The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 24, 1931, Page 4

5 wane ¥% Page Four 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Address and mail al] checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily except Sunday, at 66 East “DAIWORK.” jew York, N. ¥. orker By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; SUBSCRIPTION RATES: two months, $1; excepting Boroughs 8+ six months, $4.50, FAKERS’ “PEACE”- -MACHINE GUNS~AND THE MINERS By BILL ‘HERE “peace” signed by the two bosses’ controll ‘actions the United Mine Workers of Ameri¢a—Lewis and Fishwick. After two years of charges and exposing each other of being crooks, being on the payroll of the coal operators, the two gangs of fakers united by de- gree of the court and the coal operators. very same day that “peace” was ordered by the coal operators between Lewis and Fishwick, war was declared against the miners. Old Ben Cor- GEBERT poration announced a 153-4 cents wage-cut on a ton in Mine No. 18 in Johnson City, Iinois. Together with the wage-cuts the miners received another “present.” ‘They were ordered to use the new method of shooting coal by compressed gas, known as cardox. This method of shooting is to improve the mining of coal by not crush- ing the coal, but by breaking it in big lumps. This method o! ooting is yery dangerous, and in the mines of Old Ben No. 8 and Zeigler No. 1, where the miners were forced to accept this method of. shooting the coal, they are paying with their lives. A number of miners were killed and numerous have been injured by using cardox in shooting the coal The miners in Johnson City refused to ac- cept the wage-cuts and cardox. The Old Ben Mine was declared shut down, throwing 800 men out of work. The miners, refusing to be thrown out of work, threw a picket line around the mine, preventing the maintepance men and bosses from going in the mine. Immediately the sheriff mobilized his gang and the miners were attacked. Militia came to the town. The miners decided to take the offensive. They sent dele- gations to the local unions of the U. M. W. A. and all miners of the Old Ben Corporation in Franklin and Willison County, appealing to the miners to strike with them and to fight. But the local officials, guided by the higher officials, refused to join in the struggle, and prevented the declaration of a strike in the local unions. The Johnson City miners knew that the rank and file were with them, and they threw a picket Yine around the Old Ben Mines—Pershing No. 15, Buckner No. 14 and West Frankfort No. 8. The rank and filers in these mines joined the strike. The next day all the armed forces of the county and state were mobilized to smash the picket line. Hundreds of thugs with ma- chine buns attacked the picket line. In one case, in Pershing No. 15, the picket line was headed by members of the American Legion, who led the picket line carrying the American Flag. They had faith in the American Flag— and they thought it would prevent the sheriff ‘and his gang from attacking them. _But they were fooled. The legionnaires were most bit- fterly attacked by the sheriff forces. They could not stand seeing the miners who were fooled into joining the American Legion, and who were supposed to attack the miners, that they took sides with the miners against the bosses and sheriffs. ‘They were beaten up. Shells ‘were fired from the machine guns, and the American flag did not help. Through this bitter experitnce the miners were learning the natures of the state and the meaning of the law—that it is a law of the bosses against the miners. They also began to understand the meaning of the “peace” be- tween Lewis and Fishwick. As a result the miners in Johnson City, who went on strike the first day, when the organizer of the N. M. U. -* came, pleaded with them to keep away from ~ the struggle, because, they argued, if the N. M. U. would enter the struggle the miners would hhave the law on them. The N. M. U. organ- izers explained to them that as long as the miners will fight they will have the bosses’ gov- ernment against them. The N. M. U. organ- izers spoke at the meeting of the local union Vagrancy and Chain Gang By WALTER WILSON. (Three Articles, No, 3) some camps colored and white workers eat, sleep and work together. In others the Ne- groes are segregated. One particular evil de- velops out of the segregation policy. White pris- oners are used as guards and, as only the syco- phantic are selected, frequently these trusties are used to chase escaped Negroes with blood hounds and guns. ‘The new prisoner who arrives at the camp, not knowing the despicable character of these trus- ties, is often encouraged to attempt escape by trusties and guards who hope to split the bond money or get a reward for recapturing the escaped. These brutes take quite a sport in man- hunting with blood hounds—“just like fox-hunt- ing”! It gives the young dogs such “valuable training”! Several cases in recent years of guards using convicts as subjects on which to train dogs have gotten into the press in spite’ of efforts to censor such news. A prisoner who has incurred the displeasure of the guards is forced to get some distance ahead of a guard holding the dogs. The dogs are released and chase the convict who barely has time to take refuge in a small tree. From the tree he is forced to tease the dogs who have bayed him by throwing stones at them or striking them , with a long pole. , ‘When the guards feel that the dogs are savage enough the convict is made to jump among the dogs; if he is hesitant, the guards force him to .jump by shooting him from a distance with -emall gun-shot. The angry, snarling dogs, man. gle the worker into insensibility before the guards call them off. Let a 16-year-old boy, tall for his age, very thin, with a complexion ravaged with disease tell his story. He is fresh from a North Carolina chain gang, to which he was sent when picked ; up hunting for work: “They hauled me before a magistrate-who sen- tenced me to 90 days on the chain gang. When ‘the judge said that, I couldn't help but cry. I (told them I was only 16. .» ‘The three months I spent on that chain gang | Was just a hell on earth. I don’t want to re- member it. Night after night I cried myself to “sleep in a big iron cage crowded with convicts, - lots of them just eaten up with disease. Some tof the convicts would pat me on the back and * try to cheer me up. : ‘Corn bread and peas, and corn bread and molasses was al] we got to eat. We worked from ;daylight till it got too dark to work at night. = +20 to 30 had to wash in the same tub of water. | That's how I got these sores on me. I don't know kind of disease I've got and I have to pay 2 doctor to find out.” The | | committees in every of the U. M. W. A. and encouraged them to fight and advised them of the methods of strug- gle. They were received yery well by the min- ers. A mass meeting was called and a local of the N. M. U. was organized. But the miners were hesitant to accept the full leadership of the N. M. U. Only after the picket lines were smashed did they learn the true character of | | the state, and they sent a delegation to the headquarters of the N. M. U., requesting to be organized into the N. M. U. Johnson City is only the first start in the new drive of wage-cuts in the Mlinois coal fields. In Orient No. 1, where 1,100 miners were working. a few weeks ago the mine was shut down. Now the bosses are introducing new machinery and have ‘already declared that only a part of the miners will be employed. The others will be left to starve. Starvation in the field is general. A | delegation of the local union of the U. M. W. A from Johnson City, speaking at the Zeigler meeting of the U. M. W. A., declared that the other day two young boys were found dead in the alley from starvation. Such mining towns as Christopher, Johnson City, Coello and others | look nearly like cemeteries. Starvation there is general. Even the Red Cross declared that hun- dreds were starving and many hundreds more | were approaching destitution. Just a few years ago about 100,000 miners worked in the mines of Illinois and today there are only about 30,000 working, part time. A good many drifted away from the mining in- dustry. Those who remained were primarily family men, who simply can’t move away, as they have not even the means of getting out of the town. Those who remain and work a few days a month are starving. Wages have been cut, speed-up has increased. This is clearly shown by the figures of the production of coal in the state of Mlinois. In 1926 about 60,000 miners produced 69,000,000 tons. . In 1930, 37,000 miners produced 53,000,000 tons. A decrease in production of 16,000,000 tons, and the decrease in the number of miners working is about £9 per cent. Those who are working, are working only part time. These figures are clearly indi- cating the facts concerning the conditions in the mining industry in Illinois. The N. M. ., which led the heroic strike of the miners in December, 1929, are again mobilizing the miners for struggle. Local unions are be- ginning to be built; organizational committees of the N. M. U. are established, and this is the only solution for the miners—that is to build their own unions of the N. M. U., with the mine mine, to undertake the struggle against wage-cuts, and the bosses’ tool, the U. M. W. A., and organize ‘the unemployed miners to struggle for food. Unity of the em- | ployed miners in the coal fields is absolutely necessary for a successful struggle. So, there is “peace” in the Illinois Goal fields. “Peace” with machine guns and tear gas— | “peace” for the purpose to further attack the miners, to exploit those who are working and | rob them of the miserable few dollars they are making by the check-off, to upkeep the treach- erous gang of Lewis and Fishwick. The phrase- monger, Howatt, who was ditched by Fishwick making peace with Lewis, at present it attempt- ing to create confusion and promising the min- ers that he will fight for them. But Alexander Howatt is known already to the miners as one who was controlled by the Peabody Coal Co., by Farrington and by Fishwick. He served them best. The miners must not have faith in Alex- ander Howatt, who today is maneuvering to get support from the rank and filers, for the main purpose of Howatt is to betray them for the interest of the coal operators. The miners of Illinois must build their only weapon in struggle—the National Miners’ Union. to be released does not always mean a respite according to the 1929 Handbook of Penal Infor- mation, for in Georgia “men are turned loose without any cash and given a railroad ticket to the point from which they were sentenced. On arrival without jobs or funds they are subject to re-arrest as vagrants by the police force and to trial by court officials who are paid on the fee basis for conviction.” Some of the products produced by chain gang labor are turpentine, tar, lumber, crushed rock, etc. Besides there {s the use of convict labor by the state or contractors in building concrete and other types of roads. The correct value of these products cannot be ascertained because of the graft inherent in the system. The serious- ness of the competition to other labor is at- tested to, however, by the fact that convict made goods and road gangs are an issue in nearly every southern state. The chief value to employ- ers lies in coercing “free” labor to work at starva- tion wages on the outside. Another form of prison labor camps similar to chain gangs but not so well known, are the mines and prison farms. Prisoners convicted of the same “crimes” go to these camps as lo the chain gangs. Everything’ that has been said about conditions on the gangs can be said about these camps. Each type can bendescribed in a few words. : The state of Tennessee maintains a coal mine camp at Petros, Tenn. The coal produced is sold by the state in the open market. A state legislature committee recently investigated the mine. According to the admission of the com- mittee “the wooden four-story barracks are a fire and death trap.” At the time of the in- vestigation 146 prisoners out of 1,000 were down sick with influenza and pneumonia. They were scattered throughout the prison, with only one doctor and hospital accommodations’ for 8 pris- oners. It was shown that eight times as many men have been killed by violence and accident at the mine camp than at the central state prison in the same length of time. In the period, 1930-1 there were thousands of hospital cases, mostly whippings for non-performance of work. “Sodomy is prevalent” with the knowledge of the authorities, says the chairman of the committee. ‘The Imperial Prison farm near Houston, Texas, is fairly typical of the great prison farms. There we will find all the evils of the other camps. Mounted and armed guards ride among the toil- ing prisoners and whip them when they fal] be- hind with their work. Literally hundr prisoners are whipped todeath. There have been several white-wash pr@secutions in recent years for death-whippings, Guards are rewarded for shooting trying to escape. Trusties are given pardons as News Item bigger and bigger. —While the yellow press is yelping about good times just around the corner, the PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of | the Central Commitee, Communist Party, U.S.A. A Letter From a Worker Dear Comrades: As a non-member of the Party who with its aims, and realizes that only under the militant leadership of the Communist Party will | the American proletariat be able to overthrow the capitalist government and establish the Dic- tatorship of the Proletariat, I wish to venture some criticism. Knowing that I will be cor- | rectg@d, and that I will reccive an intelligent | reply to my opinions, I will not hesitate to ex- | press myself about any matter I do not clearly | understand. agrees | | | | | BR n USA of Manhattan and Bronx. New York Ctiy. Fore’ ; one year, $ \ By BURCK | | By JORGE | It’s How You Look At It | atric: wave of workers’ suicides mysteriously grows Tom Mooney Mooney himself writes an exposure of the role the treacherous role of the A.F.L. leaders in the Mooney-Billings case. Previous in- stallments of their sabotageing the defense and the campaign to free the two workers. The sabotagers mentioned, were Scharrenberg, McCarthy, Brouillet, Casey and the officials of Mooney’s own union, the Molders. Now read on! INSTALLMENT 11 John Conn eue Him Away for Life” HE attitude of the present Secretary of the San Francisco. Labor ‘ouncil vividly por- There was a letter in the Daily from——, by a | trays the reactionary and corrupt nature of the Negro working-woman. One has only to read the | ——Gazette to prove the fact that Negroes are | framed and sent to jail. The gecords of the police-court will substantiate her statement that } Negro women are discriminated against and | fined for offenses they did not commit. city should follow up such letters. Get sub- scriptions to the Daily Worker, and establish permanent contacts with the Negro and white “labor leaders” and shows them in their true role as the “labor lieutenants of Big Business” ~-the agents of the enemy within the ranks of labor. In 1916 John O'Copnell was friendly with all the big politicians of the State, intim- I be- | ate with the President of the Chamber of Com- | lieve the local of the Party in the near-by big | merce, advocated the election of Fickert, vio- | ently denounced Mooney and Billings, and at- | tacked anyone who raised a voice in their de fense. On March 31, 1917, when the San Ffan- workers of—. A town that has an iron-foun- | cisco Labor Council passed a resolution declar- dry, fertilizer plant, silk-mill, shirt-factory, city- laborers (under-paid), railway yards and various trades that are unorganized, should be able to support its own local of the Communist Party. I brought the question up before some Party members and they informed me that they did not have any CONTACTS in—. Contacts in business or politics do not grow on trees, they have to be MADE. Granted that a city of ku kluxers and fundamentalists is not a fertile field for a Communist nucleus; that is no argument against bringing into the Party such workers as are fitted because of their ability and desire to become Communists. —— is the GATEWAY to the South, the beginning of intensified wage- slavery and white chauvinism. There are fac- tories, mills, truck farms, unskilled workers and students. Members of the City C. P. could go to ——- on a Saturday evening and mingle with the crowd. Negro comrades could be sent to the several Negro districts and meet the Ne- gro workers at the stores or in their homes. Cc. P. members might find employment on the city gang that digs in the ditches, or they might hang around the docks and learn from the conversation of the workers and habitual loafers a lot that would be valuable in making contacts, and creating solidarity between’ the ‘workers of —— and the city. I realize all this is the work of a C. P. or Y.C.L. organizer, and I realize that much good work has been done by the C. P. in the city; but in neglecting a ter~ ritory only about seven miles away, they are losing time and also members. I have distributed some Daily Workers, and Labor Defenders whenever, possible, to workers most likely to understand and follow the know- ledge given to class conscious workers in the two publications mentioned. My time and abil- ity to do more is limited by the nature of my job, but the job will not last much longer. None of them do any more. I have heard sev- eral out-of-town sympathizers and C. P. mem- bers complain that there was no place to pur- chase Daily Workers in the city. It seems to me some arrangement could be made to place D.W.’s in stores, or at least have them sold on the streets at noon and between 4 and 6-o’clock of the afternoon and evening. I realize the re- luctance of some merchants to handle a Com- munist paper, but it seems only a reluctance on the part of C.P. or Y.C.L. members would keep from selling the paper on the streets. Or does oe wow in the city forbid such treasonable ac’ Cordially and fraternally, —A Worker, and the baying of dogs is a notice that guards and planters are engaging in their favorite sport of man-hunting. In addition to the forms of prison camps al- ready described there is the common practice | coal mines and other camps produce millions of of leasing cut prisoners to private individuals or concerns. That this is still a practice is evi- denced by a reply to my questionnaire on forced | will maintain its ‘system labor from a Louisiana editor: “It is against the law to lease prisoners to private concerns, but: nevertheless Sa Re een ere RI RDN CRI REO trinidad rt Already } broken by the ing its belief in the innocence of Mooney and Billings, John O'Connell, true to his masters, dissented and made an impassioned attack against the resolution. On every occasion since then, he has overtly and actively attacked Mooney and Billings. As already mentioned, O’Connell was an intim- ate friend of Frederick J. Koster, President of the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. It it unnecessary to point out the role of any President of the Chamber of Commerce. Koster was the most rabid of all the open shoppers, and the leader of the “Frameup” crew which railroaded Mooney and Billings to the “Pen” for life. Koster is quoted as saying August 25, 1916, “That the bomb explosion has proven to the people of San Francisco the need of the open shop.” In the fact of this open and frank admission, the relationship between O'Connell and Koster becomes even more significant. The following text of a conversation between O'Connell and Rebecca Rainey, proves conclu- | sively the unspeakable treachery of this out- | standing California “Labor Leader.” Rebecca Rainey at the time of the conversation, was the Executive Secretary of the Purchasing De- partment of the Food Administration of the Unted States Government, Western Division. Immediately after speaking to O'Connell Miss Rainey proceeded to the defense committee's office and dictated the gist of this important conversation. Miss Rainey positively informed those present, as she did Tom Mooney a little later, that her dictated text was an accurate version of her talk with O'Connell. It took place on November 22, 1918, just six days before Governor Stephens commuted Mooney’s death sentence to life imprisonment. O'Connell: “Well, I’ve just come from a visit with my friend Fred Koster. You know he is a sth fellow—one of the finest fellows that ever ved.” Miss Rainey: “Koster? Which Koster do you mean, Mr. O'Connell?” O'Connell: “Why. Fred Koster of the Cham- ber of Commerce.” . Miss Rainey: “Why, that’s funny. I guess I haven't been correctly informed. My under- standing was that you were supposed to repre- sent the people who are opposed to him,” O'Connell: “Why—say—Koster is a splendid fello\, When you know him he is one of the finest fellows you ever met. A lot of these fellows who are fighting him are lucky to have him there, instead of someone else. Somebody has to fill the job. Somebody has ‘to be the President. If they didn’t have Koster, they Most of the convicts used on the farms and mines, however, are long term state prisoners. ‘The big farms produce literally millions of dol- lars worth of cotton which is exported. The dollars worth of other raw material. ‘This mueh is certain, the southern ruling class of forced labor by hook or by crook, Jaw or no law, as long as they have the power to do so, This power can ond “be might have somebody else who might be far more erratic. He is a prince of a fellow when | you know him—I said, ‘You're all right your- | Self but you are like old dog tray; you're in bad company.’ Oh, yes, don’t ever believe any- | thing against Fred Koster. He's all right. Take his own place: It's 100. per cent union. All union oyer there. Miss Rainey: “What place do you mean, Mr. O'Connell?” | O'Connell: “Why, his place—The California Barrel Works-—It’s union all through. Miss Rainey: “Is that so?” 5 O'Connell: “Sure, it’s so. There are a lot } of knockers around but, believe me, Koster is | all right.” Miss Rainey: “What do you think of the Mooney case, Mrs. O'Connell?” | O'Connell: “What do I think of it Well, | I thin! they'll get this fellow Mooney hanged | if they keep on with this agitation about strikes and all the rest. They'll force the Governor to hang him, sure.. You know they tried the same stuff with Ford and Suhr, those Wheat- | land rioters. Same stuff exactly—threats, in- tmiidation, an dall that stuff. They make a great mistake. You can’t accomplish anything that way; and, as fas as Mooney is concerned, if his sentence is commuted, he is lucky. A man with his tendencies couldn’t expect any- thing else.” Miss Rainey: “You think he is guilty?” O'Connell; “Well, I wouldn’t go as far as to say that; but I'll say this: Life imprison- ment is’ the best a fellow like Mooney could expect—and it’s too good for: him. Say, you don’t know him, but I do. He's a menace. He wants to run everything. He’s always butting in. Preaches violence; advocates murder. Why, if you let his kind go about, no one would be safe.” Miss Rainey: “Do you really think he com- mitted this act, through. Mr.-O’Connell? Re- gardless, of everything else, of course, every- body understands he was tried for this one specific act.” O'Connell: “Well, that’s something I would not like to be quoted on; but I know this: if you and I—in this room—are advocating the | use of dynamite and, after discussing it, we walked out and within the next hour or so this building blows up, you wouldn't have to try very hard to convince any reasonable man that we did it.” ip Miss Rainey: “Well, how about Oxman? Do you take any stock in him?” O'Connell: “No, I can’t say that T do.” Miss Rainey: “Well, if you did, I'd think you had a pretty strong nose, Mr.- O'Connell.” O'Connell: “Oh, no (laughing), he was too Taw. I don’t think anybody takes much stock in him; but, of course, no matter what Oxman was, that has nothing to do with what Mooney is. This Mooney is a man without principle, He could do up his own mother. He is a man who will brook no restraint. You can’t reason with him. You can’t turn him aside from his Purpose. In a case like this there is only one think to do—to put him away for life—where he can’t do any harm.” Miss Rainey: “Well, if what you say about Mooney is true, how do you make out it was necessaty to import a perjurer to convict him. And, another thing: How is it you feel this way and, at the same time your unions here are supporting the Mooney Defense League?” O'Connell: Supporting? Why that’s all from the outside. Nobody has any interest in him here.” Miss Rainey: ute, don’t they?” O'Connell:' “Because they force us to. ‘They've Kicked up such a mess with this think we had to take some kind of action; but the only people out here. who have any real interest in the case are that bunch over at the Defense Leagye. It's a good graft for them; and that’s the only reason they're interested in the Mooney ¢ase. Look at the jobs these fellows are holding down; and naturally, they're work- ing to keep them; but, as far as we are con- cerned, there’s nothing to it. . We've simply been forced into taking the stand we have taken.” “But your unions do contrib- } fected with cynicism of bourgeois origin, the | that reverts to the smug selfishness of a dead} | habits and attitudes are pilloried as vile and as | | | upon his neck. | Raurrened hes bial Oo oua tei he i is fifty years behind in his trade union dues. He | all the peace-loying generals, inet ite to ad to tis, “There can be en me To the capitalist, large or small, and to all those who, whatever their class position, are in- fantastic comedy playing in New York at the Provincetown Theatre, 133 MacDougal Street, will appear as a new cause for guffaws at Com- munism in general and Soviet Russia in pare ticular. But to the worker who views the struggle of his class seriously and who understands the cur- rent events in the Soviet Union, this fantasy called “The Bed Bug,” a work of Mayakovski, holds great meaning. He will see, under its comedy, the thrust of Bolshevik criticism and ridicule against those, there under workers’ rule, whe boast of having “fought in the trenches” but who “want to rest” too soon—and in a way, bourgeois society and not in the Communist; society yet to be completed. { Prisypkin, the symbol of this tendency, meets | the deserved condemnation of his comrades, | “loses his party book”—by expulsion, and is; shown as @ disgusting thing. And later, when the play carries us in imagination forward fifty | years, and he is “resurrected” from a block of | ice frozen at this period, his petty bourgeois | prehistoric as the bed bug which has piiiee | causes abhorence among the people of 1979 by drinking and smoking—and by his 1929 Nepman ideas. To the end that he, along with the sole remaining bed bug which accompanied him into the new society, he is put in a zoo for exhibi- tion. .So much for parasites in 1979. With the limited stage, considering what Maye akoyski demanded in the way of unusual pre= sentation, it is not so badly done. And one who | gives attention to the theme will not wail at the A. F. of L. Leaders Betray trappings. Our “Pacifist” Oppressors “Troops from Fortress Monroe lined his path- way from the train to the dock and the guns i of the fort, the guns of the Arizona and all the other vessels riding in Hampton Roads, fired the Presidential salute of twenty-one guns. The crew of the Arizona lined the rail as Captain Freeman and his officers in gold lace and ‘fore and aft’ hats welcomed Mr. Hooyer at the head of the gangplank.” And what was all this, dear reader? Oh, it was just “our” Quaker president em- barking for a jaunt around “our” West Indian colonies, to,assure the colonials that those who haven't been killed by marines so far, that there is still hope. . Then, here's another one. Some gang who call: themselves “The American Institute,” is sending | out the neatest little invitations, to a “Science Dinner,” for the 9th of April, “a twitch,” says the invitation, “the Army and Navy, will pre sent their contributions to the Arts of Pea Really, now, don’t it look so that if ‘any work- er who is plotting war will have to run down corner thé paci- fist admirals and choke the Quaker president into declaring war-against their wills.’ Yeah, it looks that way. But it’s not that way!. $2 Worth of Red Tape “Dear Sparks:—A friend pf mine bank account of $2 at the U. S. Posto’ following is what he had to go through: “Married? “Where do you work? “Father’s name? “Mother's name? “Mother's maiden name? “Race or color, etc., etc.? “Identification marks on body? “And—FINGER PRINTED!” No, junior, the Postmaster General. is NOT finger-printed merely because he authorizes leases for postoffice buildings at a: yearly rental equal to the total value of the buildings and the land on which they stand. Not even if the owners of said buildings happen to contribute large chunks of kale to the Republican Party onged a r . The | But it is well to know just what O'Connell meant when he declared that the reason some of the unions contributed to the Defense Fund of Mooney and Billings was: “Because we were | forced to. They’ve kicked up such a megs with this thing that we had to take some kind of action.” O'Connell refers to the overwhelming major- ity of the rank and file of the A. F. of L. who have rallied around Tom Mooney and Warren Billings, and supported the Defense Committee with their nickels, dimes and small donations. The mighty wave of support and protest’ from labor's ranks compelled O'Connell and the San Francisco labor leaders to ask the Governor in, office at that time, William D. Stephens, spare Tom Mooney’s life. ‘All the San Fran. cisco-labor officials shared O'Connell's desi “to put him away for life.” But they did dare disobey the demands of the rank and fil So, five days after O'Connell brutally stated his real opinion about Tom Monoey to Miss Rainey, a committee from the San Francisco mittee. He also shared O'Connell's wish, ‘‘to put him away for fife.” Governor Stephens cer- tainly understood that no California labor leader wanted Mooney pardoned. He understood Lon they wanted him ae away for life.” “If his sentence 1s com- muted, he is lucky.” That is foie ‘O'Connell OConnell, Scharrenberg and such ilk told the Governor one day before the sentence: “I refuse to recognize in any fashion representing bor and capital.” O'Connell have been pA for 15 years. ¢ It is somewhat depressing to realize that ‘while’ the workers did insist that their “leaders” com- pel the California Governor to heed their de- mands that Tom Mooney’s life be saved, did not push: far enough, or hard enough, they been alittle more determined; steele: