The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 20, 1931, Page 4

3 Page Four ed by the | Comprodaiiy Publishing g Co, Inc., daily egeent Sun 56-7. ‘Cable: Y¥, Telephone Algonquin a § “DAIWORK.” : 0 Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15th Street, New York, N. ¥. £50. Rast Dai Barty USA! a hu.” SUBSCRIPTION RATES: hea RCN fe me oO )g By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borough! ot Manhattan and Bronx. New York Ctiy, Foreign; one year, $8: six months, $4,50. AMERINGER BLOWS UP BUT MINERS STILL FOR N.M. U, By VERN SMITH. T appears is not well in the “Reorganized | United Mine Workers of America,” now just the UMWA once more. When the majority of the group that has been leading the ‘“‘Reorgan- ization” section which in practice was only the Illinois district of the old UMW, decided to go back in the old organization and recognize Lewis as international president, part of the price expected by Lewis seems to have been that Oscar Ameringer, for years the editor of the of- ficial organ of District 12 should be dropped as excess baggage. Oscar edits the “American Miner,” previously the “Illinois Miner,” on a contract from district 12, later from the “Reorganized UMW” on stip- ulation that it be paid for by the union, and shop in Oklahoma printed in his big printing City. ) “Crooked As They Are Stupi The March be ue of the America at page into an editorial state- aimself, simply g bloody the Fetreat back into the Lew “a little bird” t of the 1 Miner, an am thorou y convinced and -his anapolis satraps are the most in- competer neompoops that ever occupied a union office, and that they are as crooked as they are stupid.” fybody thin! thi: strong language may read back numbers of the American (TIllinois) Mir published after the Lewis-Fishwick break last year, and see what he has been calling Lewis land Ge. Only, then he called him a grafter, & ‘ scallawag, a vote stealer, a czar, a union wreck- er, ete., all with the consent and approval of Fishwick, Farrington, Germer, Howat and Muste, | leaders of the “Reorganized U.M.W.” Now he attacks him in the face of orders, which he quotes, coming from Fishwick, and telling him not to say anything “reflecting discredit in any way on the officers of the International Union” (that means Lewis and Co.). His Own Paper. Furthermore, Ameringer declares a new paper, a national weekly, is now to be issued, called “The Oklahoma Weekly Leader,’ with Ameringer as editor and owner, and he calls on all miners to transfer their allegiance to it. This is oppo- sition, of its sort, to whatever publication Fish- wick puts out. And still more, Ameringer calls for a conyen- tion of Illinois miners to take up the question of going back to Lewis. Part of the agreement between Fishwick and Lewis, by which, week before last, they decided to stop fighting each other and divide the loot they can collect from the miners, is exactiy that no convention at all shall be called. ‘This idea of calling a convention is denounced as union-wrecking by the attorney for Fishwick, in his statement announcing the agreenient, and is ratified by the judge as part of the agreement. Staunton UMWA local ‘has already voted for | the convention. Muste, who has had his men sprinkled throughout the “Reorganized UMW” apparatus, urged the convention call. But Adolph Germer, socialist, also in the Fishwick apparatus, denounces the convention call. (So says the Fed- erated Press). UMW ‘before the split, of course) for taking a $75,000 bribe from the Peabody Coal Co. while serving as president of District 12 of the UMW. He has always been very close to Ameringer and was often in open rebellion against Lewis. He 5 readmitted to the “Reorganized UMW” by and was Fishwick’s link with the Pea- Coal Co. Furthermore. for retreat to Fishwick. He says Ameringer leaves open the road everything will be all right with him if Fishwick calls the con- vention, and he absolves the whole crowd of “Reorganized” officia’s of graft and deliberate misleading, only charging them with betraying the workers by going back to Lewis without a convention. He says, it might be that it is best to surfender to Lewis, tut objects to the way it is done. In view of the facts own, there is a suspi- ion that Amerirger is merely acting as a kind of military pol ce for Fishwick staying behind in order to gather under his control those who at first refuse to follow Fishwick back into the Lewis. camp, giving them a leadership that will hold the rebellious eleements away from the | National Miners Union, and then, later, ree | them along to Lewis and Fishwick. Or it may be that Ameringer, dropped because of the bargain with Lewis, hopes to build his own movement to the point where he will have | | to be bargained with by Fishwick and Lewis, and can have something to sell to Lewis and Fishwick. On the face of it, it looks as though there was at least for the time, a new split in the UMW, a section refusing to return to Lewis. But as both Lewis and the Fishwick crowd are controlled by the coal companies,.as both sell | out the workers’ every struggle for better con- ditions, as both rob the miners through the check off, it is still more true than ever before that the National Miners Union is the only union for the coal diggers. And this is true whatever bargains, subterranean horse trading, and splits, | real or fictitious, may go on among the grafters. A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney Below is the tenth installment of the ex- posure of the A. F. L. bureaucracy’s intrigue to put Mooney and Billings in prison for life and to keep them there. It is written by Tom Mooriéy himself, In the ninth installment, Mooney gaye an account of the treacherous role of Mike Casey of the Teamsters’ Union machine, and told how a long list of A. F. L. union officals fought to save Prosecutor Fickert from recall in 1917. Now read on, Mooney’s exposure of what his own union’s leaders did. ere INSTALLMENT 10. Molders’ Union No. 164. wae Mooney was deliberately framed by Swanson, Fickert and the “labor leaders,” what did the officers of Mooney’s own local— Molders’ Union No. 164—do to help him? For over twenty-eight years Mooney has been @ member in good standing of the Molders’ Union. During the years when he was active in its ranks he consistently fought for the ‘interests of its members, and incessantly warned them that machinery would destroy the value of their skill and displace them.in industry. He urged them to organize on a broad basis and to adopt a militant stand against the attacks on their living standards. For this advice he won the enmity not only of the employers, but also of the reac- tionary, self-seeking “labor leaders” of his union, who used their positons in the labor movement as stepping stones to politcal jobs. It is illuminating to know that John I. Nolan, the most eminent member of Mooney’s local, de- clared: “I will never rest until I drive Mooney out of the labor movement.” Nolan, a leading ‘member of the “Committee of 26,” had been militantly active but a few years before making this statement. Was it because of his connec- tion with the Los Angeles Metal Trades Strike Committee that he was so very anxious to ap- pear “respectable”? Also enlightening is the re- mark made by Michael J. Roach, another “emi- nence” of Local No. 164. Mooney had just been acquitted after standing three trials in Martinez and one in Sacramento on charges arising from the Electrical Workers’ Strike, and his union ac- tivities,.when Roach came to him, and with evi- dent glee told him that “the next time they (the corporations) get you they will throw the key away.” ’ A prophetic statement. Why did Mooney incur the strong enmity of men such as John I. Nolan and Michael J. Roach? Because he was rapidly becoming so respected by his fellow craftsmen that in time he would have exposed and defeated all these misleaders of the workers. In 1912, in spite of bitter oppositon, he was elected as a delegate from his local to the Convention of the Inter- national Molders’ Union’ held in Milwaukee. After the convention he inspected all the large industrial plants in the East and made a careful and comprehensive study of conditons as they affected the molders. Upon ‘his return to San Francisco he made a report to the membership of his*local, and declared that on the basis of knowledge gained from observation “the increas- img use of machinery in all. the large plants in the East was effceting an industrial revolution in the trade.” He also made a strong plea for redrganization of the union on industrial lines as opposed to its narrow craft forms. Of course, such a report did not please the “leaders” of his union—they branded him a “calamity howler.” Fiftéen years later, in 1927, when Mooney had. already been in San Quentin eleven years, Pres: ident ‘Keough of the International Molders’ "Union addressed Local: No. 164 and declared . Cog Reet eon epahpere a great changes in conditions under which molders | worked and lived.” During the meeting a mem- ber, Frank Gorman, arose and said, “Hell, Tom | Mooney told us that fifteen years ago. That is why he is now in San Quentin.” When we in- | vestigate the records of some of the leaders of | Local No. 164 before and after the conviction of Mooney and Billings, we see that this accusation | carries some weight. We learn that these “lead- | ers” were but slightly concerned with the wel- | fare of the workers whom they were supposed to lead. We find them doing very little to increase, | wages, shorten the hours of labor or to generally | improve the conditions of the molders; on the | contrary, they are very actively engaged in scheming and planning ways and means of fur- thering their political aspirations. Here is a list of some of the “leaders” and the various posi- tions they baci during different periods of their careers: John I. Nolan: Business agent of Local No. 164; chairman of the Executive Board, Interna- tional Molders’ Union; secretary of the San Francisco Labor Council; elected San Francisco County Supervisor; finally elected to Congress where he served four terms. Michael J. Roach: Treasurer of Local 164; Bond and Warrant Clerk in District Attorney Fickert’s office; Assistant District Attorney under Fickert; appointed Justice of the Peace of San Francisco’ by Hiram Johnson; appointed Super- jor Court Judge by Governor Stephens, which position he holds today. the Port of San Francisco. James DeSucca: Park Commissioner :for San | Francisco, . John O. Walsh: San Francisco Count,” Super- visor; Director of Vocational Education 1:r San « Francisco. R. W. Burton: Business Agent of Local No, 164; Bond and Warrant Clerk under District At- torney Brady, J. E. Dillon: Financial Secretary of Local No. | 164; Fire Commissioner while P. H. McCarthy was mayor of San Francisco; Chief Deputy In- ternal Revenue Collector for the Port of San Francisco; Bond and Warrant Clerk under Dis- | trict Attorney Fickert. Wm. Dorley: President of Local No. 164; held various jobs under McCarthy's regime. John E, Fields: Casting Inspector during Mc- Carthy’s reign. Albert Wynn: Superintendent of Corporation ‘Yards. William McCabe: Superintendent of San Fran- cisco Labor Temple. What an edifying list! Men supposed to be union leaders, sworn to uphold the rights of the workers who must work in wet sand, handle. hot, castings, work under stifling heat' in summer and terrible cold in winter, violating their trust and helping to imprison two innocent unionists. Two of them held jobs under the arch-framet, Fick- ert, while two others attracted.so much atten- tion by their acts“against‘labor that'they earned the gratitude of Hiram Johnson, the sworn enemy of Tom Mooney. Oniy’a few months ago, William McCabe, ‘as Superintendent of the’ San Francisco Labor Temple, refused the use of the Temple for a Mooney-Billings protest meeting. Shortly after the arrest of Mooney, W. R. Burton and J. E. Dillon, as officers of Local No. 164, did their “bit” by sending letters to all locals of the International Molders’ Union informing - them me Panobes Fillies case was bid @ labor issue. ‘Are not these facts ltt erable! wp why Mooney and Billings are still ; behind the bara? .: TO BE SqNaINUED “al Ne i Howat has not stated his position, and Far- | rington’s position is not known at present. Far- | rington is the man expelled in 1926 from the | William Boyle: Immigration Commissioner for | | the proposals of the union bureaucrats to place | another assessment on their low incomes, to aid | THE ASSASSIN NEWS ITEM—Adolf Hitler’s fascists are carrying out the policy of the German bosses with the murder of the Communist deputy Hennin. Sy BURCK Baltimore Carpenters Vote Down Misleaders By CARL BRADLEY FTER a special meeting that lasted about ten minutes the rank and file of the Carpenters’ Union Local Number 101 voted 1,300 to 5 against the unemployed union members. | The ‘Trade Union Unity League issued out a | special leaflet to the workers at the mass meeting | that créated & good sentiment. The workers agreed with the demands 100 per tent and im- | mediately when the meeting opened up there was such apparent hatred for the officialdom that the officérs were forced to cut meeting short, especially whén a rank and file worker denounced the flagrant spetiding of money on four business agents when they, needed only one. He said: | “Why in the hell don’t they discharge three of the business agents that get 55 bucks a week | which would be able to feed fifteen unemployed carpenters’ families.” Union Politician For 28 Years Speaks One fat union official attempted to speak on | how the “employed brothers ought to help the +} unemployed brothers” and shouldn't object to a | 5 cent an hour tax. He was heckled so bad by the rank and file, that he had to retreat back | into his hole. Then they proceeded to make a motion from the officials, which drew a 300 vote | for it and a majority against it, but one worker protested that the motion was not made clear, and the officials were forced to remake the mo- tion, which drew a vote of 1,300 to 5 against the 5 cent assessment. The whole proceedings took about ten minutes and the meeting was quickly adjourned with the Union officials sneaking out: the back way in retreat, happy over the thought that the workers didn’t kick them out of the hall. A. F. of L. Union Officials Yellow With only about 800 members out of its 2,500 membership tn Baltimore working on part time, the Union officials tried to pass the 5 cent assess- ment on the small working force. This| would ameunt to each worker for 40 hours work $2.00 a week and this scource of funds from those em- ployed would amount only to $1,500 a week and “if all of this would be divided” among the un- employed carpenters, it would amount to a dollar a week for the unemployed carpenter and his family. This attempt of the officials shows. very clearly the methods they use to distract the worker away from fighting for real unemploy- ment insurante’to be paid by the bosses. The A. F. of L. officials are yellow and too reactionary | ployed member dropped from the books has to | to the situation, and soon will put up a fight to | to the workers’ interests to lead a fight for so- cial insurance to come from the millions that the building owners -have extracted from the toil of the carpenters and building workers. Even though the treasury is worth half a mil- lion dollars, the greedy officials throw an. unem- ployed member out of the unio if he can’t pay his dues in six months time. They are only in- | terested in their own big fat salaries of 3 to 5,000 dollars a year, something that the best of carpenters never dream of getting. An unem- pay 85 dollars to get back into the union. Any intelligent worker can see that these methods make a scab out of a workér when they put such expensive barriers around a union, The same ap- plies to the dues and cost of working cards. Reign of Terror Exists in Union. In the last election of officers, the general | membership voted and the officials exchanged the ballot boxes with votes that would agree to their interests’ Something like a 75 to: 100 strong arm men are used to maintain the “iron law” in the union, and woe to a single worker that dares to walk off the chalk line. How much longer the rank and file will contend with such miser- able conditions is hard to say, but from last night's meeting, it looks like they are awakening | get rank and file control of their own union and use it for an instrument for bettering their conditions on the job and for the unemployed workers, Demand:— 1, New officials from the vaion to come from the rank and file. 2, Reduction of business agents to two. 3. Business agents no‘, to serve longer than 6 months (get too fat). 4, Take in all carpenters of the city—reduce the initiation so that all carpenters can join | which will eliminate scabs. 4, Reduce the dues to $1.00 a month and free working cards. 5. Exempt stamps for the unemployed car- penters. 6. Unemployment Insurance to be paid by the bosses and city, to be distributed by a*rank and file committee of carpenters. x | Rank and file control of the union—Oust the | bureaucrats—take the initiative in your own hands. i Join the Trade Union Unity League at 9 South Greene Street, Baltimore, Maryland. Vagrancy and Chain Gang By WALTER WILSON. (Article No. 1.) MERICA'S chain gang system and its brutal- ities have often been compared to other hor- rors, torture systems and forms of imprisonment. “Czarist Russia had its Siberia; the Balkans has its underground inquisition; Venezuela, its torture chambers; France, its Devil's Island— and America has its chain gangs” is the dpen- ing paragraph in a recent article in a radical monthly. It is an apt comparison. ‘The “‘vagrancy” laws which had their origin at the close of the American Civil War, and the paper “emancipation” of the Negroes, and which penalize unemployed workers, are the biggest feeders to these chain gangs. When slaves were “freed,” the southern ruling class was afraid the Negroes would not accept employment readily and ‘at the planters’ terms. The laws provided that any unemployed worker who refused a job tendered him was guilty of being a vagrant, which is another way of saying guilty of re- } starvation wages. The penalty for being @ vagrant is a heavy fine or long sentence on the ‘chain gang or to be bount. out to an em- ployer who pays the fine and court costs, and’ charges these up to the worker. ‘The vagrancy laws are, just as peonage laws and practices, a conscious effort on the part of southern financial lords and planters to per- petuate forced labor. The law is used to coerce laborers by holding the threat of prosecution and chain gangs over them. At first aimed at. Negroes the only changes have been made to include - white workers also, Eloquent testimony to their | success is the fact that nearly every other state” see salle is Pate OE 1s Ls a Bae One of the most typical unemployed or va~- grancy laws is that of the state of Georgia . “Persons wandering or strolling about in idle- ness who are able to work and have no prop- | erty to support them and do not work... are vagrants.” The penalty for vagrancy. is fixed 2 at not over $1,000 fine or six months on the | chain gang, or both. The Arkansas law specifies that vagrants must be over 14 years of age. One or two other states have provisions aap aera. unemployed sfrikers. ‘The Southern courts, especially the dest courts, are recruiting grounds for planters and other employers. A raid and wholesale arrest on vagrancy corresponds an urgent de- mand for cheap labor. The magistrate, con- stable and of court officials get a fee for ar- rests and convictions plus @ bonus from the grateful employers, This is the notorious “fee” system which is in common.use in the South for arresting poor Negroes and whites, taking them before petty. courts ‘where. nied up misdeameanors or minor offenses, on -up cha: and heavy costs are imposed’ which ‘ E. ants cannot pay and they are literally sold ‘to | contractors, manufacturers, farmers, or anybody who needs unskilled labor and is willing to pay the fines and court costs. Any contention that all this is admittedly of the past but not of the present is easily proven false. A prominent attorney of Texas admits, “The vagrancy laws of Texas are sufficiently embracing to ‘cover many people and are. used. to supply on labor for planters and others through fear of prosecution. When demand ‘is. made for labor’ at small’ wages and laborers de- . vet aman aan they are ar | (they have large headquarters downtown), PARTY LIFE A Letter From Chicago. Dear Comrades: T am an unemployed worker who has attended several demonstrations of the Communist Party in Chicago. I would like, if I may, give you my opinion of them. Though the last two demonstrations were especially good in many ways (the one on Feb. | 10th having a large number of Negro workers), yet there were some severe shortcomings. They | only had five to twelve thousand participating | in these demonstrations, which for a city the | size of Chicago, and which has about 500,000 out of work, is a very small demonstration. Ac- cording to the reports in. the Daily Worker, 4 many cities in the United States had much larger or at least equally as large demonstra- tions, and, in some of them the terror of the police, ete, was much greater than here in Chi- cago. Secondly, all the demonstrations I par- ticipated in were repetitions of one another. Workers called together, marched to a certain point and then addressed by speakers for an | hour or more. After this, the demonstration broke up. All the demonstrations wére around the general unemployment demands. May I suggest the following as types of dem- onstrations that should be organized: 1. Demonstration outside the Commonwealth Edison Co. or Peoples Gas Co. with appropriate demands against shutting off of electricity and gas from unemployed workers’ homes. Ever growing masses of unemployed have been shut off from gaS and electricity by these two Insull firms. 2. Demonstration ‘outside of several of the Jarge downtown restaurants such as Thompsons, etc., demanding free food for the unemployed. 3. Demonstration outside of the office of Gov- ernor Emmerson’s Unemployment Commission or ouiside of the Ilinvis Free Employment Bureau with appropriate slogans and speeches. 4. Demonstration outside.of some large apart- || ment building belonging to some wealthy cor- poration, in which many rooms are vacant, de- | manding free housing of the unemployed. Many | of the multi-millionaires of this city are at pres- ent in Palm Beach, Fla., or in Europe, and a | good demonstration can be held outside of their large many-roomed. homes on. the Gold Coast demanding the use of some free for the unem- ployed. A 5. Demonstration outside a charity organiza- tion. Not a single demonstration has been held here for some time outside the city hall. Why Chi- cage should not hold one outside the city hall, while other cities do, is a mystery. I have lis- tened to speeches of Thompson, Lyle, Cermak, Albert and other capitalist candidates for elec- tion as mayor, and hardly a single one men- tions anything about the unemployment situa- tion of the city. All they discuss is crime, taxes, etc. A real large demonstration marching to the city hall and exposing all capitalist candidates as doing nothing for the. unemployed, would raise the unemployment issue squarely to the forefront of this political campaign. But in- stead the demonstrations held so far have been elsewhere and none at the city hall. CERES given a long term’ on the chain gang. “For example, the rich plantation owners get. to- Tested and convicted as vagrants.” f One thing to be noticed in analyzing sen- tences -of -poor workers, especially \Nesroes, is the brutal severity of punishment for trivial of- fenses. Another thing to be noticed is that the vast majority of those on the chain gangs are illiterate and penniless. In June? 1930, Oscar Josie, DeKalb County, Ga., Negro, was given a 20-vear sentence for stealing one ham, and Casper Wright, Ashville Negro, stole a pound of butter last July and although he stole for his starving family, he was ~The effect: (Of the vagrancy laws in keeping down labor costs can easily be demonstrated. gether in a community at the call of the agri- cultural committee of the Chamber of Commerce and decide on the rate to be paid cotton pick- ers, Workers, though unemployed, refuse to ac- cept these starvation! wages. Then this happens: Macon, Ga., Aug. 23, 1930 (Associated Press): “Macon police: were. continuing: Saturday. their effort as a volunteer employment bureau for ‘middle Georgia: Ms da Aki “J. H, Stroud, of Alma, appealed to sears Ban’ T, : ‘Watkins ‘for 50: to: pratt 4 | belly-crawling and snivelling charity idea. | phoney. | trom 1 Slumgullion Philosophers The word, I think, you will find in Mark Twain's “Roughing It,” and it applied to a kind of stew into which anything went that might be swallowed. But the slumgullion of the western pioneers is a different variety than that of the Bowery of today. Someone beefed about our referring recently to the I. B. W. A. without explaining what’ it stood for. Well, it stands for slumgullion, Bowery slumgullion. ‘The initials, however, stand fur “International Brotherhood Welfare Association,” which is misrepresentation of the meaning of each of the four words. It was founded and wet-nursed along by the millionaire nut, James Eads Howe who, like Rockefeller distributing new dimes, went about “doing good” by inculcating a philosophy. of “brotherly” submission in the minds of the down- and-out victims of capitalism, The I.-B. W. A. was and is no organization, When any smooth-tongued lickspitter could ingra- tiate himself in Howe's fancy, Howe would pay the rent for some tumble-down hall, install hig protege as “secretary’-and, lo, the I. B. W. A, had “another branch!” There, the protege would be the boss, with credentials to bum the town and graft from the procgeds. There, the down-and-outers might meet, flop on the floor, swap yarns of better days, boil their crumby shirts and, later in the same oil can, boil mulligan stew—the slumgullion a la Bowery. But there also, came the godawful mission- aries of righteousness, the howling methodists, holy rollers and assorted preachers, and all the freaks of social “reform” and chloroform, with hole and corner “remedies for poverty” to |dis- suade the victims of the capitalists from “ugh | thoughts” of class hatred. For remember, it is a “brotherhood” association, and Old Man Howe insisted that all men were “brothers.” There must be no family quarrels in society. Well, Old Man Howe kicked off recently, leay- ing $250,000 for the “relief of hoboes.” And nu- merous gutter-snipes among his “secretaries” are after that “relief.” Up in Boston we hear, one Ralph E. Dalton, whom we seem to recall as hay- ing stung a number of workers here in New York in 1928 with a fake employment scheme, is get- ting in the papers with news of a “hoboes con- vention” there on March 23rd. There's to be a memorial for Howe and a Hobo College. And so on. But it is all reduced to a No unemployed worker in his senses wants that. It saps the fighting spirit of the down-and-out worker; it sidetracks them from class struggle. Some of Howe's Hobo College graduates have shown up in the Unemployed Councils, but have no business there. They are windy messiahs of “psychology,” “relativity” and what not, but they are not leaders for unemployed workers who have the job of figting for unemployment insurance, Along with the employed, of course, because no worker today is secure. But I. B. W. A. offers thiem only the “brotherhood” lie of the slumgul- jion philosophers. e 8 8 “Free Fish for Unemployed” But it didn’t turn out that way. Yet that is what the capitalist papers in Rockford, Tilinois, played up every day for a week. It was sas an- | other “Fish Report.” ‘The papers said that fish would be ‘seined out of the Rock river and Kishwaukee river and dis- tributed free to'the jobless of Rockford, if thd unemployed would go out to the scene of fishing, about 15 thiles from town, More, ‘that those who came to a certain place in town could get fish by paying the “small cost” of transportation. “But,” says our correspondent, “when the un- employed came down to get the fish, they were | told that they had to pay nine cents a pound— | for carp and other more or less inedible fish. Many unemployed workers walked for miles. to get something for their starving children, but were disappointed. They had to go back empty- handed.” The unemployed of Rockford should have known that SOP, that is called “Fish” is \ Why Kill Em? Since Mr. Mulrooney has been so kind as tc furnish information to the Cuban police about some supposed “Moscow agent” (who turned Jui to be something like a Seventh Day Adventist preacher but who got pinched just the same) he should learn something from Machado, the former calf-thief and present dictator. Machado recently got a bright idea. To stoy Cuban women. from taking part in demonstra tions against his dictatorship, he collected: + choice lot of the huskiest and most venal of pros titutes from the Women’s prison of Guanabacoa and set them up in the gangster business. The; appeared on the scene of a demonstration an tore the clothes entirely off some women de: onstrators. So far so good, Mulroney may say, anc wasteful N. Y. police habit of merely gra off of prostitutes and strangling to death who protest should be reformed and they § furnish a by-product as in Havana. But 1 fast, old timer. It seems. that the gentle ladies of the 1 @ass of Cuba, for there even large chunks ot native capitalists are “agin the govérnment though too weak to defend themselves from th “furies” of the lower depths, and strenuously ot jecting to being undressed in public, had som friends. These friends arranged little demonstratic “for ladies only,” but attending in ladies cloth: were a@ number of brutal males, students, wl met the attack of Machado's female gangste: who are the Cuban president’s best. bet in “‘u) holding the fair name of thé country,” ar handed out several generous beatings, with ¢ pecial attention to the leading lady, a rented going by the name of “Celestina Mango Machc ‘This is lesson No. 1 for Mulrooney. ‘The se ond will come if necessary when any Celestin show up; for they will find:that the working 61 and women will make chop suey of the ladi and chase tee bi who bring them arour Selah! f to serve as cotton pickers. Stroud was herr S: urday to take the pickers back with him. “Farmers from- Laurens County have -be here,. too, looking for workers. The cotton bo in that section are opening’ rapidly and there @ shortage of men to gather it. The city po} ‘are rounding’ up loiterers '/ ) EE