro- letariat in action as the vanguard of the re- | volutionary’ people. By means of the Genera’ Strike the working class, through its own sac- rifices and fighting example, carries with it the peasantry and prepares it for the decisive on- | slaught on the ruling classes. Such was the experience of Russia in 1905 and China in 1925- 27. All the objective conditions in India are ripe for a General Strike. The Communists cor- rectly forced the Executive Committee of the | All-India Trade Union Congress to accept the decision on the General Strike. The “left” na- | tionalists, after agreeing in words with this de- | cision, have already started a campaign against it. It is only the Communists who, in face of the strenuous opposition of the whole national bourgeoisie, including its “left” wing, and in spite of the brutal terror of imperialism, can carry out this decision in practice. The betrayal of the Indian Bourgeoisie brings sharper class differentiation into the revolution- ary struggle, shows even to the most backward masses the correctness of the Communist policy, laid down in the Platform of Action of the In- dian Communist Party. The Communist warned the Indian workers that the national bourgeoisie will not only betray the fight for independence, but will moreover join with British imperialism in an open effort to strangle the struggle of the masses. This is now coming to pass. Al- | ready, Gandhi is conferring with the Viceroy on | ways and means to crush the revolutionary | movement, The renegades, who hastened to bury the Chinese revolution after the betrayal of Chiang Kai-shek, now shriek in panic: but this is the end of the Indian revolution! On the contrary, answer the Communists, the revolutionary struggle in India is only now about to enter its decisive stage. The Indian bourgeoisie has betrayed the revolution: Long Live the Indian Revolution! Extle--the New Amer- wcan Tradition | ime Capitalist America is building the new American traditions. The old traditions | of rights, freedom, liberty, etc., have completely | disappeared with the centralization of the pow- | er in the hands of a small financial group, and | even when in existence these rights have never | been applied to any real extent toward the working masses, ‘Today the place of free land is taken by share- cropping, peonage, tenancy, and other forms of slavery of the millions of poor Negro and white farmers. In place of free speech and free as- samblage is the full freedom of the police and fascist forces of the government to beat up, gas and jail as bling workers and their speakers. In place of the “traditional” full dinner-pail and the right to’ live, the right to starvation of millions of working men, working women and their children became the American tradition. In place of asylum for political exiles the exile of political refugees takes place. To the growing misery, desperation, and mili- tancy of the toiling and unemployed masses, wild white terror of the ruling class is the answe . If the workers demand unempteyment relief or insurance, the bosses call it “inciting to riot” and they have a law against it. If the workers strike against wage cuts, speed-up, unbearable working conditions—the bosses call it “criminal syndica!'sm” and they have a law against it. If the Negro and white workers unite to fight against starvation, lynchings, and deportations, the bosses call it “sedition” and they have a law against it. If the Negro and white workers organize themselves into fighting -industrial unions, the bosses call it “incitement to insur- rection” and they have a law against it. ‘These steps, together with the frightful growth in lynchings, and with the great deportation drive, are the basis of the new American tradi- tions. March 28th, the National Day for Struggle Against Deportation, Lynching and Discrimina- tion is aimed to unify, intensify and broaden the clready existing struggles against deporta- tion, lynching and discrimination. There is no New York, N. ¥. “DAIWOR IK." SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx. New York Ctly. Foreign: one year, $8- six months. $4.50. ee By BURCK, GANDHI News Item:—The Indian masses are beginning to understand the treachery ef Gandhi and his efforts to sell them out to British imperialism. PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of | | | | the Central Commitee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Sliminate Irresponsible Finan- cial Secretaries | Recently ® membership book of a comrade came through the District Office, in connection with the transfer of this comrade from Mil- waukee to another District. This brought to | light a condition which reflects how a nucleus financial secretary should function and shows up how the Section Financial Secretary fails to enlighten or check up the nuclei Financial sec- retaries. The book in question reads somthing like this: Weeks No. 1, 2, 6 and 8 in 1930 have no dues stamps, but written in is “paid 25c.” Weeks 5, 18, 21 and 22 have no stamps what- soever, just blank spaces. Weeks 40, 41, 42 and 43 have a line through them and a $1 stamp pasted through the four spaces, supposed to be equivalent to four stamps at 25c. From Nov. 1 there is not a single stamp. What does this show? 1, That the Financial Secretary of the West Allis unit either has no conception of the status of a secretary (for which the Section is re~ sponsible) or the West Allis Secretary is guilty of cross financial hooliganism and should be re- moved. 2. The Nucleus Buro does not function, or this could not happen. i 3. The Nucleus, by accepting money without pasting stamps in exchange is guilty of steal- ing money from the Party. 4. The Nucleus by this same procedure is not_ getting credit for its dues paying members since stamps are the basis of computation. 5. The Section Committee is responsible for this situation by not calling regular meetings of Nuclei Financial Secretaries and furthermore by not checking up each week the dues purchases as compared with the membership and taking steps to liquidate the discrepancy. 6. The Section Committee grants this com- ‘rade a transfer to District No. 9 in Feb. 1931, although he has not paid dues since th? last | week in October. This is against the Party rules. ‘These are a few facts which should make Mil- waukee Section and the West Allis Nucleus shake themselves up and give proper attention to fin- ances and dues. —J. Ww. Let your protests against lynching, de- portations, discrimination and perse- cution of the working class re- sound from coast to coast on March 28. All out! ‘part of the working class which is not affected by the growing persecution and terror of the foreign-born. The raids in factories, as in auto- mobile factories in Detroit, Black Rock, Silver Creek, etc., followed by the questioning of work- ers of the Lackawanna Steel Mills, wilr be fol- lowed by similar actions of the immigration au- thorities in all other factories, mills and mines, in order to divide the ranks of the workers, to crush their resistence to the wave of wage-cuts and speed-up. Only through struggle can the foreign-born and native, Negro and white work- ers preserve and consolidate their unity. March 28th will be a day of sweeping struggle against the efforts of the ruling class to break up the unity of the working class, and also a demon- str..tion of this unity. March 28 must tremendously widen the strug- gle against deportation of the unemployed work- ers which aims to break up the unity of the employed and unemployed workers in their struggle for Unemployment Relief and Insur- anc. Hundreds of thousands of workers must come out into the streets, into the marches, into the meeting halls to demonstrate against lynch- ing, for the release of Yokinen, Bebrics, leaders of the Lawrence textile strike, Li, and all the other work>-s held for deportation for defend- ing the interests of the foreign-born and native: Negro and white workers. A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney This is Tom Mooney’s own description of the betrayal of Mooney and Billings by the A. F. L. chieftains. Mooney tells how the “Labor Clarion,” official organ of the San Francisco Labor Council, edited by James W. Mullen, conducted propa- ganda against Mooney from 1917, when it re- pudiated the two and declared they did not represent organized labor, on down to the time of the prosecution witness MacDonald's recent confession that he lied at the Mooney trial. Mooney now continues his article: Thee ona INSTALLMENT 14. Tom Mooney—Loyal Trade-Unionist, It has often been charged by the California “Labor Leaders” that Tom Mooney was not a | representative of the organized workers of San | Francisco. On the floor of the Labor Cauncil, | March 15, 1918, Barney Doyle of the Municipal Carmen’s Union, made the statement that: “Fickert had personally informed him that he, Fickert, was assured by the President of the Labor Council, A. W. Brouillet, and other mem- bers of the committee from the Council, that the Mooney-Billings cases would not be made a labor case.” Briefly, the facts are that for twenty- eight years Mooney has been a continuous active member in good standing of the International Molders’ Union which is affiliated to the Amer- ican Federation of Labor. He was a delegate to the San Francisco Labor Council; Trustee of his Local Union; and has been elected a delegate to every International Convention of the Molders’ Union for the past twenty years. Three of these delegateships were voted to him while he was in prison; one was given while he was under death sentence. All of these votes were given hinras an indication of confidence in his innocence. The International Molders’ Convention in Cleve- land, Ohio, 1923, also elected him a delegate to the Convention of the American Federation of Labor from the International Molders’ Union. “LABOR LEADERS” DO NOT WANT MOONEY PARDONED. The “labor leaders” are just as treacherous today as they were during the trial and the years immediately after. These officials are now more determined than ever that Tom Mooney shall remain in prison, or at the very most shall be released only with the restrictions of parole. Mooney pardoned would be dangerous for these betrayers of labor. Paroled he would be effec- tively hamstrung with the shadow of the walls of San Quentin constantly over him. The following letter written January 23, 1928, to Tom Mooney by Fremont Older, Editor of the San Francisco “Call-Bulletin” is most il- Juminating: I have had a long talk with Governor Young this afternoon. I have just come from the meeting and I have not any hope that he can be induced to pardon you. I suppose that Mrs. +++» has told you how labor feels. When I say labor I mean the leaders of labor. They seem not to want you pardoned, They prefer that you should come out on parole. Governor Young knows that this is what they want and I don't believe he will do the thing I want him to do and what you want him to do. Here is a paragraph from Older’s book, “My Own Story,” published by the MacMillan Co. It, too, speaks for itself: ‘The little faith in human nature that I had left after the (San Francisco) graft prosecution was considerably lessened by my experience in trying to bring about the pardon of these two men (Mooney and Billings). It was lessened Still more when I discovered that ten of the twelve prominent local labor leaders were either actively conniving at keeping these men in prison or doing nothing to help them. This threw me into a despondent mood. I had learned to expect that kind of attitude from. the rich and powerful, and those who fawned upon them, but to find the foremost local leaders ot labor either acting or thinking with them was more than I could calmly bear. The outstanding “labor leaders” of California are known to have pledged in confidence with In the last installment, - for “to pardon Mooney would disturb the regu- lar labor movement.” “Disturb the labor move- ment?” Certainly Mooney would disturb the labor movement. His method would be to dis- turb the enemies of labor, the very ones whose | favor the labor leaders curry. Tom Mooney is known wherever workers congregate, because he is in prison for his ideals and activities as a labor leader, and not for squirming around and fawning upon the enemies of labor. How many of these “labor leaders” are known any distance from their club, golf course or local “social set”? Yes, Tom Mooney would disturb the labor move- ment, but the disturbance would start at the top, with the misleaders. The rank and file would rally around him and give him their support. The labor politicians have personal reasons for keeping Tom Mooney in prison. Their jobs are at stake. That is why there is not a single labor leader in California who is on record in black and white in a letter to the Governor of Cali- fornia urging the pardon of Tom Money and Warren Billings. There is not a single American Federation of Labor body in California that will give creden- tials to anyone working for Tom Mooney. Rep- resentatives of the Defense Committee are even refused permission to speak before the unions in his behalf. Most California unions absolutely refuse to give funds to the Tom Mooney Molders’ Defense Committee. Whenever an effort has been made to start an active campaign for the pardon of these victims, the California “labor leaders” have deliberately blocked all attempts of the Defense Committee. ‘That’ “leaders” representing labor unions should aid and abet the forces that keep two militant trade-unionists in jail seems astounding, but it is true. The hostile attitude of the California A. F. of L. leadership was clearly revealed duri.g the farcical review of the Billings pardon ‘applica- tion by the California Supreme Court. The Cali- fornia State Federation of Labor, the California Building Trades Council, the Labor Councils and Building Trades Councils from ihe large cities of the state did not have a single representative at any of the hearings. No California iabor of- ficials made an effort to protect the interests of their helpless and shackled comrades, Is: it not amazing that men who were once working men, but who have now risen in the ranks of labor through the trust and confidence placed in them by their rank and file members, should be so callous, so base and so slimy, that they betray the men who are in prison solely because they were fighting on the front lines of the struggle between Labor and Capital? TO BE CONTINULD Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party 0. S A. P. O. Box 8% Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name Prrerrry senceeee, Address SOY ssreescsescsereseecsecess SUA soseeseerse Occupation .. . Age. -Mail this to the Central Office. Communist Governor Young not to pardon Tom Mooney, | Party, P. O. Box 87 Station D, New York City. 4 Beldfoate | By JORGE eeceennecmee What, Already? Socialism, real socialism, which abolishes the evils of capitalist society, including graft and corruption, is established ‘in the fair state of New York and the City! We can expect, as in the Soviet Union, unem- ployment to disappear and Mayor Walker to work out a Five-Year Plan for movie actresses. , in protest, does Red “But wait a minute.” you will “When did all \this happen? Sparks get that way?” How Well, we take Heywood Broun’s word for it. You should recall that there has been some competition, not exactly revolutionary competi- tion, perhaps, but anyhow competition, between Mayor Walker of Tammany Hall and Heywood Broun, “socialist” columnist for the capitalist newspaper, the World-Telegram. Mayor Walker is insisting on “high ideals” and movie stars. Heywood Broun on Gordon's gin and “Civic Virtue.” It/is a hot match. To compel New York City to be won for Civic Virtue and gin, the “socialist” Broun, at the nudging of his capitalist boss. was calling a me meet of honest citizens who are indignant at Walker’s program of actresses and His Ideals. But now that socialism has appeared, it’s all off. S And it (socialism—at least “‘a step in the right direction”) in the form of a “sweeping and city-wide investigation” of capitalism by capital- ism, is “assured.” The New York State Legisla- ture has voted to so “investigate” the Tammany tiger from tooth to tail! So the “socialist” Heywood Broun weeps, like Alexander, that no more worlds are left to con- quer. And at the command of his capitalist boss calls off the mass meeting and heralds the triumph of Civic Virtue! It was a fortunate thing, too. For nobody could guarantee that the main orator would not show up somewhat the worse for liquor and empty everything but “Civic Virtue” over the rostrum. The Party Organizer When you read that little column published— often—on this page, called “Party Life,” you are getting only a little of the value of things dis- cussed in the snappy looking and straight-hit- ting little pocket-size magazine called “The Party Organizer.” Here in 32 small pages are packed 18 articles, in the March number, all of importance to the Party, dealing with organizational matters—a subject in which our Party is lamentably weak. It is meant for circulation within the Party— not because it contains any dark and bloody secrets, but because its subjects are handled for clarification and guidance in improving the structure, function and work of the Party. But hanged if only 20 per cent of the Party members got the February issue, due, so says the March issue, “to very poor efforts of the Districts to circulate it, in spite of the ex- tremely low price of 5 cents per copy.” Under the heading of “Problems of Organiza- tion” are four articles, one on “The Inner Life of the Party Units,” next “We Need a Change In Our Methods,” next “The ‘Three Months’ Plan of Work,” and “Safeguarding the Party.” ‘Then, under another heading about new mem- bers, we have three most necesseray articles: “How to Accept New Members,” “Holding New Members,” which is something the.Party has not been doing but which it must do if it wants to grow, and “Blocking the Doors of the Party,” an old habit but an evil one which this article tells how to stop. One would think that, since “The Party Or- ganizer” is sold only to Party members, that they would be falling over themselves to get it. But maybe they didn’t know about it. So this is to invite them, not to fall over them- selves, but to fall over the Districts which fail to furnish them to every member in every unit. Besides having such a lot of extremely valu- able articles, the “Party Organizer” is about the darnest featest little magazine you have laid your eyes on. Normy Writes a Book “I would that mine enemy might write a book,” says some old classic. And darned if Norman Thomas, chief of the social-fascist “so- cialist” party, didn’t write one. So we sighed, thinking that we would have to write a review of it. But, lo, and behold, somebody else writes it for us! Like tne Governor of North Carolina speak- ing—somewhat between loye and laughter—to the Governor of South Carolina, Lewis Gannett, who also things he is a “socialist,” writes in the capitalist paper, the N. Y. Herald-Tribune, a touching review. He opens up by saying: “Norman Thomas, socialist candidate for Pres- ident, Governor. Mayor and Congressman, has ‘Way Out: A Program for Democracy.’ We have a horror of the word ‘socialism’ in America, and Norman Thomas is the recognized lea‘ler of his party, yet there is nothing in this book which is not advocated by members in good standine of both repudlican and democratic parties. If you could get their private thoughts on paper, I suspect that Owen D. Young.and Dwight W. Morrow would approve more of what Norman Thomas here says than would an orthodox Marxian socialist... .” Then he goes on: “Old-style Marxian socialism Mr. Thomas flatly rejects.” And so on, hi ‘Then in the social pacifist magazine, edited by dear friends of the Rev. Thdmas, it is said that his book would ret be approved in Moscow, but certainly would bé endorsed by the British “labor” government—which in the interest: of British imperialists is cutting wages at home and massacring national liberation fighters in India. _ That's enough about the book to let you know that you should not buy it, written,a book stating his philosophy—America? Pes 4838534 FROOvwedeesosssconaronsur