The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 19, 1931, Page 4

4 1 i i ; i Page Four WORKERS MUST PUT PARTY ON: BALLOT IN BALTIMORE By J. A. WHITE f underestimation on the part of some Party comrades as to the necessity of putting the Party on the ballot. If we read the symptoms correctly this ailment. which was temporarils d during the election campaign last year, is again very evident. Some Party embers take the attitude that the few votes we can get are ‘not worth the effort it takes to secure the necessary signatures to put the Party on the ballot. Or else, some agree as to the necessity of securing these signatures, but as- sume they are exempt from this activity. When a Red Sunday comes and « few comrades show up they become disheartened, because many others do no show up. The Y.C.L. takes the attitude that “this is Party work and therefore must not be allowed to interfere with our other activities.” Occasionally some of them devote a half hour, one evening a weék, and then “it has interfered with the completion of our plan of action.” A Y.C.L. plan of action does not include an election campaign. Must Get Signatures There are certain city regulations which ern the filing of these signatures. As we last year, “The elections are not a Party con- vention which can be postponed.” We are now faced with the main task of collecting the neces- sary amount of signatures in a certain set time. Unless the Party and the League are mobilized one hundred per cent we will jeopardize our election campaign and fail to put the Party on the ballot. Failure to put the Party on the ballot would be a severe blow and would lose for us the. hard-earned prestige that the Party has. It would also be a serious bldw to the working class of Baltimore. The necessity of putting the Party on the bal- lot should be clear to the comrades. Those work- gov- said } come in contact with the Party and have seen ng municipal elections we find | wuplisheé by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily except Sunday. at 50 East 14th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15th Street, New York, N. ¥. “DAIWORK.” Dail orker Dery USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Bordughe ‘of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly, Forelgn; one year, $8: six months, $4.66, our struggles against the demagogy and the fake | relief schemes of the grafting city officials; it | is to the attehtion of those workers that we must | call the fact that ghere is a huge organized, ef- fort in their interests. We must call upon these workers to rally and support the program of this “organized effort,” namely the Party. Through the election campaign we can concretize organ- | izationally some of the work that has been start- | ed. ‘Through the election campaign the Party can come in contact with thousands of workers that we are at this time unable to approach directly. Through the election campaign the program of the Party must be popularized to an | extent where we can recruit new forces into the | Party. And through a successful election cam- | aign the prestige of the Party grows in the eyes of ‘the workers and they are ever ready to follow the leadership of the Party ‘in newer } struggles All Party Members Out! . What must be done to defeat these tendencies of underestimation and to impress upon, these comrades the necessity of the su ss of the election campaign? Discussions must take place in all Party and League unit meetings on the election campaign and its significance. Those comrades that are backward must-be' drawn into | these discussions, and wherever possible be as- | signed to lead in these discussions. These com- | rades must through such discussions be made aware of the necessity of coming out on the days assigned to them and collect signatures. The | comrades who are active in the fraternal or- ers who have responded to our calls for dem- | onstrations, those workers who have participated in our hunger marches; those workers who have ganizations must bring up this question at their meetings, and draw the majority of the members of these organizations into the work of collect- ing signatures. All forces available must be drawn into this work, so that within time set it will be possible | to file the required amount of signatures, put the | Party on the ballot, and thereby lay the basis “SAY—AH-H!” ® ‘effi QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS for a successful election campaign. | Extent ot the Hard Coal Crisis in Shamokin, Pa. conditions of the coal miners in the An- | thracite are more deplorable than ever. One glance at conditions in a few towns wil! bring out the conditions and misery that exists here. In Shamokin, Pa. the following mines are working steagy: The Big Nut, 700 miners; Henry Clay, 400 miners; Entrynse, 300; that is four+ teen hundred men working steady in a town ‘of 60,000. The Corem Mine, 500 men and the Ben val- ley Mine with 300 men are working part time two and three days a week. . The mines of the Luck ialer have been shut down for two years, throwing out 700 men. One Scott mine, 1,000 men, one Elson mine, 200 men, one Irish Brothers Mine, 400 met; one North Franglin Mine, 1,500 men; one Gimblet mine, 700 men; one Boremside mine, 1,000 men, have been shut from one to four years laying off a total of 5,500 men. Five Thousand Jobless Five thousand, five hundred unemployed for over a year, 2,100 working most of them part time. Sheriff sales are largest. in this ttown. At least ten to 15 workers lose their property every month. The wages of the miners that are still working run from $10 to $20 a week. The miners are forced to do a lot of work without pay. One miner at the Glen Alden Coal Co. No. 20 worked seven days and his pay was $2.04. When he came for his.pay the welfare society was on the job and tooltwo dollars from him to help the unemployed and let him go home and feed his family on four cents. Another miner worked nine days and got four dollars. In Plains Town- ship, 1,000 homes are being turned over to the tax collector. Mines Shut Down In District One of the U. M. W. of A, 20 mines are shut down. The Glen Alden Coal Co. claims that they are operating at a loss. This is a deliberate lie. The profit of the company has almost doubled this year, according to a report in the capitalist papers. They are pre- paring for wage cuts. The small business men in towns where mines are shut down are help- ing the coal company to cut wages. They are calling mass meetings and telling the miners that they could get the mines re-opened if they would take a wage reduction. The U. M. W. of | among the miners. We will fight back. Statement ot the National Textile if A. fakers are doing the same. They are taxing the miners who work not less than five days a month to pay for relief. This relief is not given any place that we know of. It is a good racket for the fakers. The petty discontented officials who are op- posed to the check-off because the money must first go to the district and then is sent back to the,local, are indeed sore. They don't get a | chance to mingle with the cash as they did be- | fore. They want a special convention. The two | Lovestoneites-too want a special convention. But as soon as the district president, Boylen, prom- ised them a square chance in the coming. elec- tions, they stopped working for the convention. Only the Communist Party and the National Miners Union are fighting for rélief’ for the miners. In Minersville, our Unemployed Coun- cil put forth local demands and presented them to the county. When the county commissioners talked wtih our unemployed delegation, they said there was no unemployment in Schuylkill county. Our delegate pulled out a list of 250 families that had to have immediate relief. They were gotten in Minersville, a town of 7,000 families in’a population of 19,000. These workers signed their own names and told how long they ‘had been out of work. From 3 to 30 months. Some miners having 8 to 10 in their family. The un- employed delegation told ‘the county officials: | We will get food. We will show you that there is plenty of it. We will not starve. We will not | freeze after we have dug so much coal. We will organize committees to collect food. The unemployed will do it themselyes. Those that don’t want to starve, join the food. collecting committee of the Unemplyoyed Council. ‘This will not stop us from exposing the county officials, as being the agents of the coal com- panies. We will draw up a list of the rich where we want a tax to be placed. The fakers are scared stiff at the militant spirit of the miners. Boylon orders the State | Troopers to arrest the NMU organizers. The | police are following a policy of terror. They permit no meetings of the Unemployed Councils, in the Wilkes-Barre section.. They permit no meetings of the Communist Party, but they will never cover the misery and hardship existing ; Workers Union To all fellow workers! To all militant working class fighters everywhere! Fellow workers: ‘The National Tertile Workers Union has just gone through fierce battles with the bosses in Lawrence and Maynard, Mass, More than 12.000 workers have been on strike against one of the ‘most powerful textile trusts in the United States —the American Woolen Company. From these battles our union emerged with an enrolled new membership of over 2,000 of a calibre that will stick and build our fighting union. The immed- late future has.in sight more struggles of larger numbers and spread over a vastly wider area. In Lawrence we went back into the mills after wresting from the American Woolen Company our main demands: 1. For the firing out of the efficiency men with their damnable stretch-out schemes. 2. The original demand of the comb- ers (which precipitated the strike) for no nine combs, only three as before. 3. A promise of ho discrimination, 4. Recognition of our mill committees to discuss all grievances with the mill for time and a halt 1 by the mill-owners. In Maynard we also back with the strike committee intact, witit the efficiency men “tired out, and with a 35 per cent increase on “silver- tone” weaving jobs. In Maynard we adminis- tered u decisive defeat to the U.T.W. which was in the field in| the person of Horace Riviere. Riviere first tried to prevent the strike. Failing he carried on personal negotiations with the mill-agent of the American Woolen Fee an effort to put through « sell-out 3 Hi Z 3 strike committee. The sentiment of the Lawrence strikers was against overtime at any price, and their demand for time and a half was for the purpose of penalizing overtime in cash as the best way to discourage the pétty mill bosses from urging {t. While the strike committee was in conference with the highest officials of the Am en Company. it was intimated by the “no one needs to work overtime if they don't like to.” The strike committee was of the opinion that another conference should be held to obtain a definite agreement of no discrimination by petty bosses of those who refuse overtime. ‘Thereupon there was launched in Lawrence a vicious police terror which has only been equalled in the Fall River strike of 1928 and in the great Gastonia strike.. The very few days of the strike was not enough time to prepare the, masses of strikers for the head-on collision with the pimps, priests and police of the bosses. ‘The strike com- mittee out-maneuvered the bosses and their agents by executing an effective orderly retreat to consolidate our forces and secure # breathing spell for resumption of the struggle. ‘The terrorism against the workers was partic- ularly inspired by fhe realization of the bosses that we intended to spread the strike to all American Woolen mills throughout New England. However, we wish to point out to all workers the new tactics of the bosses in this period of sharpening class struggle. In past textile strikes the bosses waited a few weeks until the strikers had spent up before starting theis terrorism. At Lawrence and Maynard they smashed with all coming strike struggles we must clearly antici-' pate ae new tactics of the bosses.and prepare’ mn Foe eet epee OE mA { Question—A comrade says, “The comrades be- lieving that capitalism will never recover out of | such a crisis as the present are opportunists.” I don’t believe it—L. G., Syracuse. It ig incorrect to say that the present crisis | is hopeless for the capitalists. Lenin says, “... at times revolutionists attempt to prove that a crisis | is absolutely hopeless, but this is a misiake. | There are no absolutely hopeless situations.” “To attempt to prove in advance the .existence of “absolute” hopelessness, would be empty pedan- try or to play in conceptions and words. The real “proof” in such questions can only be prac- tice, experience.” Capitalism cannot be overthrown without great struggles, without the revolutionary training and organization of the working class led by the Communist Party. This is our job. It depends upon our getting down to every-day work, lead- ing the every-day struggles, organizing, and pre- paring the masses, whether or not capitalism will be overthrown. If we say that capitalism is in a hopeless con- dition, then we are apt to stop struggling and organizing the workers and oppressed farmers— and just wait for capitalism to collapse. We would never win the revolution this way. The capitalists are constantly trying to lull sections of the masses to sleep and to suppress the move- jment of the oppressed. Of course it is always necessary to know and analyze the strength and weaknesses of the en- emies’ forces as well as our own. But, we must get busy with greater energy and prove by our actions that we know how to carry on and win the revolutionary struggle aginst capitalism. It is only when we have proven it by a successful revolution that we can loo. back and say that capitalism was in such bad shape that the de- cisive, disciplined offensive of the working class was able tu defeat it. We cannot say this before ou> action has proven it.to be true. our counter-moves promptly so as to be most effective. The terror in Lawrence is continuing even after the strike. The national officials of our union—Devine and Murdoch—and the Lawrence district organizer—Berkman—are held on threat of deportation after having been released in ex- orbitant bail on frame-up charges of “con- piracy.” Our union headquarters have been raid- ed, smashed up, arbitrarily shut down, and more arrests made. These actions of the police (breaking laws which they are supposed to enforce only in the bosses’ interests) are clear signs of panic at the growth of our union and our firm intention to resume the offensive soon. We shall attack the American Woolen Company next for the return of the 12% per cent wage cut that was re- cently put over in the mills of Maynard, Prov- idence, Norwich. and elsewhere. The Lawrence workers realize that they too will receive the cut unless we fight for its restoration in the other mills. In view of this coming offehsive the wis- dom of our organized retreat at this moment is clear. The American Woolen Company will an- swer the demand of the National Textile Workers Union for the return of the 1214 per cent wage cut and answer it ‘soon! In the Lawrence-Maynard strike the National Textile Wotkers Union has raised the banner of struggle for the entire textile industry. The strikes in the Wyandotte mill at Pittsfield, Mass., in the Shelton and Saltex mills at Bridgeport, Conn., are only the first repercussions of the Lawrence-Maynard strike. The textile workers are moving decisively into battle against wage cuts, against unbearable speed-up and stretch- out, for shorter hours and better conditions, and for the building of a powerful National Textile Workers Union. These battles must be prepared with firmness, determination and the greatest | care, ‘ The workers see in the Natiorial Textile Work- ers Union “a fighting union controlled by the workers.” They see a union whose officials can- not be bribed, bulldozed, or bemuddled into be- traying the workers. They see our union build- ing up a rank and file membership in the mills that cannot be fooled by the UTW, AFTO, and other at ies of the bosses that masquerade as “safe and sane labor unions” and get vast publicity in the mill-owners’ daily papers—only for the ‘purpose of selling out the workers as they have most recently done in igeid Danville and Philadelphia strikes. The workérs need the National "Textile Work- ers Union. They are building it, inspired by the knowledge that: The mill owners may make Slaves of all the ers part of the time; they may make slaves of part of the workers all the time; but they, cannot make slaves of all the workers all the on A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney In the installment before this, Mooney, writ- ing the history of the conspiracy of the A. F. of L. misleaders to keep him and Billings in prison, tells how Brouillet, president of the San Francisco Labor Council, was whitewashed by his fellow fakers for aiding the prosecution. Brouillet then became vice president of Fick- ert’s “Citizen’s Committee,” and was rewarded by the governor by being appointed attorney for the Corporation Commission. Mooney now takes up another labor traitor. INSTALLMENT 9. Michael Casey Helps “Frame-Up” Crew... Moo is no good.”’ This has been the poison spread by Michael Casey for 15 years. As vice president of the International Brother- hood of Teamsters this powerful “labor leader” has been traveling from Coast to Coast all the years the two framed victims have lain in prison, and like a ceaseless refrain have come the words, “Mooney is no good.” Immediately after the arrest of Mooney and Billings in 1916, Casey made a nation-wide tour of the country and spread the most noxious in- sinuations and malicious lies against these men. His prime motive was to prevent the collection of funds, for their defense, and he was untiring in this work. With great gusto he warned labor leaders against these “vicious reds” and pro- claimed their case “another McNamara affair.” He spread the contemptible rumor that he knew | “they were guilty,” that a “confession” was forth- coming, and that these men did not belong to the trade union movement. On the floor of the San Francisco Labor Coun- cil, November 29, 1918, Edward Nolan charged “that Michael Casey has worked for Fickert and the Frameup Crew in many cities of the United States, and he denounced the defendants during his trips as an International Officer of the Teamsters.” This man, an important. member of the Los ‘Angeles Metal Trades Strike “Com- mittee of 26” who had a very narrow escape from the penitentiary, did everything within his power to help place a noose around the neck of Tom Mooney and imprison Warren Billings for life. 5; TEAMSTERS’ LOCAL NO. 85. Michael Casey is also president of Teamsters’ Local No. 85, the largest and wealthiest local union in California. It owns buildings valued at thousands of dollars, and has a treasury of many more thousands. “During the 15 years of Moon- ey’s and Billings’ imprisonment this rich and powerful local has never contributed one cent for their defense. Neither has it ever adopted a resolution on their behalf. There are a number of outstanding “labor leaders” belonging to Teamsters Local No. 85. Besides President ‘Michael Casey, who was chair- man of the San Francisco Board of Public Works, and County Supervisor for San Francisco, there are the following: . John McLaughlin, past County Supervisor, past Labor Commissioner for the State of California, and now Internal Revenue Collector for the Port of San Francisco; John A. O’Connell, secretary of the San Fran-, cisco Labor Council; James Hopkins, vice president of the State Federation of Labor, superintendent of the San Francisco Ferry Building;’ James Wilson, business agent of the Team- sters’ Union; Joseph Casey, son of Michael, A. F. of L. or- ganizer for California; William Conboy, International organizer for the Teamsters’ Brotherhood. . There are many other small-fry politicians in this exceedingly rich local union, but not one of these “leaders” has ever spoken a word on be- half of Mooney and Billings, nor has any one of ‘Attar the discovery of the Ozman Jetiersigror- ing Fickert had deliberately, framed Mooney and Billings, the Defense Committee was able to Defense Committee waged a tremendous battle against the man who engineered the frame-up and almost succeeded in its effort. Had it not been for the treachery of the labor leaders, Fickert would have been recalled. The “Advance,” official organ of the Amal- ‘the banner of the, and’ lahor-baiting Fickert n'the recall +a Fickert ‘won’ ‘ gave Fickert their full support. He also car- | | San Francisco Labor Council and elected super- full for his victory.” Was it a few malodorous job-serving labor leaders who supported Fickert? Indeed not. Michael Casey was especially active on behalf of Fickert. during the campaign, making many speeches for the tool of the Open Shop interests. Every one of the Teamsters’ Union politicians ried the indorsement, in fact was the candidate, of the Union Labor Party of San Francisco. Fickert, always solicitous about his friends, the | “Tabor leaders,” stated during an address before the Building Trades Council, where he was cor- dially received, that “Mooney and Billings sought to undermine the labor leaders.” A few days later, December 13, 1917, he spoke at an open air meeting and had A. L. Wilde, business agent of the International Brotherhood of Steam- Shovel and Dredgemen, as chairman. Another very active worker for Fickert was Andrew J. Gallagher, former secretary of the visor of San Francisco County by the Union Labor Party. Using his political power as a club, | he ordered the Jitney Bus Drivers to carry Fick- | ert banners, and made the demand at an execu- tive meeting of committee men that Jitney Bus Drivers go on record for Fickert. Gallagher, a member of the Los Angeles Metal Trades Strike “Committee of 26” who barely escaped a peni- tentiary sentence in 1910, is typically representa- tive of the cowardly men leading the California Labor Movement. e Prominent among the “labor leaders” belong- ing to the Fickert Union Labor Club during the recall election December, 1917, were: James Wilson, business agent of the Brother- hood of Teamsters. John Bell, first vice president of the Building Trades Council. Thomas Garrity, president of both the Book- binders’ Union and the Union Labor Party. Arthur Warren, president of the Office Em- ployees’ Union. John Kean, first vice president of the Inter- national Longshoremen’s Association. M. J. Crowe, secretary of the Carmen's Union, Local 78. ‘Thomas Flynn, business agent of the Cement Workers’ Union, Local 310. J. J. Hughes, business agent of the District Council of Carpenters. P. J. Gallagher, business agent of the Hod Carriers, Local 36. Jos. A. Kiernan, business agent of the Plaster- ers’ Union, Local 66. Martin Richard, business agent of the Hoisting & Portable Engineers, No. 50. W. R. Towne, business agent of the Steam Engineers, Local 64. H. M. Hamson, business ‘agent of Gas and Elec- tric Fixtures, Local 44. ‘Wm. Conboy, business agent of the Brother- hood of Teamsters. Quincy R. Tilton, Bookbinders’ Union. W. A. Granfield, Office Employees’ Union. Walter Dryer, business agent of the Teamsters’ Union, Local 276. J. R. Hopkins, business agent of the Binders’ Union, Local 19. H. W. Wisaining, financial secretary of the Sheet Metal Workers. W. J. Bureell, business agent of the Sign and Pictorial Painters’ Union. L, A. Newell, business agent of the Brother- hood of Teamsters. W. A. Newell, business agent of the Steam- fitters’ Union, Local 209.' Read these names again. What a disgusting list! Here are labor leaders—so they say—from many representative Internationals of the A. F. these “leaders” of labor? Did they would help the members of their they helped him? Fickert didn’t care _ the’ workers—that was not his e corporations put him in office, , to look after their interests, a tical job as a-whip- labor | jump. through the The. San Francisco “Bulletin” aptly summed up the whole cesspool, stating: “That among Fickert’s supporters will be’ found 75 to 80 per cent of the official leaders of the local labor movement. They are for Fickert be- Hue Bears in the Bushes ‘The Phoenix, Arizona, “Republic” has.a few tremors of anxiety. It sees “the sinister face of Communism” back of some proposal or other pro- viding for more fat jobs in the capitalist gov=- ernmental bureaucracy to look after “child wel- fare.” This, it says, is the “traditional right and duty” of parents. So it is under capitalism. But under capitalism when the state steps in, it en- ters the “welfare” business with the aim of pre- serving capitalism by more systematic capitalist teaching than the parents are capable of. In fact parents may not be very reliable. ‘When worknig class parerits can no longer feed their children food, they are likely to say naughty things about capitalism in the presence of their children. Any “welfare” by the capitalist gov~ ernment, does not mean food and clothing -for the workers’ children, but hokum to keep them as supporters for .capitalism—though on an empty stomach it’s very doubtful of success. ae alee ea “Rango” Is Real So says a reader of Buffalo, concerning “Ran- go”, a nature film that is honest to goodness nat- ural. Since we got stung on “Africa Speaks,” in which everything, was “realistically” faked, even, so we are told, the death of the native—we have been chary, “Rango,” he says, “is in a class by itself—has been actually filmed in the wilds of Sumatran jungles. It is now being shown at Shea's Cen- tury theatre in Buffalo and one has to see it twice to catch all the rapid-fire sequences. “Here at least is a true portrayal of primitive jungle life, in which actors, both animal and hilman, do not appear to be prodded into actiag. from behind the scenes. “The element of pathos is personified by ‘Rango, a baby orang outang, when he is first captured and domesticated. There is also stark terror, culminating in a mortal combat between ‘s tiger and a water buffalo. Guess which wins! “As for humor....you'll laugh and laugh—and learn—as you view the antics of hundreds of monkeys and the two apes, When you go to see it, dont forget the kiddies—Edward Schultz.” . . . Henry’s Brand of Hooey Henry Ford tells us, and we know it’s true ‘cause we saw it in the papers, that “Prosperity is back.” Only he amended it painfully by ad- ding that “nobody knows it yet.” Henry is that way. He went on to say that at Ford's there “have been no wage cuts.” He for- got to mention the little “adjustments” that take place by firing 10,000, or 20,000, or twice that at a clip, then re-hiring them—sometimes—at lower wages. Nor does he mention that the intensified speed-up that increases production is a wage. cut even though the money wage paid remains the same. Henry has been getting away with murder during the crisis. He has a town of his own out at Dearborn, with a high wire fencé around it guarded by his own private army. Nobody can get in or out except on written order. This cag gentlemen, is for “free Americans” who are asked to get excited about “forced labor” in the Soviet Union. But Henry’s game is wonderful. He pays no taxes in Detroit, and he lets some 36,000.of his former workers who “live” in Detroit. without jobs they once had, starve to death for all he cares. He even gives nota dime to the ‘‘com- munity chest” of hocus pocus Murphy. Then he has the gall to come forward as a philanthropist! What? More Dumping? “Dear Red Sparks:— Why is it that when the right honorable Ham: ilton Fish finishes a meal in which Russian cay- iar has played an important part, and when he has just had some delicious Russian and has just started to read a paper: that is made from Russian pulpwood, his wife ups and tells him she has bought a new coat of Russian sable? Why else but that it upsets his digestion and prompts his butler to prepare him a dose of Russian mineral oil!—Sam, E. Pioneer.” Comrad Sam, I'm astonished at you not know- ing that Russian pulpwood is used only in the. best paper, not the regular capitalist newspaper; paper, but in such high class paper as went inte the Fish Committee Report itself! & He Knows His Hoover * William C. Chesser is a gent you don’t know But you should: He first served Morgan’s coun- try by killing Germans in the war. In 1923, he killed a Negro chauffeur in St. John County, Florida. Since it was “only a Negro,” he got off with “second degree” murder, and later escaped from prison, ‘ Now where does he show up but’ in. Nicaragua. Arrested at Logtown, Nicaragua, accused of fur- , nishing arms and munitions to Sandino, found in company with a woman said.to be related to Sandino,and with said arms and munitions, Ches- ser worked up an dlibi like a New York cop.who always explains a big bank aécount’as an “in- heritance from my dead uncle.” * Chesser admitted being in touch with Sandino, but only he said, “in order to get into a position where he could kill Sandino and then ask clem> ency for his crimes from the United States as reward for putting Sandino out of the way,” Oe 8 ep So It Was I. W. 0. Anent the “Spark” entitled “For the Néedle inate per esha wrong organization in the right pew. A letter from Comrade E.'C., complained about a benefit performance. for: the Needle ‘Trades ‘Workers’ Industrial Union at the Allerton ‘Thea- tre, advertized in English, being all in Jewish. So we up and jumped on the Union. All wet! The Union was not running the she- bang, its officials say. But the International Workers’ Order was running itin aid of the) Union.» , So that lets the Union out, but it gets LW. O. in. What, we ask does the I. W .O. mean by asking wor! ts in English to come see the show ‘and then speechifying them hours in a language they can’t savvy?