The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 25, 1931, Page 4

x Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. z here ey SS wartletiea ty tiie Comprodaliy Publishing Co., Ine, daily except Sunday, at 50 East Py SCRIPTION RATES! tie EEE Qa } %. Page Four *i+ ® 18th Street, New York City. N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” ] , ~ By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Porty USA! > of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $8+ six months, $4.50. THE MEETING OF THE T. U. U.L. NAT’L EXECUTIVE BOARD By WM. Z. FOSTER. WE NEB met in New York on March 14th and T 15th. Present in addition to the Board proper were a dozen members of the National Committee and the 60 students of the National Training School, and many TUUL active work- ers. The three day meeting was crowded with activities. ‘There were reports on the general situation and the tasks of the TUUL, including a special report on Negro work (Stachel), un- employment (Wagenknecht), organization (Fos- ter), Labor Unity (Honig), the South (Martin), the West (Foster), convention (Foster). Special reports were also made on the work of the National Miners’ Union and Metal Workers’ In- dustrial League (Borich and Overgaard). The question of unemployment was the center of discussion. The whole practice of the TUUL in this vital activity was carefully reviewed. Under the general report, the TUUL strike ac- tivities were thoroughly éxamined. The strikers in Lawrence, textile workers, Pittsburgh miners, New York needle workers, etc., show that the TUUL, despite many ever more active role as a strike leader. next week’s issue of Labor Unity will be pub- lished a resolution summing up the lessons of | our past experiences and outlining the new tasks we confront, in the development of the revolu- tionary struggles. Especially valuable are the lessons of the Lawrence strike, which must be popularized. e report on osganization caused an excellent diccussion on shop organization and how to build it. The question of forming grievance commit- tees was placed in the center of our strategy for the organization of the unorganized, and the de- yelopment of militant strike moyements. The Board provided for a committee to prepare a thorough-going organization report to the com- ing convention, as well as to draft proposed amendments for the TUUL Constitution, and to publish a handbook on organization work in the industries. The report on work among the Negroes re- ceived much attention. The National Buro cri- ticized itself sharply for weakness of this work. Steps were taken to immediately establish an ac- tively functioning Negro department and to in- tensify our field work, not only in a general way, but in a concentrated way in the respective unions. The discussion on Labor Unity was the best mistakes, is playing an | In | ever made at any TUUL Board meeting. The | delegates evinced a determination to really build | Labor Unity to actively put into effect the pro- gram for this purpose adopted at the Board. The TUUL national Buro was sharply and cor- rectly criticized for failure to develop real work | rnmong the Latin Americans in this country and m support of the struggling revolutionary move- ments in Central and South America, The Latin | American. department will be reorganized im- mediately and this work begins. intensively. ‘The Board decided to hold the TUUL National | Convention in Chicago in the first week in Sep- tember, ‘the exact date to be announced later. The regular TUUL convention which shall last 5 days, will be preceded by a 2 day mass con- vention of the unemployed. The printed material for the convention (program, organization report, etc.), will be published in Labor Unity for gen- eral discussion, two months in advance of the convention. The next Board meeting will work out the final plans for the convention and issue the convention call. The Board endorsed a general plan for the concentration of the main efforts of the TUUL in the textiJe, metal, mining and marine indus- tries, and also in the big industrial centers of Chicago, Pittsburgh, Detroit and Cleveland, at the same time, the work of organization will be pushed in other districts, primarily with the local forces. Special programs of action will be developed by the national Buro for the South, and West, with special reference to the oil, agri- cultural, metal mining and lumber industries, and the big unemployment movement. This plan of concentration will be further elaborated by the national Buro in later issues of Labor Unity. The Board devoted much attention to the growing terror, marked by the rising wave of (Lawrence). Fish committee deportation pro- gram, etc. It called for the aggressive demand for the release of the class war prisoners. It greeted the attack of Tom Mooney upon the cor- rupt A. F, of L. leadership and called upon all workers to make the most militant struggle to free Mooney. The Board meeting characterized the present talk of the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, socialists, IWW, etc., about the 6-hour day and 5-day week as so much “left demagogy” designed to screen and facilitate the introduction of the stagger plan of the bosses. It reindorsed the RILU slogan for the 7-hour day without reduction in pay (including the 6-hour day for youth and those employed in hazardous industries). The assembled delegates greeted the continued victories of the 5-Year Plan. They reiterated this determination to spare no efforts to acquaint American workers with the revolutionary signi- ficance of these developments and to mobilize them to defend the Soviet Union against the growing war attacks, The Board expressed the view that it will facilitate organization work if the oil workers are formed into a distinct oil workers industrial union instead of into merely a department of the National Miners’ Union, and that the auto work- ers and packing house workers should be simi- larly organized, consideration of making these adjustments will be taken up with the miners, metal workers’ and food workers’ national unions and leagues. | chings, arrests of militants, raids on strikes | QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Question: Would you kindly let me know through the Daily Worker some information. I am not a member of your Party but would like to be, so would some of my friends also, but here is one drawback. We are afraid if we gave our name and address to the Commu- nist Party, that the state some ene of these days may decide to grab hold of the mailing list ‘of the Communist Party and expose all of , the names to the world—A Worker. Answer: The leading committees of the Party realize these problems. Measures are taken to safeguard our members, their names, and ad- | dresses. Question: Some workers claim that in New York State they pay a certain amount of money to men who are unemployed and have been residents of the state for at least 10 years. I don’t believe it. They say this was printed in the paper, Bollettino Della Sera—A. C. Penna. Answer: The capitalist. press is continually printing stories like this to deceive the worke! It is not true that the New York State g ernment gives any relief to the unemployed— in money or in any other way. And we know of no other state government that pays any un- employment relief. The big noise about public works, which is practically the only proposals even considered by state governments, was an- other lot of propaganda, very few extra jobs have been given on public works. New York state maintains a few free unemployment agen- cies, but that is all. These workers may be thinking of the New York -state old age pension—about five dollars | weekly for workers who must be over seventy, The Board meeting was marked with optimism | and enthusiasm. At the November meeting of the National Committee, confronted with a rapid numerical decline and serious weakening of the position of our organizations, the delegations frankly realized the situation as highly critical. But at this meeting no one spoke of crisi Difficulties are still present in most serious forms. Gross errors have been made in strike strategy, our organization work is still very in- sufficient, the use of partial demands is only beginning to be understood and trade union dem- ocracy remains at a low ebb in our unions, But much improvement has been made in these var- ious respects. This was clear from the several reports. The decline in membership has been practically checked, several of the organizations showing increases. A beginning has been made at stabilizing the union leadership, finances, etc. The TUUL has been able to come forward in a leading role in the struggle against unemploy- ment. It has also ted several strikes, the most important of which was the partially successful struggle of the Lawrence Workers against the American Woolen Company. The next several months will be crucial ones in the building of the TUUL. The economic crisis is deepening. The workers’ btandards are being slashed on all sides. The workers are de- veloping a sharper and more intense fighting spirit. More and more they turn to the TUUL for leadership. But our organization has many weaknesses. The price of leadership is that we learn how to develop the partial demands of the workers and to establish the elementary forms, grievance committees, among them, to be- gin the struggle. The consideration of these basic problems was the center of the recent Board meeting, the kernel around which all the other business revolved. Fruitful discussions were held, correct decisions taken. Now let the | practice reflect these actions by rapidly increas- ing the organization and leadership of the Trade Union Unity League. citizens of the United States (excluding all of the foreign born workers in New York who have not been naturalized), and give proof that they have no children able to support them. They must also be residents of New York State for ten years. Workers who want to know more about the old age “relief” rffeasures and fake unemploy- ment insurance schemes should get the new ten cent pamphlet on Social Insurance by Grace Burnham. It may be ordered, by mail from the Workers Library Publishers, Box 148, Station D, New York. Pao Question: Does the Labor Sports Union Club permit Negro workers into membership?— Asked at the Yokinen trial. Answer: The position of the Labor Sports Union has always been one of equality for the Negro workers, One of the principles of the Labor Sports Union is for the right of Negro athletes to participate together with white ath- Jetes in all athletic and social affairs. No race discrimination in any form whatsoever. For full Negro rights. As a workers’ organ‘zation ac- * cepting the working class principles in connec- | tion with the Negro workers, the Labor Sports Union stands wholeheartedly behind the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and gives it its full support in this sttuggle. The Labor Sports Union makes special efforts to enroll Negro athletes into its various sport clubs and groups and always invites them to participate in all its athletic and social affairs, The Vesa A. C., which is the sport section of the Harlem Finnish Workers Club to which Yokinen belongs, has Negro members. Workers! Join the Party of Your r Class! Communist Party U. S. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. | A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney This is the twelfth installment of Mooney's own story of the treachery of the A, F. of L. chiefs in the Mooney-Billings case. Written last year and made public just this year, it gives a review of some of them from the time of the original frame-up, in 1916. In the eleventh installment, Mooncy told how John O’Connel, the present secertary of the San Francisco Labor Council, fraternized in 1916 and 1918 with Koster, president of the cham- ber of Commerce and the chief plotter against Mooney and Billings.. O’Connel told every- body that Mooney and Billings were guilty, and “should be put away for life.” Now read on! Pe pea) INSTALLMENT 12 San Francisco Labor Council GAINST the open and concealed enemies of the workers and therefore of Mooney and | Billings, the labor movement must wage a re- lentless fight. Only continued struggle by labor can wrest Mocney and Billings from their dun- geons. The workers must shatter the ‘lies of. the Scharrenbergs, Caseys and O‘Connells. They must smash the chains by which the “labor leaders” would bind these two men for- ever in San Quentin and Folsom. No A. F. of L. body in California has ever made even a pre- tense to support Mooney and Billings except when forced through the pressure of the rank and file. The Benedict Arnolds of labor have used every trick, even violence, to smother the just resentment ‘of the workers against this 15-year-old outrage. The oficials of the San Francisco Labor Coun- cil have throttled, at all times, the wishes of the workers they are supposed to represent. They have never been sincere when asked to help Mooney and Billings. On Sept. 2, 1916, an ap- peal from the Defense Committee in behalf of the bomb defendants was filed without action by the Council, while on Sept. 29, 1916, a letter written by Billings requesting aid from the Council was pigeon-holed by the Law and Legis- lative Committee. A few months later, Feb, 23, 1917, the Council rejected two resolutions of- fering to ald Mooney and Billings, and adopted a resolution instructing its ever-convenient buf- fer, the Law and Legislative Committee, to “in- vestigate” the bomb trial. Mother Jones, labor’s Joan of Arc, appeared before the Council Dec. 20, 1918, and made a stirring appeal “for the Coyncil to send a déle- gate to the Mooney-Billings Labor Congress” which was to be held in Chicago the following January. Despite Mother Jones’. pleading, the Council refused to co-operate with the Labor Congress, assuming the position that no effort to free Mooney and should be taken outside the “regular” A. F. of L. channels, What an ironic statement! The “regular” “A. F. of L. channels” never helped the two imprisoned men, and the Council was well aware of this fact. a When the friends of Mooney and Billings heard about a huge mass meeting held at the Coliseum, Chisago, where over 20,000 citizens under the auspices of the Chicago Federation of Labor demanded a Congressional investiga- tion of the frame-up, they decided to hold a similar meeting in San Francisco. On March 29, 1918, a resolution was introduced in the La- bor Council requesting labor’s endorsement for @ mass meeting at the Civic Center Auditorium. Did the Labor Council give this endorsement? Of course not! The Defense Committee deter- mined to hold the mass meeting without the en- you. ,You thought more of your politics in this case than you did of labor.” A few days after @ha ‘mass meetings, the Irish Voice of Labor | printed another blast from her: “I had the privilege of speaking for Mooney, though some of the local labor politicians tried to prevent me from yoicing support of Irish labor for him.” On every possible occasion the San Francisco Labor Council has gone on record as opposing any and all efforts on behalf of the imprisoned men. In every labor center except San Fran- cisco, on Labor Day, 1918, Mooney and Billings banners were carried. in the parades or dis- played in the halls in all demonstrations held in the United States. In the city that was about to hang Mooney and send Billings. to prison for life, there was not a word, not a banner about the comrades of the marchers. The Tom Mooney Molders Defense Commit- tee, last February (1929), requested the use of the San Francisco Labor Temple for a mass meeting in behalf of Tom Mooney, at which trial Judge Griffin and former U. S. Investigator McCarthy were to speak for the pardon-of these two men. The “labor leaders,” as usual, refused, and the meeting was held at the Knights of Columbus Hall, Feb. 24, with an overflow at- tendarice. The treachery of the officials of the Labor Council is evident. They are the tools of Big Business. issue, a manifestation of the constant struggle between capital and labor, and these officials stand exposed as auxiliary, but highly important aids of the corporations in the fight against the workers and Mooney and Billings. UNION LABOR PARTY SUPERVISORS VOTE FUNDS TO “FRAME” MOONEY AND BILLINGS ‘The’ San Francisco Board of Supervisors con- trols the expenditures of the police department and the District Attorney’s office. At the time Mooney and Billings were being framed union labor had a working majority on the board. ‘The following supervisors for San Francisco County were elected as candidates of the Union Labor Party and the San Francisco Labor Coun- cil: Cc. J. Deasy, Union Labor Party. A. J. Gallagher, Photo-Engravers Union. John Hynes, Musicians Union, Local N. 6. Joseph Lahaney, Union Labor Party. Charles Nelson, Business Agent, ‘Trades Council. Ed. D. Nolan, Bricklayers Union. John I. Walsh, Molders Union, Local No. 164. R. J. Welch, Molders Union, Local No. 164. Ralph McLaren, Union Labor Party. James G. Power, Union Labor Party. Ed Brandon, Union Labor Party. Did any of these “labor” representatives pro- test the appropriations of funds to “frame” Mooney ‘and Billings? Did any of these men question the expenditure of funds overtly used to convict two innocent members of organized labor? Of course not! Noy. 21, 1916. Resolution No. 13605 (new Series), was passed approving the expenditure of $2,500.00; April 4, 1917, Resolution No. 14175 (new series), was passed approving the expenditure of $1,500.00; August 7, 1917. An additional sum of $7,500.00 was authorized for “special expense of the Po- lice Department and District Attorney in con- nection with investigation and prosecution of the perpetrators of the bomb explosion.” ‘The Board of Supervisors also approved the expenditure of $3,150.00 to pay the wages of Swanson, the P. G. & E. detective who directed the frame-up from Fickert’s office, and also accepted Swanson’s additional bills for auto hire and incidental expenses. Not a word from any of “labor’s” supervisors regarding the P. G. & E. detective on the city payroll, or a question Building The Modney-Billings case is a class | By JORGE Attention of Mr. Fish From the campaign of Mr. Fish and all. his: kind, we gather that “dumping” is an hostile act justifying blockade and even war against the dumper by the dumpee. That being the case, it may be embarassing | to reveal the fact that the Canadian government has put the Dumping tag on United States soft coal, of which some 15,000,000 tons is sent into Canada every year. Canada claims that U. S. bituminous coal is being exported into Canada and sold there at. “an unreasonably low price.” So an official “Order-in-Council” has been issued, laying down a tariff rate into Canada for additional. duty on American coal equivalent to the difference between the invoice mine price and the value as fixed by Canada. The value set as a mini- mum is $1 per ton on slack bituminous and $1.25 on run of mine. Now you coal diggers, just dig up some cases of forced labor in the mines, and let’s give Fish a dose of his own medicine. Don’t expect Fish to get sore at Canada, however, as he seems to be quite a lobbyist for Canadian pulpwood: As we said before, if he and Mattie Woll are not getting paid for it, they are scabbing on “legi- timate” British imperialist agents. et ee More Capitalist “Justice” From a clipping sent us which we can iden- tify only as seeming to come from “The Pro- gressive Press” of St. Louis, we learn of a beau- tiful case of capitalist class “justice.” The facts are given as follows: “On the morning. of Sept. 17, 1930, Alexander Zander and John Graf, members of Bakers’ Union No. 4, peaceful and law-abiding citizens, were distributing circulars asking people to pur- chase Union label bread, in front of Julius O, | Thompson’s bakery, 5001 Emerson Avenue. The two men did not molest anybody and handed out their literature in a quiet and legitimate manner.” From what followed, it is clear that being “law-abiding” citizens and conducting them- selves “legitimately” didn’t help any in winning the strike. For: “Julius O. Thompson came out of his store, armed witin a revolver, assaulted Graf and fol- lowed Zander across the street, fired and killed Zander.” So a few gestures were made, Arrest and release on $25,000 bail. But the bail was only | for the term of court ending on Feb. 2, 1931, | and new bail should have been arranged or Thompson jailed by that date. The court of- ficials, so enthusiastic and particular in jailing workers, “somehow” let the bail expire and ‘Thompson remain free. So when the case was called on March 2, everybody was present except the defendant Thompson. He had left the city it was found out, and the bail had been given back to the bondsmen. Then, the story goes on: “Persons expected the daily press would take the case up editorially, as they. surely would have done had an employe killed his employer. These expectations were illusions. None of the daily papers in St. Louis have since mentioned the case, either editorially or in the news columns.” Now it strikes us that rank and file workers | of the A. F. of L. ought to Jearn from this lesson | that the “democracy” supposed to exist in this country is only a capitalist dictatorship in dis- guise, very thin disguise at that. And also they should remember that. such outrageous capitalist “justice” could not happen , in the Soviet Union, where the dictatorship is RGIECCUE S050 cs clsesshatesicdpncestitcntiee dorsement, of the Council, and a huge throng | 28 t Why a man such as Swanson—sworn enemy Don’ ted about ‘ ° eens heard Moth Jones and Mrs. Sheey Sheffington | f labor—was permitted to direct the “investi- aigtetarsinyr Gea 4 fina “a for which aSclS ac nN ommt 1nist lig aie -ocscosthevecoestinses-SRRIR cs speak. gation” by the District Attorney's office. gar wed ’ . lass ks. ne With true Irish pugnacity, Mrs. Skeffington, All the “representatives” of labor gave their a eae Party In Chicago bosses through their Election Board have ruled the Communist Party off the ballot in | the coming city elections on April 7th. This fascist attack in the so-called “land of the Free” takes place despite the fact that 20758 workers in Chicago signed the petitions to place the Com- | munist Party on the ballot. The deepening crisis which expresses itself in Chicago in constant lay- offs in the big shops, in wage cut after wage cut, increasing speed-up, with the stagger system be- was carried out by Big Business in Chicago. Every Party was ruled off the ballot except “the two parties ordained by God.” However, in the proceedings it was clear that the main purpose was to rule the Communist Party off the ballot, despite the fact that the C. P. was the only Party in the present campaign that filed by mass petition and not through the so-called caucus convention, -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. wife of the Irish publicist murdered during the Irish Rebellion, said: “I want you politicians in the labor movement to know we are watching assent to the frame-up. Labor leaders helping Mooney and Billings? ‘Indeed! (TO BE CONTINUED.) en From Bardoli to Delhi (These are the second and third articles on recent developments in India, evaluating the Prospects of the revolutionary struggle there. The first article appeared in the Daily Worker last Saturday, March 21,—Editor.) ferent. from both. What is all this if not a deliberate attempt to mix up the cards, to coh- ceal from the masses the price for the sell-out to Britsh imperialism? ~ i Gandhi (which may not be perceptible today but will become an open fact tomorrow) is also an earnest of the unbroken spirit of the Indian masses, of the rising class consciousness of the : Incompetent? ‘We must remind the Right Rev. Norman ‘Thomas that ere he go too far on this charge of “incompetency” against the N. Y. Police De- partment, that one of the ace frame-up artists on the Vice Squad testified ten days ago. or so ago, that he not only put in his full time pinch- ing “vice girls,’ but that he “spent his spare time and even his lunch hours walking up and down Broadway just to make arrests.” workers) have been: cutting down production for Side by side with this fascist attack In this seemingly hopeless mess of inconsis- | workers, of their determination to continue the coming the general rule, with actual hunger and céainainst Party goes the ecaaing Tacs si * sic pray = tencies, contradictions and denials the leading | struggle. months and throwing the workers out to die of starvation spread ng oa eect ine | ‘lal demagogy by Big Bill Thompson, and in | ‘The National Congress 1s Watching Its Step. | Pat's are well distributed. Gandhi is already ei sparretlob., Fie) ae eee sl Tot tuiees whe pce we a particular by the next probable mayor, the dem- Both the forces of avoltitioe ara Ronee lees Lesh eee, e Bombay workers who gave The Objective Conditions of the Struggle in able to keep on only through increased govern- sd fewer crumbs is met by the workers, with | °cTAtle candidate, Cermak. Thompson, who is | revolution have learned much during the inter. | Him,% “Feception” which, according to the New India. ment bounties. ‘The cotton textile industry re- more organization and struggle against the bosses! The militant demonstrations and hunger marches in the city of Chicago, the growing mass action against evictions, the growth of the Unemployed Councils all under the leadership of the Communist Party, have actually scared finance capital in Chicago. As an answer to the growing support of the masses to the Commu- nist Party and in order to facilitate a whole- sale attack upon the very living conditions of the working class in Chicago, the bosses in- structed their puppets in the City Hall to rule the Communist Party off the ballot. However, the millionaire parasites of Chicago are mistaken if they think they can hold back the onward march of the working class under revolutionary leadership. More energetically than before the Communist Party will rally more and more workers in struggle against the starva- tion program of the bosses, and by a broad sticker campaign will rally thousands of work- ers to Vote Communist on April 7th, despite the fascist attack of the bosses. ‘The proceedings at the Election Board clearly the agent of the Insull utility interests and sup- ported by ‘the fascist deader of the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor, Alderman Oscar Nelson, calls upon the workers to vote for him because he said he is a friend of the poor people. But the workers are beginning to realize more and more that the Thompson policy is the bosses’ Policy of hunger and wage cuts, of terror and war against the workers. Cermak, who has organ- ized a “Labor Union Committee” has gotten the support of such racketeer officials in the Chi- cago Federation of Labor as Martin Dirkin, head of the building trades, who on last March 6th openly called for the beating of the unemployed workers. Cermak, who is the candidate of big business, backed by such millionaire exploiters as Melvin Traylor of the First National Bank, McCormick of the International Harvester and the Anti-Soviet war crying Chicago Tribune, and also to a certain extent getting the support of Samuel Insull, is trying to hide the bankers and manufacturers’ support by telling the workers that he will end unemployment, help the Negro masses, etc, ‘The Communist Party calls on all workers to vening years between the first and the second revolutionary wave in India. Up till now the working class has been unable to assume the leadership of the mass movement in the village and in the city. But the fight against the Indian bourgeoisie for the hegemony in the revolution has begun. Gandhi himself admitted this when he stated in his letter to the Viceroy that he is afraid “of the revolutionary party daily gaining ground.” Now as in 1922 the Indian bourgeoisie is de- livering the masses into the hands of the British imperialists because it is scared to death by the spectre of the coming workers’ and peasants’ revolution. But now the existence of revolution- | ary working class organizations, of Red’ Trade Unions and of the Indian Communist. Party, however weak it is, compels the National, Con- gress to “watch its step,” to hasten slowly with its betrayal. In 1922 a flimsy pretext (the kill- ing of 20 policemen by the peasants) was deemed sufficient by the National Congress to pass the Bardoli resolution and call off the civil dis- obedience campaign. What.do we see now? Now Gandhi is mighty afraid to repeat the “dramatic gesture” of York Times, “had never before happened to him. in a lifetime.” Gandhi is already obliged to de- fend himself, against accusations of selling-out to the British. From various parts of the coun- try come reports that the masses continue to fight in spite of and against Gandhi’s agree- ment with the Viceroy. “Already the extremists,” says the New Republic, rushing to the defense of the Mahatma, “and their sympathizers in the United States are saying that Mr. Gandhi has betrayed his. own principles and gone over to the side of the British.” Too bad!—for the In- dian capitalists. But they have a reserve—it’s Nehru and his “left” associates. The young Nehru has proven his loyalty to the capitalist class (it’s not for nothing that Gandhi calls him. a “disciplined boy”) and his ability to play in the hands of the bourgeoisie. So it’s Nehru on whom the Indian bourgeoisie is now placing its stakes, who is now being pushed to the fore- front to put up a fake opposition to Gandhi and to talk independence, to be achieved—where do ‘Three fundamental factors lie at the roots of the Indian revolution: the strangulation of the whole development of India (economic, social, cultural) by British imperialism, the land-hunger of the peasantry and the unbearable conditions of the workers. It is one thing to throw a few sops to the Indian bourgeoisie. It is quite an- other thing to remove the deep causes which set millions in motion, Even the pig-headed British conservatives recognized the existence of these causes and after the post-war crisis made an attempt to find their own imperialist solution of the basic problems of the Indian revolution. Three Royal Commissions were appointed (agri- cultural, labor, and the ‘Simon Commission). Each of them spent more than two years in touring India and investigating their respective problems. And in spite of all this laborious work they proved, one and all, an igriominious failure. If proof is needed, life itself is supply- ing the proof: the peasant movement is sweep- ing the country and the strikes of the workers during the last three years have been the great- est known in Indian history. British imperialism was powerless to solve the problems of the Indian revolution by the way of cently improved its position, thanks to the boy- cott of British imported manufactures, ‘The boy- cott was declared by the National Congress (! is why the Bombay mill owners so. Mf financed it), but enforced by the masses, not {by the Indian merchants. The Indian capit sold out the masses but want to maintain ihe boycott. They will soon discover, to their t dissatisfaction, that even the boycott of goods is impossible to enforce without a mili mass movement to back it, Already the Lan- cashire manufacturers in Britain declared their approval of Gandhi’s peace agreement because ib makes it easier for them to flood the Indian market with their gods. In this economic situation (which does not re- main static, but goes from bad to worse), with a ruined peasantry, with the purchasing power of the Indian masses reduced almost to zero, ) with renewed acute competition in the; contract~ ing Indian market any concessions to the Indian capitalists can be realized only through a ter- rifie attack on wages and other labor conditions of the working class, Will the Indian workers, who put up such a splendid resistance to the offensive of Indian capital during the last three “ exposed the rotten class character of the capl- | orotest against the fascist removal of the Party | fact that more policemen were killed during the i reforms after the defeat of the revolutionary | ycars, stand this? The strike movement in the “Teagan ago paddle nye feb off the ballot, to resist the social d of | 14st few months than for the whole period of Both Gandhi and Nehru are representatives of |. campaign of 1919-22, at the time of the partial | last half of 1930 slackened partly because of the the Communist Party was signed:fointly by the two official lawyers of the republican and demo- cratic parties, Mr. Tyrell and Harrington, re- spectively. This shows the united front of Finance Capital against the leader of the work- ing class—the Communist Party. Mr, Tyrell tried to explain that ‘the United ‘Thompson and Cermak. We will rally thou- sands of workers to Vote Communist on April ‘th, for the class struggle program of immediate relief and unemployment insurance, of struggle against wage cuts and speed-up, unity of Negro and white workers, against lynching, defense of the Soviet Union, and for a workers’ government. noticing it. Only thus can we explait the clown- like unceasing right-about-face of the bourgeois nationalist leaders who now call on the masses to stand by Gandhi's peace terms with the Vic- -eroy, now promise to continue the “war”; now in the midst of the severest economic crisis which 41s shattering the whole capitalist world, and the colonial system in particular, 'to its very founda- tions? There isn’t now one crop in India for which the peasant gets more than half of the cost of production. The deficits of the Provincial and temporary exhaustion of the workers after the prolonged strikes in the preceding period, but mainly due to the paralyzing influence of the National’ Congress and its deliberate policy of exhausting the working class in hartals with no proletarian demands behind them. There are now signs that the strike movement is again picking up. The Indian workers are freeing themselves from the influence of the bourgeois are for dominion status, now for complete inde- | new betrayal! This is what the Communists | the Central Indian Governments are mounting | nationalists, And under the pressure of the States constitution ordained (My God!) thet On April 7th vote for: Otto H, Wangerin, for pendence, Then on top of it comes the Ma- | must now tell and explain to the Indian workers | and there 1s no prospect: of a decrease in taxa- | sharpening economic crisis a revival of the prole- this country should have only ‘two parties, the | mayor; Lydia Bennet for City Clerty Ausust | hatma end announces that. the Congress demand | and peasants. Nevertheless, the very substitu- |/ tion. The huge jute industry and the ten plan-. tarian class struggle in @ much mong neue fers { |