The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 17, 1931, Page 4

> Published by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc., daily except.Sunday, at 50 East Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 18th Street, New York, N. Y. Page Four 18th Street, New York City. Dail orker © * Dorty USA, - SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy, Foreign; one year, $8+ six months, $4.50. March 3-4, 1931 INCE the Plenum of the League we find a growing number of struggles of the working youth. The struggle for unemployment insur- ance has sharpened, and with it, a growing number of strikes against wage cuts and speed- up. A number of these strikes were distinetly youth strikes based on partial demands, such as the Eagle Pencil and the Lesnow strikes. The work of the League since the Plenum continues to prove the correctness of the line and methods of work started at the time of the Party Convention. The League has only made the first beginning in carrying out the line of the YCI. \Two months’ plan was not carried out completely, and the tempo was entirely too slow. The results of the Plan show more than 700 new members. We have about 19 branches of the Young Liberators and about 15 youth branch- es of the International Workers Order. We gain- ed 22 clubs for the LSU and organized some so- cial and sports clubs (not affiliated with the LSU). The biggest weakness was the shop work. Altho Pittsburgh organized five shop committees, Detroit a local union, Cleveland a shop com- mittee, and Philadelphia two shop committees, these are only very small gains. We have only five shop nuclei, and. these are only. skeletons. "The basic shortcoming has been the failure to lop youth issues and demands based on the ver? day needs of the youth, and to organize les around these demands. This failure is red in a failure to also understand the necessity of developing special youth forms. We can see this especially in unemployed and trade union work. We have not developed, as yet, partial demands for the youth in the most im. portant industries, and for the unemployed. This 4s absolutely necessary as a means of winning the young workers for the industrial unions and unemployed councils of the Trade-Union Unity League. Due to the failure to understand the problems of the youth to develop special youth demands and forms of struggle, we find that many of our leading forces have been drawn into general | work. The failure to understand how to work | among the youth, leads logically to the entire | negation of the role of the youth in the class struggle. The Party and League must sharply struggle against these tendencies with the slo- gen: “All League Cadres for Work Among the Youth.” The districts started to work at the factories | too late after the Plenum, and considered this work as secondary. The method of “storming” factories as outlined at our National Plenum was not applied in all districts. The districts did not utilize all fields and forms of work as a means of winning the youth of one given factory. insufficient attention was paid to recruiting white young workers for thé Young Liberators. ‘We have also neglected the drawing in of young Negroes into the League and other revolution- ary organizations. We have not founght suf- ficiently against white-chauvinism in our own ranks, and have not made the League the leader in the struggle of the youth for Negro rights. ‘The LSU has not carried out the line of the Plenum. The leadership has failed to penetrate the opponents and to develop struggles on the special sports issues. They have not understood the methods of leadership and have developed bureaucratic methods of work. Very little was done to mobilize the youth for the defense of the Soviet Union. The circulation of the Young Worker has not been increased and we face the danger of losing our youth paper if immediate support is not forthcoming. Nothing was done to penetrate the opponents despite the extremely favorable possibilities. Only in New York and Cleveland was any work conducted against the | Young Peoples Socialist League, and only in Connecticut were any contacts and work started in the YMCA. The Plan of Action was not brought down to the bulk of the membership. The results gotten were only the work of a few comrades. The sectarian life of our units was not broken. ‘The units still live a life apart from that of the young workers. In Pioneer work the situation basically has not been changed. Only a few districts started work in making the turn. The leadership of the department is partly responsible for the failure © carry out the line of the NEC. ‘The NEC has fought resistance to the line RESOLUTION OF ENLARGED NATIONAL ;BURO, YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U.S. A. ! ‘of the YCI and NEC both ideologically and or- ganizationally. It is on this basis that we can record some practical results, especially in the past two months. During the period of the plan, there was certain resistance to the line of the ‘YCI in sections of the leadership. This re- sistance must be mercilessly fought, and we must pay special attention to the development of new American proletarian elements into the leader- ship. In order to intensify the work of carrying out the turn, the NEC Buro decides the following: 1, That May 30th be a National Youth Day. That we organize large sections of the working youth for participation on this day. That we have four central gathering points for this Youth Day, with young workers travelling by trucks and others means to these central points. 2. A three months’ plan of action from March 1st to National Youth Day. This plan to have as its goal the increasing of the League mem- bershiy by 1,500 and the building of 22 shop nuclei. To have in the League at the end of the Plan no less than from 4,000 to 4,500 mem- bers. 3. That the leadership of the Pioneer Depart- ment be immediately strengthened by placing a leading comrade from the National Buro in charge, and by drawing in new proletarian ele- | ments. 4. That revolutionary competition be organ- ized all through the League so as to increase the individual activity and initiative of the mem- bers. That diseussions be held in all units on the Plan and steps be taken to bring the every day work of plan to the membership. In order to pay most of the attention to the work of the units in the Plan, we propose immediate steps to change the inner life of the units and that every district selset one unit as a ‘‘model” unit on which to experiment, as a means of changing completely the immer life and activity of the lower units. 5. In our Negro work to pay more attention to recruiting young Negroes into our League, and for drawing in of white young workers into the Young Liberators. 6. To concentrate nationally on the districts of Chicago, Pittsburgh, Cleveland and Detroit, and to send to these districts some of the best national forces. 7. To intensify the work among the unem- ployed youth and in the trade unions. This is to be done by placing most of our forces and attention on the building of the TUUL, through the development of our partial youth demands and special youth forms of struggle. To con- centrate on metal, coal and textile. 8 To strengthen the center by bringing in new proletarian elements from the districts as ; @ means of developing them into the central In the work in the Negro field, we find that leadership. 9. That we immediately organize special shock troops in all districts for the Young Worker. Every district Buro must bé responsiblé for the increase of the circulation of the Young Worker and for getting subs and for raising money. We must incfease the bundle orders of the Young Worker by 3,000 by National Youth Day. A spe- cial edition of 50,000 Young Workers must be issued for May Day. Also a special issue of 100,000 Young Workers for National Youth Day. 10. To mobilize the entire membership of the League for work for the Spartakiade to be held in Berlin in July. All sports clubs and worker athletes must be mobilized for this meet. The Spartakiade and National Youth Day must in- tensify our work within the opponent organiza- tions by getting groups and entire local organ- dzations of the opponents to participate in the National Youth Day and in the work for the Spartakiade. 11. To systematically work out a plan for the raising of the ideological level of our membership and leadership. Education, especially of the new members in the units, and of the functionaries on a district scale. To begin raising the neces- sary finances and preparing for a National Training School of the League for the months of July and August. 12. That we immediately begin work on the sending of a young workers’. delegation to the Soviet Union for May Ist. 13. To ideologically prepare the entire mem- bership for the Sixth National Convention of our League. This Convention to be held in New York City on June 7, 8. 9. To organize dis- cussions in all units, districts, in the Young Worker and entire Party press on the YCL con- vention, Significance of Lawrence Strike s By NAT KAPLAN, (Article 1) strike of the American Woolen Company slaves in Lawrence started on Feb. 16th with 33 combers demanding two combs per man in- stead of nine. It ended.on March 2nd with 10,000 workers engaged in a struggle against the strikebreaking and persecutions of the capitalist government. The strike was a partial victory for the workers. They won all their demands except time and a half for overtime. The Lawrence strike completely refuted the opportunist theories that the workers won't or- ganize and strike in a period of economic crisis, that it is impossible to force immediate conces- sions from capitalism during such a period, that the new industrial unions of the TUUL can’t organize the unorganized. The Lawrence battle not only proved that all these things were pos- sible but it also paved the way for a wave of strike struggles in New England in the textile and shoe industries as the workers’ answer to the wave of capitalist rationalization. A significant feature of the Lawrence strike was the intense rapidity of the events, Months of developments in past strikes were crowded into days in the Lawrence situation. At the very fe , state and city government, organized its fake Citizen’s Committee, and mobilized the church, in particular the catholic’ church, as active strike breakers. The reign of terror was aided by the bosses’ agents—the A. F, of L. and the followers of Muste. Green and McMahon condemned the In face of the great barrage of capitalist pro- paganda and threats from the company, the gov- ernment, the church, newspapers and fascist ele- ments the ranks of the strikers stood solid. The leading role of the N. 'T. W. U., not only in the mills, but also in the struggle for the demands of the unemployed, prevented the company from enlisting the jobless as scabs during the strike. ‘The catholic workers told their strikebreaking priests to keep their hands off the strike. church on Sunday they refused to drop a into the collection box. The arrest of the Strike Committee and the union leaders on Thursday, Feb. 26 first break in the strikers’ ranks. Committee and the N. T. W. U,. prevented the efforts of the company and the capitalist gov- ernment to completely smash up the workers’ ranks by deciding on an organized return to work Eas QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS A worker in South Bend, Washington, writes: What is the difference between a Lovestoneite and a Musteite? I have been reading the Daily Worker for a year now, but I have never seen this question answered. . First of all we must distinguish the two groups, their development, and their point of, contact, their program and their ultimate alignment. The Lovestone group, which was expelled from the Communist Party because of its counter- revolutionary attacks on the Communist Inter- national, because of its glorification of «the strength of American imperialism, its lack of faith in the militancy of the workers, and its attempt to lead the Communist Party into non- revolutionary paths, has traveled a long road in the direction of Muste. The Reverend A. J. Muste, director of Brook- wood College, a supporter of the socialist party, has together with other socialists assumed the leadership of what they call the “progressive forces” in the American Federation of Labor. Muste wants ta “reform” but not really change the American Federation of Labor. He wants to create a labor party, with the aid of the so- cialists, liberals, petty-bourgeois or what have you, to re-live in the United States the history of betrayal and suppression of the British Labor Party. Muste, and his followers, realize that the socialist party is constantly exposing itself as the third party of capitalism; that the A. F. of L. is completely aligned with the imperialist exploiters. They know that there is growing dis- content among the masses, growing disillusion- ment with the A. F. of L. and the socialist party. Muste’s program is an attempt to refurbish these organizations with “left” phrases, with an ap- pearance of a healthy labor organization that is fighting for the interests of the workers—while at the same time they carry on their present role of betraying the interests of the workers, diverting their growing radicalization into safe channels for the bosses. The phrases of Muste, as well as his actions, change with the needs of the day. He is just as necessary to Woll, Green, Hillquit, Oneal and Thomas as the Maxtons, Pur- cells, Cooks and Mosley's of England are to the British Labor Party and trade unions. | The Muste group forms the rallying center not only for the Lovestoneites, but as well for | the Trotskyites, the Cannon renegades from the Communist Party. Here is their common stamp- ing ground of “mass work.” When the Lovestone grgup was expelled from the Communist Party it envisioned a complete collapse of the Comnyunist Party, U. S. A. On the ruins df this debacle, Lovestone promised hhis followgys that he would plant the real ban- ner of irxist-Leninism. To mislead his fol- lowers, he carried on a sharp attack against the Muste group. For instance, in the Dec. 15, 1929, issue of the “Révolutionary Age,” the organ of the Lovestoneites, we find their estimation of the socialist party (and the same phrases were used regarding the Muste-Lore combination): “The struggle within the socialist party should serve to expose the real class base of the party: the petty-bourgeoisié, sections of the labor aris- tocracy and elements of the labor bureaucracy. It should serve to expose. the bourgeois charac- ter of the so-called ‘socialist’? party.” ‘The Lovestone group has traveled a long road since the above was written. Musteism and the socialist party, that for them had such a dread- ful mein, which to be hated needed but to be seen, was first tolerated and then embraced. The march of the Lovestoneites toward Muste was not as an organized band. They were a straggling troup. The first stragglers of the Lovestone group have already landed in the ranks of the Musteites. Bert Miller and others, leading members of the Lovestone faction, now are an integral part of the “bouurgeois ‘socialist’ party” and the Musteites. Lovestone stopped all his “criticism” of the | Musteites and the so-called “lefts” in the so- cialist party long ago. Nor was Lovestone alone in this. ‘The Trotskyites who considered them- selyes the “Communist leaven (in) the new progressive movement” made overtures to the Lovestoneites on the basis of work within the Muste movement and against the Communist Party. In the summer of 1930 conversations were held between Cannon, leader of the Trotskyites, and Lovestone. The purpose of these parleys was. to work out a common base of struggle against the Communist Party and the Commu, nist International. While they had to keep this alliance more or less secret from their follow- ers, the spirit of “co-operation” on the basis of the Muste program became so prevalent in the ‘Trotskyite group that Cannon, on pressure from Schachtman, et al, was forced to castigate his followers, who, like Bert Miller of the Love- stone group, took the cue of their leader with- out its diplomatic trimmings and went too openly into the Muste camp. The flesh and blood alliance of the Trotskyites with the Muste group did not mature. They could not travel quite so fast as the Lovestone group had done, but their hearts were set on the distant, green fields of the Musteite “mass movement.” They had an international anchor. The Lovestoneites still maintain their “Com- munist” phraseology. But organic unity has al- ready been established with Muste. Gitlow meets regularly with Lore of the Volkezeitung, one of the “theoreticians” of the Musté move- ment. Muste is now “Brother Muste” to the Lovestoneites. union field, a closer political union is taking Place right within the ranks of the socialist party.’ The Lovestoneites consider the “Mili- tants” (Muste followers) in the socialist party as the rising generation of real Communists of whom Lenin himself would have been proud. The whole anti-Soviet campaign in the socialist party now gets added support through the Love- stoneite approval of the “left wing” of the so- cialists. Ben Gitlow, in answering a series of qi for the “Militants” on the Communist Interna- tional, agreed ‘with them fully that correct in attacking the C. I, since Stalin’s leadership it wasn't really a Communist Muste, of course, welcomes the Lovestoneites. He knows that there are millions of workers in the United States who look upon the advance of the Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union, un- | der Communist leadership, as the most out- | | Part of Unemployment Demonstration in Oakland, February 25th A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney In the last installment of his exposure of the A. F. L. chiefs, Mooney told how A. W. Brouillet, a lawyer but president of the San Francisco Labor Council, first took a place on the Mooney defense staff before the trial, then went over to the prosecution side and told Prosecutor Fickert all the plans of the de- fense, thus making it possible for Fickert to prevent Mooney and Billings from getting evi- dence that would have impeached. some of Fickert’s witnesses, are Set INSTALLMENT 8. ROUILLET, now the open ally of Fickert, de- clared at the Convention of the California Federation of Labor at Sacramento, October 5, 1917, that “there were delegates sitting in the convention who knew in their own craven hearts that the bomb defendants were guilty, guilty as hell.” The same day he moved to strike out passages from resolutions submitted to the con- vention declaring Mooney and Billings innocent. James W.- Mullen, editor of the ‘Labor Clar- ion,” official organ of the San Francisco Labor Council, seconded Brouillet’s amendments which received but one affirmative vote—Brouillet’s. At the same convention he strongly defended Fickert and urged the convéntion not to adopt a resolution demanding Fickert’s recall. Brouil- let’s treachery was now so apparent that the rank and file delegates to the California State Federation of Labor Convention repudiated him, and communicated the condemnation voted against him to the Shoe Clerké’ Union of which he was a mémber. A determined fight against Brouillet was now begun by rank and file mem- bers of many unions. On October 19, 1917, the San Francisco Labor Council was confronted by resolutions and communications from unions de- manding the resignation of Brouillet as presi- ; dent of the Council. Such “leaders” as John P. McLaughlin, then State Labor Commissioner; Ben Rosenthal, Mc- Laughlin’s Chief Deputy; Peter Fitzgerald and Thomas Garrity, defended the ally of the Cham- ; ber of Commerce within the ranks of labor, while Andrew Furuseth, president of the Interna- tional Seamen's Union, led the fight on behalf of the rank and file against Brouillet. Paul Scharrenberg, then, as now, an official of the Seamen’s Union, found it expedient to follow the leadership of his superior, Furuseth, and joined the fight against Brouillet. The trial committee selected to try the charges against Brouillet was typically representative of the “Jeadership” of the Labor Council. BROUILLET’S TRIAL COMMITTEE. Thomas Garrity, chairman of the Union Labor Party which nominated and supported Fickert for office; Thomas Reilly, Chief Clerk in the Justice’s Court; : William Urmy, holding a position in the U. S. Department of Labor through the influence of the P, G, & E. ally, P, T. McCarthy; George Kidwell, Business Agent, Bakery Wagon Drivers; Andrew Furuseth, militantly active in the struggle for justice. It was inevitable that a majority of the com- mittee, Garrity, Reilly, Urmy, should report that “there was no foundation for the charges.” In- dicative of the attitude of the rank and file in the Labor Council, it was the minority report submitted by Furuseth and Kidwell that was ac~- cepted and on November 2, 1917, Brouillet was suspended by a vote of 95 to 46. The determined fight made by the rank and file unions against Brouillet finally succeeded when on March 13, 1918, the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. ruled that the San Francisco Labor Council ‘was justified in removing Brouillet as President.” It is interesting to note that the Executive Council are good supporters of the reactionaries in the A. F. of L., true followers of the socialist be- trayers.. Muste has no fear of this sort of Com- munism, no more than. MacDonald fears the “revolutionary” phrases of Maxton, Cook ‘and company.’ It is like the earth.to Anteus; he falls back on these “revolutionary” phrase- mongers for strength, when the realities of his betravers weaken him in the eyes of the work- ing masses, j ee, Acre oe bepees ok Ceyslepioent Lovestoneites Every“ action of the them closer into of the A. F. of L. also ruled that the Council did not have “power to refuse him a seat as an ac- credited delegate from an affiliated union.” In other words, it was proper to remove him as president because he was a traitor to, the labor movement, but in spite of his betrayal he was still worthy of being a delegate to the Council! To the very end of this fight which symbolized the struggle of the workers against Capital, rep- resented by Brouillet, such “labor leaders” as James Mullen, Michael Casey, John P. McLough- lin, Ben Rosenthal—Chief Deputy under. Mc- Laughlin, the State Labor Commissioner—Ed-' ward Dillon, financial secretary of Mooney’s own local, but also Bond and Warrant Clerk under Fickert, openly and consistently were on the side of the enemies of Labor and ably defended Brouillet. What can be more convincing regarding the treachery of Brouillet than the fact that on No- vember 1, 1919, Brouillet became vice president of the Charles M. Fickert Citizen’s Committee when that arch-framer sought re-election as Dis- trict Attorney? That Brouillet faithfully served his masters, the Corporations, is well attested by the reward he received from them: appoint- ment by Governor Stephens as Attorney for the Corporation Commission. This is the price he received’ for betraying Mooney and Billings and the trust given him by his fellow-workers. The significant actions of a Brouillet attain great importance as they reveal: (a) The close connections of the Chamber of Commerce, the employers, and men of Brouil- let's type within the leadership of the trade union movement; (bo) That the wrath of the workers can be aroused when a clear case of betrayal is proven to them; (©) The position of many other “labor lead- ers” who supported Brouillet. They are the ene- mies of the workers. These men were too shrewd to openly attack Mooney and BiHings, so they used Brouillet as their tool. After the rank and file, in just wrath expelled the avowed traitor in their midst, the other “leaders” took warning, and benefiting from Brouillet’s experience they cunningly, subtly, but no less effectually, sabo- taged the defense of these two innocent trade unionists. To Be Continued es eles FURUSETH A LABOR TRAITOR. Militant workers will know Andrew Furuseth, head of the Seamen’s Union, as the active enemy of the marine workers, a Savage jingo, devoting his time to assisting the U. S. government drive foreign born workers from the country and bar them from the job. He is a séll-out artist of the first order. He fights ferociously against the Marine Workers’ Industrial Union. Mooney seems to have been mistaken about him. It is likely that he defended Mooney because of factional difficulties with the other A. F. L. cliques— EDITOR. Persecute Foreign- Born in Western New York By PETER STEVENS. ‘THE attack upon the foreign-born workers is in- » creasing from day to day. While the repre- sentatives of the boss class in Washington are preparing measures for mass deportation of for- eign born (especially the militant workers of Western New York where the most important war industries are located), mass arrests are already taking place although the reactionary measures proposed by various congressmen have not yet passed. As the fight of the workers in this part of the State for work or wages, against wage cuts and for the right to live, becomes more intense, and in which the foreign-born are fighting alongside with the native born and Negro work- ers, the bosses are becoming more and more brutal against the entire working’ class and espe- cially against the foreign born. In the factories the bosses call upon the im- migration department to investigate their work- ers who bear foreign names and to deterniine whether they are in this country legally or whether they are Communists. This is being done ‘or instance at the Bethlehem Steel in Buffalo. Some of the questions are “How long have you been in the U. 8.2?” “Do you believe in god?” and even some are forced to kiss a cross. Some of the workers are followed home by the immigration stools and there cross-examined, At other times they take them to the immi- gration office and threaten them one way or another. Then they force the worker to say @ prayer. If he happens not to know one, hé 4s accused of being 2 Communist and threatened with deportation. : | The companies such as the Bethlehem Steel ‘and the Republic Steel, are giving all aid pos- Cal. On | , cause I had mostly all the stuff picked up from Keofomies By JORGE Poor Harry! The dangers to workers of getting sentimental, oi about their particular “good boss,” are shows below better than we could relate: “We often hear of bosses giving ‘charity’ t the workers but when workers are giving charitj to bosses who rob them of the fruits of the! Jabor it's as funny as Will Rogers would like be. “Girls were sent to work from Sterchers em ployment agency, 268 West 34th St., to one Hai Reitner, dress manufacturer of New York Cit Poor Harry—sh! is up against it and some the working women felt bad over Harry’s plight The result is that bad little poor Harry failed to pay these philanthropic workers for five con. secutive weeks. Consequently the girls are no crying over spilt milk at Sterchers agency. “Some of the girls tried to explain why the trusted Harry Reitner for so long a time. of the reasons was given as follows: ‘Poor B lost over a half million dollars and we just felf something had to be done about it” So Harry done them out of five weeks’ pay. “Moral! Philanthropically inclined working women when in mood of working free of cha should choose. the picket line in this presen strike of the dressmakers!—A Worker.” . 6¢ 6 Mulrooney, Imperialist The other day, in a New York paper we lo track of but distinctly remember, we noticed down in Cuba somebody had been pinched the national president's blackguards who w said to be a “Moscow agent.” They pinch Mo cow agents down there every day, by the wa; There seems to be mass production of them es cially for Cuba. What is surprising about this, was the n that the Cuban fascist government had “bee informed by the New York police” of the p lous character of the arrestee. Again, on March 4, the Associated Press ried a dispatch from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, say: ing that the New York police department is a signing some of its “experts” to “reorganize” Brazilian police. It seems that the Seabury inquiry will have ta cover 2 lot of territory if it expects to catch to all the trieks of Mulrooney and company. I is a shame, of course, that Jean Norris can’t ¢ along. There is so much graft to be cleaned in Latin America. And Latin American w can be strangled to death as easily as any in the states, Use The Daily! From St. Paul, we received some time ago a, letter from Comrade W. G., in which, after re- iterating our comment that “it needs an extra- ordinary lot of criticism” to get a change of line, he recites how the Daily aids him: “Dear Jorge, you must know that I have the bad habit of reading the Daily Worker thorough- ly and basing my criticism and suggestions for improvement on its articles. It so happened, for instance, that I criticized the Negro work in our section. “Gosh, were the comrades peeved! But, dear Jorge, I assure you that I was innocent. Be- the Daily Worker, and I told the comrades only things which the Daily Worker had been te so often, and what was supposed to be the Party’ line. “Then it happened that I read the “Party Life Corner” with its “39 Points,” and took it to the nucleus meeting, quoted some of it and based! some mild criticism upon this article. An o! experienced,-esteemed member then told meth I shouldn't do such things. ‘Why criticize “The Central Committee ends its articl .. saying: ‘The Organization Dept. shall 5 add to these experiences, the valuable experience: of our brother parties.’ But when I told th comrades about the C. P. of Germany, how German Party is functioning, how the comrade there are carrying out their duties, wasn’t answer so many times: ‘Very well, but that’s Germany, and this here is America. Let’s about our own Party, not about the Ge Party’ “Do the comrades want to improve the Parts Of course! Are the comrades willing to apply new methods? Sure! But not today; and no tomorrow; maybe sometime in the future, according to the nice little song: “Immer langsam, voran; “Immer langsam, voran; “Dass die Krahwinkler Landwehr, “Nachkemmen kann.” Which little song, one known by Germans but which our St. Paul comrade left to Red to translate, means roughly: Always slowly, advance; Always slowly, advance; So that the laziest troops, Can keep alongside, ee How to Work Up A Buffalo reader ships us in a clipping looks funny. We don’t know from where it taken, but it's kinda good:.: It says, heading “Advice to Young Men” that: you “No matter what kind of work never get discouraged. Fill whatever have %o the best of your ability and bound to succeed eventually. e “I once knew a young man who peeled po tatoes all day in the kitehen of a big hote He was fairly well educated and naturally menial labor was not to his taste. But he m up his mind that. even a potato pealer could succeed and he dug right in and peeled mo potatoes than anyone elese in the kitchen. sible in the persecution of the foreign-born. is done for a very good reason. They paring the ground for another wage cut order to prevent the workers from