The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 13, 1931, Page 4

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 2s mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $2: two mont of Manhattan and Bronx, ‘New York Ctiy, Foreign: one year, $8+ Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 East 13th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Page Four ~ $1; excepting Boroughs six months, $4.50. Dail ATI ‘ACKS ON FOREIGN BORN UNDER COVER OF JOB GETTING By SOL HARPER. | Negro Worker. | HILE more than 10,000,000 white and Negro | workers are unemployed in the United States, the capitalists are busy hatching up fake plans to dupe the workers. Today, they are mobiliz- ing the Negro workers into separate jim crow “relief” movements, while in Arkansas boss nightriders are terrorizing Negro workers. Al- ready eight Negro workers have been lynched in 1931, and several electrocuted on fake charges of “rape.” At the same time the white and Nerro capitalists, and their agents are uniting behind a country-wide jim crow movement of Negroes to attack the foreign born. This spe- cial Negro group supplements the terror carried on against foreign born workers by the Ku Klux Klan and similar boss agencies. No doubt some of the white sponsors of this jim crow movement are members of the Klan, the White Crusaders, the Georgia Blackshirts, the Anglo-Saxon Clubs, etc., and associated with those white sponsors of the movement are such persons as Professor Woftey, University profes- sor and well-known Negro hater, who is an au- thor of books on the so-called Negro problem. Wofter was selected after President Hoover called the Manufacturers and American Federation of | Labor to a conference, in the Fall of 1929, short- ly after the stock market crash, on how to fool the workers. ‘The Hoover conference was not complete, how- ever, since no Negroes were invited and the Rosenwald Fund of Chicago offered to pay the expense of a special survey group (no doubt | upon Wolter’s own recommendation) if the gov- | @mnment would syndicate a series of news ar- | ticles by Professor Wofter while the survey was being made. These articles were mailed to lead- ing Negro reformist papers, they contained anti- foreign-born items, vicious attacks were made upon the foreign born workers, and particu- larly Mexican workers. Evidently, being a South- erner, Wofter could not overcome his white su- premacy ideology enough to attack white for- eigners directly and to him Mexicans are not white. ‘There have been book after book published by reformists, and capitalist institutions attempt- ing to show that “Negro workers are not hired in the North because of the foreigners.” Not a line appears in these books, newspaper ar- ticles, showing that the slave drivers, in general, nd the American Federation of Labor chauvin- t officials are responsible with the churches, *he-jim crow school system, etc., for the preju- Pice against Negroes. Nor the fact that the Whole system of discrimination against Negro workers is an instrument of oppression that the foreign born white workefts had nothing to do with before they came to this country. And that any such tendencies they have now is due to absorption of the boss poison of race preju- dice. The boss government’s Negro officials are linked hand in hand with the lynchers f Ne- groes, but in Chicago following the nation-wide demonstration on March 6, 1930, a special move- ment was started by some of these same agents of the bosses. This movement was hatched up against the Mexican stock yard workers. Ne- gro reformists and politicians formed a club under the name of the Economic or Bugs Club and held a series of meetings in Washington Park. The leading Negro reformists were in- vited to speak, Garvey leaders, politicians, etc. Later, another movement was organized under the naiae of the “Don’t Trade Where You Can | Not Work.” | } With the publication of the Wofter series of anti-Mexican articles, and those of William Green, Matthew Woll and Company calling for | restriction of immigration to “solve unemploy- ment,” the Chicago misleaders got on the band wagon of foreign born haters, the fact that the Ku Klux Klan rode beside them was overlooked, and within two months after March 6ti, 1930, more than 4,000 Negro petty business men had become members of the Economic or Bugs Club. ‘The club changed its name to Economic Federa- tion, and consolidated wita the “Don’t Trade Where You Can Not Wor.” group which was ! boycotting the Woolworth stores in the jim crow section. The Chicago Whip, Negro reformist weekly, led the campaign, and began to publish a series of photographs showing Negro workers standing on a sidewalk looking at white workers shoveling stone in the streets in the jim crow Negro sections. These photographs were repub- lished by the Chicago Defender, and the Chicago ‘World. Negro workers whose photographs ap- peaced on the front pages of these papers were invited to call at a certain place and get $1. From those who came to get the $1 a caucus group. was selected, and a series of attacks against foreign born workers started a few days later. A series of four direct mob attacks by unemployed Negro workers were made upon the white employed workers. The largest of these was staged on 5ist St. and Washington Park, near where the Economic Federation held its open air meetings. Following the first attack which came during the heat of the election campaign, the Amer- ican Negro Labor Congress, now the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, issued a series of leaflets pointing out to the Negro workers that: “Tt is not the foreign born workers who lynch Negroes,” “25 jobs on the street railway lines will not solve unemployment for the 50,000 un- employed Negroes on the southside.” “It is not the duty of Negro workers to seek jobs only on the southside but to demand them from the bosses in all sections of Chicago.” “Demand real relief! Demand Unemployment Insurance,” etc. ‘The movement broke up, in part, and today thousands of Negroes in Chicago are joining in huge demonstrations of the Councils of Unem- ployed. However, the “Don’t Trade Where You _ Can Not Work” movement has spread to Cleve- land, Ohio; and New York. In Cleveland, Ohio, these meetings were at- tended by at least 3,000 Negroes; in New York City, the meetings are being held in the largest Negro churches, with membership of thousands; the speakers in New York are making violent attacks upon the foreign born, thus keeping thousands of Negroes from uniting with militant white workers for unemployment insurance and Negro workers must realize result from the country-wide anti-foreign born movements, and the vicious attacks upon the entire working class prompted the Fish Official Committee for ter- rorizing militant workers and the Wofter Un- official Committee, and other agents of the ca- pitalist class parading around pretending to be seeking real relief for the unemployed. Farticularly, must the Negro workers fight the deportation of Yokinen, for it is to him the gov- ernment now says, “you pledged to fight discrim- ination against Negroes in Harlem and lynch- ing,” and “for this you will be sent back to Fin- land identified as an enemy of capitalist society io be murdered.” The Negro wrokers will not stand for the lynching of Yokinen! All native born Negro and white workers mobilize for the defense of the foreiga born! Organize demonstrations! Street protest meetings and strong defense organiza- tions! Defeat the lynchers and the bosses’ gov- ernment terror campaigns against the foreign born workers! Demand full social equality for Negroes and defeat the bosses’ splitting activities! Demand real relief! Demand unemployment insurance! Demand equal pay for equal work and em- ployment in all parts of the country for Negroes on the basis of equality with white workers! Negro workers, refuse to be pitted against the native or foreign born workers! Foreign born workers! Native born white work- ers! Unite with the Negro workers! Demand the unconditional release of August Yokinen, and all other militant workers, white and Negro! Central Control Commission Notices LL workers and workers’ organizations are warned against Carl Miller and James Or- Jando, who in the past have belonged to the Communist Party of the U. S. A., but have been expelled as unreliable dishonest elements. Carl Miller, whose photograph appears here- with, succeeded in getting into the Party last fall, in Philadelphia. He claimed to have come from Texas, and gained some confidence when he was arrested at Camden, N. J., together with other comrades. When sent to Trenton, N. J., as a functionary of the International Labor De- fense, he stayed there only for a short time, until | he got hold of about $75 of organization funds, which he then took for himself and disappeared. James Orlando (alias Alesio Asiatica) is of Italian nationality, about 34 years of age, but looks older, about 5 foot 3 inches tall, weighs about 130, has dark complexion, black eyes, black curly hair turning gray, and a rather large nose; speaks Italian with Sezze Romano accent, very poor English. He has been active in the Party and in various Italian workers’ organizations in Rochester, N. Y., until the latter part of 1928, then he moved to Erie, Pa., and is now located in Monongahela, Pa, He has left behind him a long trail of mis- appropriation of organization funds and of out- right swindling of workers—borrowing money from workers without any intentions of return- “ing it, forging a mortgage note in the name of a worker in whose house he lived for a long time without paying for his board and room, selling lottery tickets, etc. Central Control Commission, Communist Party of the U. S. A. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Question: What are the National Guards?— C. M, New York. ‘They were organized in 1832 and every state has its National Guard (also called militia) con- tingents, “to preserve peace and order.” In June, 1930, the combined strength of the units of all states was 182,715. The guardsmen live at their own homes, and hold regular jobs but are re- quired to drill not less than forty-eight evenings each year and to participate in encampments and maneuvers. for at least fifteen days each summer. They are subject to call at any hour of the day or night and most regiments can mobilize their full strength in two or three hours’ time. Most of the national guardsmen are work- ers, the lower officers are frequently government officials and the like, and the Big. Shots are capitalists and big business men. ‘The National Guard is an instrument of the capitalist state apparatus, It is the second re- serves in case of war for the defense of capi- talistic interests, for markets, or against the Soviet Union. The National Guard is also used at home against employed and unemployed work- ers. Its use as a strikebreaking agency is no- torious, it having been called in most, if not all of the major railroad, mining, textile, and other large strikes, as well as many smaller ones. Be- tween the years 1886 and 1895, for instance, it acted in 328 strike situations. Obviously, during the course of its entire ey the number has PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Commitiee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Demonstrations and Daily Work By PAUL MUNTER. | (Portland, Ore.) HE demonstrations throughout the country on the tenth of February call certain factors to our attention that may or may not be of vital significance, but which I think are of such na~- ture that they justify a thorough airing and analysis. From the press reports in the Daily Worker it would seem that the weather was not a serious factor in causing the relatively small turnouts throughout the country. In speaking of relatively small numbers, I refer to the obvious discrepan- cies between the thousands who marched in the hunger marches prior to it and the number that demonstrated for the Unemployment Insurance Bill on the tenth, In summarizing an opinion of the activity, it appears that a general mistake is the calling of demonstrations in such frequent order that the majority of workers react to them as of no espe- cial significance. The efficacy of a demonstra- tion is to call the attention of workers to a huge organized effort in their interests and to rally them to the standard of the organizations wag- ing the fights that the demonstrations signify. In thus rallying the mass of workers, we measure the correctness of our programs, and follow the response up with organizational steps that make the next attack of the workers stronger by a recruiting of new forces. From the reports over the country, it would appear that the activities, engaged in by actual understanding members of the Unemployed Councils, got the results. Thus the daily activity of an organization with the correct approach, is again shown for its full worth. It is no mistake to call attention to Dayton, Hartford, Cleveland and the other cities where certain gains (imme- diately grasped by the workers) were made, that these results were gotten by an action of the hundreds who understood the plan of action and were not merely in general sympathy with it. ‘That would indicate that the best results from a demonstration are not gained in calling an- other within a short time (hunger marches are included as demonstrations in this account) but by following up the routine steps of organizing those who responded. It is with this idea in mind that Portland comes to the following con- clusions. On the Tenth in’ Portland, though the demon- stration received the response of the workers in | the largest numbers since March 6th (an indica- tion of the severity of the times that cannot be refuted) the actual gain in membership was not in line with the enthusiasm of the crowd. One of the most grievous errors was in not having a hall to which to take the workers who wished to join and having a thorough discussion on the demonstration and the future activity of the council by the new members. The crowd showed that they understood full well the role of the city government and police and were willing to defend their demonstration. The spurt to revo- lutionary activities that the demonstration created is of no value unless the concrete daily work of the council is pushed by the members, It is well established in Portland now that the fakers of the A. F. of L., I. W. W., Unemployed Union, etc., are understood and properly classi- fied by the workers, even to the extent that the Unemployed Council is the only group that the | enemies of the workers take cognizance of in the unemployed movement. The Tenth made the workers of Portland familiar with the tac- tics of their struggle and the role of the vapi- | talist state and the Communist Party as the op- ponent of it in the interest of the workers was also well established. Weighing all of these factors, Portland decided to concentrate on a thorough plan of action for the International Fighting Day, to be successful in rallying the masses with good results. The errors of the Tenth to be avoided and allowances to be made for the increased resistance of the police, fascist elements, etc., who are thoroughly | alarmed by the results of the Tenth. It is up to the Party members in Portland to lead the new forces we have gained into the increased struggle with fighting example. We can materialize the unemployed struggle and prepare the ground- work for a thorough revolutionary organization of Portland workers by not allowing the stars that shoot across the firmament to dazzle us but to keep our feet on the ground and build. Does not this apply to the entire country also? That is what we would like to hear. More in- formation and suggestions from those engaged in the daily work of the councils is vital, to give more up-to-the-minute tmpetus to our activities. Let us not make mistakes but avoid them by a thorough discussion on the results of our dem- onstrations. And lastly should we not keep the fighting slogans of the days set for demonstra- tions firmly in the front by not abusing the spontaneous responses to our calls, and go into the daily work more fully? particularly vicious against the National Miners’ Union and in the southern textile strikes. It is called in from another section of the state and is used in attempting to break the strike by prohibiting picketing, by breaking up meetings and speeches and other terroristic measures. Workers must not, however, make the mistake of taking a sneering attitude when talking to worker members of the national guard. We should carefully explain to them the full import of their actions and the manner in which the capitalist class utilizes them against their own class, against their own brothers and fellow- workers, They can fight with their brothers by refusing en mass to be used against strikers or in anyway against their fellow workers. ‘Let the guardsmen learn who their real enemies are, 60 that when the working class is fighting for pow- er, they will know against whom to turn their In San Antonio, Texas, five companies of the 41st Infantry, Texas National Guard, signed lists demanding the passage of the Workers Un- employment Insurance Bill. ‘The mass pressure of the workers belonging to the unit (many of them now unemployed) became so great that the authorities did not dare to prohibit speakers of the Trade Union Unity League and the Coun- cil of the Unemployed from addressing the guardsmen at their regular drill period in the armory. Workers mu intensity, this type of ' Patrick Calhoun, its president, various railway 70 OUR TENANTS: Please note; that beginn pany. Also, please note, that f: will be the policy of the Com; those who are bona fide enplo: for the Mills. RIVERSIDE & DAN RIVER COTTON MILLS MANUFACTURERS OF COTTON FABRICR DANVILLE, YA. rental charges will be reinstated upon the houses of the Cor You will be charged with rent from and after that date, and the same will be due and payable cach ree! yees of the Company and at wo: February 20, ing March 1, 1 regular m and after Mar Photo of a letter sent by the Riverside & Dan River Cotton Mills | on the to all living in company houses. After the long strike of these 4,900 workers they were sold out by Gorman and other officials of the United Textile Workers and sent back to during the strike. The company now proposes to evict all it blac and to charge the others full rent, or not. face the blacklist on all militants ts, whether they get a full work week A. F. of L. Leaders Betray So Tom Mooney, in the last installment, showed how Paul Scharrenberg (secretary of the cal- | ifornia State Federation of Labor) slandered | Mooney, stopped the Seamen’s Union and the _ Waterfront Employes Association of San Fran- | cisco from contributing anything to the Mooney | defense, sabotaged the defense in conventions of the AFL and thé California State Federa- tion, and preveniléd the papét bé edited from helping the campaign for release of Mooney and Billings. Scharrenbetg controls the Sea- men’s Union of ‘the Pacifte and the Water- front Employes, and uses them as a political machine. | Now Mooney takes up some other A. F. of L. chiefs: INSTALLMENT VI } California Leaders Betray Brother Members. UL SCHARRENBERG is no exception to the average A. F. of L. official, rather he typifies the corrupt, reactionary, graft-ridden, treacher- ous. A. F. of L: bureaucracy. The job holding officialdom has delivered the “legitimate” trade unions of this country to the employers and Scharrenberg’s record definitely proves this charge. The following pages will serve to give a fairly accurate picture of the California “labor leaders” and will indicate in whose interests they are working, The many instances cited in this pam- phlet only begin to show the depth and extent of the utter degeneracy, baseness and corruption of the leadership of the California movement; the full story of the treachery and infamy of this gang of scoundrels would fill volumes. A brief review of the California labor move- ment since 1910 will reveal the basic reasons for the assistance given Fickert’s frame-up crew by the “labor leaders.’ As a result of the fa- mous San Francisco “Graft Prosecution” the United Railroads, one of the scabbiest non- union public utility corporations in this country, and city officials were indicted for giving and accept.ng a bribe of $200,000. Several United | Railroads and city officials were tried, and a | few were found guilty. But the jury that tried | Patrick Calhoun could not agree. Before again i trying Calhoun, Francis J. Heney, the “graft prosecutor,” had to contest an election for the position of District Attorney. Knowing that Cal- houn would be convicted if Heney was elected, the United Railroads decided to nominat: a fri candidate and defeat Heney. Charles M. Fickert was nominated by the Union Labor Party and endorsed by the United Ratlrouds. Due to an astonishing campaign by the utilities he defeated Heney. Among the men convicted as @ result of the “graft prosecutions” was Eugene Schmitz, Mayor of San Francisco. Schmitz, a member of the Musicians Union, had giver the San Francisco “labor leaders” many important city offices, and after his conviction all these men lost their positions. During the election the “labor leaders” were solidly against Heney, and enthusiastically supported Fickert through the Union Labor Party. Between the non-union scabby Street Railways Company, the “labor leaders” and Fickert there was complete understanding. Of course, Fickert dropped the | indictment against Calhoun. At that period San Francisco was a strong- hold of the A. F. of L. Unions which mainteined Famine Conditions in the Min-, ing Camps in Many States. | conservatism of the local labor leaders. Organize Unemployed Councils! Fight for Re- Bosna and cece to a high degree union wages and conditions in the flourishing industries cf that city. The unions were so favorably situated in San Francisco that. soon Los Angeles merchants, manufac d builders. who maintained open shop conditions, successfully began to underbid and undersell the products of the northern city. Faced with such a situation, the unions had no alternative. They had to organize Los An- geles or they would inevitably suffer a setback in San Francisco with a general driy» on the part the employers to slash wages, lengthen hours and generally undermine the compara- tively high conditions which had been so la- bariously secured. The former course was de- cided upon. The unions nominated 26 of the foremost labor leaders of San Francisco as mem- | bers of a “Los Angeles Metal Trades Strike Com- mittee,” and instructed them to organize Los Angeles. This committee secured a fund of $300,000 and imported organizers from the East, among whom was J. B, McNamara, one of the ou standing militants of the movement. The immediate results are now history. With the destruction of the Les Angeles “Times” building the drive was smashed, the McNamaras were indicted, and Clarence Darrow was retained by the San Francisco unions to defend them. Darrow was betrayed by his trusted con- fidential investigator, who sold all the defense evidence and information to the National Erect- ors Association and the Burns Detective Agency. For this reason he informed the McNamaras that if they were tried by a jury, many of the 26 men belonging to the Metal Trades Strike Committee would be placed in jeopardy, as John Doe indictments charging first degree murder had been brought against some of them. Con- sequently, the McNamaras agreed to plead guilty | provided definite assurance was given the‘ all indictments placed against some of the San Francisco members of the Metal Trades Strike Committee, and others, were dismissed. This was done, the McNamaras pled as agreed, and the case was closed. “The 26” speedily lost their interest in organizing the industries 0” Los Angeles, and that city is still the traditional | home of the “American Plan” non-union scab | open shop. A short time after this Tom Mooney came to San Francisco, fresh from militant struggles in the East fought in the interests of the workers. When he arrived he was amazed at the extreme He found them willingly playing the game of the empleyers and the Chamber of Commerce, anxi- ous to appear “respectable” and to remove the black spot attached to their records by the not- forgotten narrow escape from murder indict- ments. Mooney set about correcting this sit- uation, and began to be effectively active in movements for higher wages, and better condi- tions for the workers, He soon became marked as an “agitator,” as a “dangerous Red.” He was a thorn in the side of the labor leaders who were now concerned solely with proving to their masters that they were harmless creatures who could be depended upon to keep the workers in check, so that there would be no more recur- rences similar to the Los Angeles affair. The labor leaders could not afford to have a man like Tom Mooney around who was constantly stirring up the workers and agitating strikes. Mooney would have to be put away. So eager were they to appear “respectable” that not only did they actively oppose a mili- tant fighter such as Mooney, but they even be- trayed the men who saved them in 1910. After the McNamaras and their partners were in San Quentin, and the labor leaders had become cer- tain the prisoners would not implicate them they lost all interest in the men who were willing to sacrifice their lives for what they considered the best interests of the labor movement. Calif- ornia has a liberal parole law; every prisoner, no matter what his crime, ic eligible for parole; yet, these labor leaders were so cowardly that they would not involve themselves to the extent, of helping J. J. McNamara, General Secretary- of the International Association of | his mighty | d | few if any | clair to 1 | An old man is us F eronaanntensmememae oer By JORGE Gods of the Lightening af Since ywood Broun (who just abhors “dic tatorship”) got orders from his boss to snap ou of his drivel about chorus girls, his pet dog an’ prowess at poker, and go forth to y the dragon of Immorality which is sud- ily discovered within Manhattan, there are columnists left to do reverence to the drama. So we try to fill up the gap by a few remarks about Tom Mooney and Sacco and Vanzetti. Some time, we hope, a real proletarian writer will get hold of the frame up against Mooney and Billings and make a drama out of it that will tear your heart loose. We beg Upton Sin- off. We want 10 more mush; And we'll view with suspicion offer unlimited editorial revision s—a la Soviet. is needed about the Mooney case. without the y to We thought of this when we went to see the “Gods of the Lightenin; the play about Sacc and zetti, a work by Maxwell Anderson an Harold Hickenson, now playing at the Actor Th e (the Old Provincetown Playhouse) at 133 MacDougal St., here in New York. acting in the main is pretty good, and ebody with more working class slant ect comes forth with a better one, ay that the bourgeois dramatic au- The until » su we have tos thors who wroie if did the best they could, per- haps. But it is none too good. There is that inveter: te centering of action around individe uals in a way to obscure the masses. The leading man, who is got up as a cross een an A. F. of L. business agent and an W. of the pre-war type, paws the air overs much but falls below zero in the middle of a Berke because a girl gets miffed at his “taking dering her nerves. A : 4s brought in though his dope is shown as ineffective, lessly exposed as a murderer. reasor And s given that everyone who is m may be logically correct, but still Yet with all this weakness, the class char- of the case is sharply and dramatically The capitalist class murder of Sacco {ti is so brutally thrust into one’s face 1 this one fact rises above any incidental r a the authors hung around it as dressing. alist justice is slashed to shreds. 4 she case of Tom Mooney waits for a play- objec enough to present its full scope ive enough to make the lines burn wit) S conscious anger. Re ae and Van But Even the Blind See The branch agency of American imperialisir which is known as the government of the “Re: public of Panama” is trying to deport to Spain Manuel Gutierrez, who had been previously. de ported by the equally “independent” govern ment of Costa Rica. It happens that Manuel Gutierrez is a blin« man, but, according to the International Re: Aid, he was not so blind but what he saw th shameless oppression of Central American peo ples by Wall Street and Washington. The de portation of a blind man only clinches the proo of that oppression. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U S. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cor munist Party. Name Address CIty ...escccccccevcccevceses, State OCcCupatlOn ...sserscecccecererseeees -Mail this to the Central Office, Commun! Party, P. O. Box 87 Station D, New York Cit both men could, and should, have served pr of their terms on parole. What can be said for the treatment giv J. B. McNamara and M. A. Schmidt, both se: ing life sentences? In California the avera life sentence of a prisoner is generally set 11 years within the walls of the penitentia and then the Prison Board allows the lifer serve the remainder of the sentence on parol for life. J. M. McNamara has now been prison 20 years; every “)'fer” who was in 1 prison when he arrived has received a paro and yet no effort is being made to help Amazing as it sems, the men whom he sa‘ if not from the gallows, at least from long pi terms, never visit him, never write him, ne’ help him financially. They allow him to | away in San Quentin year after year, thot they know within their craven hearts that w their influence they can secure his release paro! It is a fact, that at the present ti there is no opposition from the injured pa the Los Angeles “Times,” to the release on pai of McNamara and Schmidt. No one is fight to keep them in San Quentin. The labor le ers can secure their parole by demanding t their political ally—the Governor—“suggest’ the State Board of Prison Directors: (his pointees) that these men be given parole—s as is given all other lifers in San Quer but they are too treacherous, too cowardly, ungrateful to act as would other decent hw beings similarly obligated. If these cowardly betrayers of labor treat men who helped save them in this sham manner, and needlessly allow J. B, MceNan to be kept in prison after serving 20 year is not in the least surprising to find Tom Mo and his co-worker, Warren Billings, still hind the walls of San Quentin and Fo Prisons. And it is still less surprising to. “the 26” and many more “labor leaders” act tuals who lay hands on the theme | | for no sound’