The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 12, 1931, Page 4

Page Four Baal ee e8 By the Comprodifly Publishing Co., Inc., datly ex Ith Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable A@4ress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥, t Sukday, at 50 Kast “DAIWORK.” Daily, orker Porty USA! ~ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: erywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs n and Bronx, New York Ctly. Foreign; one y $8- six months, $4.50, ON THE ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF WORK BY UNEM PLOYED COUNCILS By EARL BROWDER. HE need for distribution of food to the starv- ing unemployed is growing greater every day, with the deepening cris It is being increased by the systematic reduction of the miserable charity efforts of never more than a sop, and in many places by the entire stopping of all relief. Unemployed councils are everywhere, threfore, being faced with the problem of what to do in the face of the actual starvation of their members It is this situation which has given rise to the t lency of some wot! s to organize small ding, ies to go out and get food. This kind of effort to e the problem of direct howev ineffective in the present deve) ent of tr movement, and t great dangers of developing ad- individual actions and so on, which ovement rather than help feeding is. stage of carries wit all group actions along Ive their problem. Mass ac- tions are required for any radical soluti <¢ problem. Such mass actions cannot be actured. They must grow and mature out fe of the m workers. is mean that the Unemployed Coun- cils cannot immediatelybegin to attack the prob- jem of feeding their starving members? No, it does not mean this at all. Unemployed Coun- cils have a tremendous work to do right now in this field. In fact, it precisely through the systematic organized development of the direct caring for starving workers that the Unemployed Councils will grow and stabilize themselves as powerful organizations. How shall this work be developed? The experience already gained throughout the | or irregular food distributions, etc., the demand the bourgeoisie which were | rs must learn the lesson | of the | | manner, by large delegations of workers. | geoisie generally, country gave us a clear light as to how to ap- | proach this problem. Unemployed Councils every- where should do what a few local councils are already doing, namely, conduct a systematic ex- amination of the unemployed workers in their territory, and compile reports on the most acute cases of poverty and starvation. Particular cases must be taken up and reported on in the Un- employed Councils. Special attention must be given to locating the unemployed with families especialliy those with large numbers of young children. ‘The Unemployed Council, after com- piling this list of the most acute cases with com- | plete detailed information as to their conditions must set itself the task to bring relief to these specific cases, drawing in these unemployed workers themselves into the committees which handle the work. The first responsibility must be the presenta- must be made for the raising of the relief to the required minimum and the assurance of its regular payment. In some places the Unemployed Councils will be able by mass delegations and demands on the city authorities to secure relief for these cases. When success is achieved along this line the Unemployed Council must not then drop the cases. They must be checked up on from week to week and the entire working class of the lo- cality must be made to know that this relief was secured through the efforts of the Unem- | ployed Council. and that the Unemployed Coun- cil is on the job to see that this relief is con- tinued Where the city authorities reject the demand for the relief of specific cases of starvation pre- sented to th the Unemployed Council must report back this refusal together with the details of the starvation cases to the Councils and to labor organizations generally as well as in mass meetings. The Council must then set up a food collection committee which will set itself the task of collecting the food necessary to save these cases from starvation. The food collection committee, armed with statement of the cases for which they are so- liciting food, will-undertake food collections from the larger capitalists and corporations of the lo- cality, particularly in those institutions where the unemployed were formerly at work. These demands for food should be'made as publicly as possible and participated in, in an organized ‘When the committee is unable to get food from the corporations and large capitalists, they shall then begin to solicit small merchants and petty bour- calling upon these elements at the same time to join the Unemployed Coun- | cil in demanding relief from the government | treasuries and in demanding unemployment. in- surance nationally. All such work should be done on a strictly local scale and through the committee estab- lished by the unemployed workers themselves in their councils, with the active collaboration of employed workers. Other organizations besides the Unemployed Councils should be drawn in to | help in the work, which is centralized through tion of demands to the local authorities for the | caring of these specific cases of hunger and starvation. The necessary budget for property the local or neighborhood Unemployed Council. The feeding committee set up by the Unem- ployed Council should report its work to every meeting of the council and constantly maintain mass participation in and control of its work. Such efforts as above described have already begun to develop in several Unemployed Coun- cils. This indicates the healthiest stage for future growth of the Councils, and for actually | taking care of the most pressing needs of the maintaining such families must be worked out | by the Council and the demands upon the goy- ernment authorities must be for cash relief ade- | quate to cover such budgests. Where such families are already receiving reg- ularly from some source small inadéquate sums | starving workers. These methods should therefore be studied by all Unemployed Councils everywhere and adapt- ed to their local conditions. All experiences along this line should be carefully reported to the Daily Worker for the benefit. of all Unemployed Coun- cils throughout the country. Review of Feb. 25 In Milwaukee By JOHN WILLIAMSON, ITH the successful March 6 demonstrations of a year ago, the Party in Milwaukee be- came an active and known factor and since that time has really established itself from three units in the city to nine at.the present time. The militancy of the many demonstrations and delegations for unemployment relief has forced the local county government to establish vari- ous “Outdoor Relief” stations, where dry gro- ceries. meat, milk and occasionally a few dollars are paid out to resident family men. By giving out these meager rations the local bosses, with the stance of the socialist city administra- tion. hope to combat the influence of the Com- munists. With 50,000 unemployed, between 6,000 to 7,000 responded for the Feb. 25 demonstration. This was slightly smaller than the Sept. 1 demon- stration, but larger than the three demonstra- tions since Sept. 1. However, Sept. 1 was a holi- day and included workers also. The type of workers responding to Feb. 25 was of the best— stable, resident workers with years of employ- - ment at local factories—and not the transient, . “floater” trip, that made up a large section of the March 6 demonstration. "The workers were also militant and listened to the speakers with great attentiveness and’ orderliness—no moving around and visiting. Instead of issuing one leaflet signed jointly by the organizations calling the demonstration, each organization issued its own leaflets, in this way being able to approach the problems from the specific viewpoint of each organization. Leaflets were issued by the Communist Party, Trade Union Unity League, Unemployed Coun- cils, Young Communist League and another leaflet, intended for distribution among the Na- tional Guard, arrived from the Chicago Young Communist League after the demonstration, too late for distribution. What were the weak sides of the demonstra- tion and its preparations, from which other cities may learn? 1. Because of the numerous demonstrations, there has developed a tendkncy to do little, or only last-minute, preparatory work. This is a distinct tendency of negating the organizing role of the Party and depending on the spon- taneous response of the workers. While for March 6 the entire Party was mobilized weeks in advance, today we wait till two or three days Before the demonstration for mobilization of the workers. While we have gained experience since March 6 end the workers have become more radicalized—we also have the demagogy of the bourgeoisie to contend with (specially in Milwaukee) and even such a thing as leaflet distribution, which should only be one means of mobilizing, should not be left till Feb. 22, Feb. 23 or Feb. 24. am 2. Depending exclusively on leaflets, without even involving the non-Party sympathetic or- ganizations, in the preparatory agitational work. Except the International Workers’ Order, no ™ass organizations (language, benefit, A. F. of 1, ete.) were visited. In those organiaztions where we ‘have’ Party: members, ‘the fractions ‘were conspicuous by their non-functioning. _ .3. No attempts to develop preparatory local wirugetes tm comnestion pith, the "Outdoor Be lief” Stations, grievances. ings, only one was a success and that. in Cud- where there are many local | RED CHINA ON GUARD! By BURCK PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Commitiec, Communist Party, U.! Penetrate New Territory During Recruiting Driv By JOHN WILLIAMSON. UR Party is sinking its roots into new strata of workers and Party units and districts have béen built in completely new sections of the country. Since the Sixth National Convention four new districts have been organized. two of them in the South and two in the Middle West. ‘There are opportunities for creating additional | new districts in such te?ritory as New Orleans, Of all the preliminary local meet- i ahy, were there is no. Unemployed Council and | the Party was only established one month ago. In Milwaukee proper, where there are four weak Unemployed Councils, the neighborhood meet- ings did not materialize. This is largely be- | cause the Unemployed Councils are “on ice” and do not lead the local struggles for better relief, against evictions, etc. 4. The greatest weakness of all was the ab- sence of Negro workers. There were not over a dozen Negro workers present. At one time the Party enjoyed great confidence among the Negro workers and even spoke of electing a comrade to the state legislature from a ward populated by Negro workers. The Party head- quarters is in the Negro neighborhood, and yet no response. In the Section Committee one comrade posed the question—“Who is to blame, the Negro workers or us?” We must answer @ hundred times the Party is to blame. Firstly, no leaflet issued addressed to Negro workers (because of some technical excuse); distribu- tion of the general leaflet in Negro neighbor- hood was spasmodic and the Party unit in that territory did not meet that week, because in- sufficient attention and help is given that unit by the Section Committee. 5. The organizational preparations were poor. No meetings were held of captains before the demonstration. Similarly, comrades to handle application cards and literature had them shoved in their hands at the demonstration, without previous instructions as to what to do. While the speakers were encouraging workers to sign up, no comrades were going through the crowds with application cards, with the result that only approximately 35 applications were received. In conclusion, {t is necessary to point out # tendency in Milwaukee which must be sharply combatted. While the Party leadership will theoretically exnlain the dangerous role of reformism in Milwaukze (where the mayor is a member of the socialist party) and in Wiscon- sin (where the governor is a member of the LaFollette familv of demagorues), yet in prac- tice there is a distinct tendency to ignore this danger and to think that “Milwaukee 1s still different from Chicago. Our demonstrations won't be broken up.” Since March 6, when the workers were clubbed and nine sent to jail— Comrade Fred Basset still being in the county jail—all demonstrations have not been broken up. On Feb. 25, however, the local authorities denied the Party and T. U. U. L. a permit for use of the particular square and later a delega- tion of “dicks” informed the Party that “we are giving you warning so that when your demon- stration {s broken up you won't say you didn’t know a permit was denied.” On the last day, however, the police backed down and issued a permit, because the Party and T. U. U. L. told them there would be a demonstration whether they issued a permit or not. ‘The Party must conduct a vigorous campaign to expose the social-fascist role of the Hoans and LaFollettes and break the illusions which many workers still suffer from, that in Mil waukee the local government is not as vicious | Oklahoma, Texas, and subdividing existing dis- tricts. Only the question of forces is a problem. | The C.I. in its open letter to the Party in the early part of 1929, said: “The Party can become a mass proletarian Party only on condition that it widens its base by creating its main strongholds in the ranks of the American workers, especially in the most important branches of industry, and also among the Negro workers, while at the same time retaining its positions among the revo- lutionary immigrant workers.” This still remains our guiding policy and In the present recruiting drive, each district should deliberetely orientate to start new Party nuclei in localities until now untouched. Of course, this in no way limits the existing nuclei in their recruiting activities. ‘The geographical extent of the majority of our districts is immense. They are larger in area than many European countries. In each district, there are tens of good sized industrial cities where our Party hasn't a single member, not to speak of scores of smaller towns, We must choose a certain number of these and strive to establish Party units so that our recruiting drive will not only result in a numerical growth of our Party organization into new localities, where on the basis of development of local strug- gle, the Party will in turn grow locally. In Chicago district, which covers Illinois, In- diana, the industrial part of Wisconsin, the city of St. Louis and a few cities in Iowa, we have not made much progress in establishing Party units in new territory. In the last four months we have organized new units in Westyille, Tll.; Decatur, Ill; Clinton, Indiana; Bicknell, Ind. (reorganized); Chieaco Heights, Ill; Cudahyy Wisce.; South Milwaukee, Wisc.; Waukesha, ‘Wisc., and in Chicago organized one new nucleus and in Milwaukee two new nuclei. During this same period two shop nuclei in Chicago were dropped, primarily through the layoff of mem- bers in the shops. At this time, there are possibilities to organ- ize at least a dozen new units in small industrial towns, if forces were available. For example, at the Indiana State Conference on Unemployment. Insurance Bill, delegates were present from 17 towns, yet in the section of Indiana exclusive of Calumet, we only have Party units so far in three’ towns. In Pana, the workers are demand- ing an organizer and in various parts of the coal fields, there are excellent possibilities to organize new units. While the most important base for the Party is the large industrial centers, we must not neglect towns, which are sometimes exclusively indus- trial, between 30,000 and 100,000 population. Every district has such towns and in developing the recruiting drive, due attention must be given them, Famine Conditions in the Min- ing Camps in Many States. Organize Unemployed Councils! Fight for Re- lief and Against Starvation! find itself completely unprepared, as was the case on Feb. 25, if the police had tried to break it up. The workers must learn to defend their Se TRE i rt % f A. F. of L. Leaders Betray | Tom Mooney The last installment of Tom Mooney's ex- posure of the treachery of the A.F.L. bureau- cracy in the Mooney-Billings case told of the new framesup, the “investigation” by the State Supreme Court last year, and the court's ad- vise to the governor not to pardon the two workers. Now read on: ee aE, | INSTALLMENT IV You need not be a learned judgé like Langdon to recognize the terrible truth of his charges against this misnamed judicial decision which may keep two innocént mén in prison for life. The great black marks of prejudice which dis- figures the majority decision aré sO cléar that | the layman who looks without prejudice can see nothing else. ‘The Supreme Court would keep these innocent men in prison for life. But one justice of that | court recommended an unconditional pardon. ‘The Supreme Court would keep these innocent men in prison for life. But the judge who pre- sided at Mooneys trial says the men were un- fairly, even criminally convicted. ‘The Supreme Court would keep these innocent men in prison for life. But the chief prosecutor at the Billings trial, James Brennan, said the men should be released. The Supreme Court would keep these innocent | men in prison for life. But the present district attorney says the men should be pardoned. ‘The Supreme Court would keep these inno- cent men in prison for life. But the 10 living Mooney jurors plead for a pardon. | The Supreme Court would keep these inno- | cent men in prison for life. But the detective captain, who helped convict them, says they did not have a fair trial and that “the sanctity | of the courts” has been violated. | The Supreme Court would keep these inno- cent men in prison for life. But the attorney- general of California has twice asked for a new trial for Mooney. ‘The Supreme Court would keep these inno- cent men in prison for life. But all of the five chief witnesses against the men are either con- fessed or proved perjurers. ‘That is the record. ‘These judges are con- demned out of their own mouths. | Mooney and Billings are the symbols of a great cause. They were convicted by perjured | testimony of a crime they did not commit. So long as they are kept in prison by class hatred, class prejudice and class justice their case will | continue to agitate the minds of workers, and the sympathizers of labor the world over. Mil- lions will share the horror of Justice Langdon over the decision of his colleagues of the Cali- fornia Supreme Court. Demand for an uncon- ditional pardon of these two victims of class justice will gather strength and momentum. It is solely by these continued demands that the tools of capitalist justice—the Governor of Cali- fornia and the State Supreme Court—will be compelled to release their victims without the chain of Parole being tied to their necks. ‘The constant refusal of the last four state ad- ministrations to pardon Tom Mooney was aided beyond doubt by the American Federation of Labor leaders, who played a despicable part in sabotaging the demands of the rank and file for his unconditional pardon. Definite proofs are at hand, and will be presented in the following installments, to the effect that the crooked mis- leaders of labor, led nationally by Matthew Woll and locally by Paul Scharrenberg, have done, keep Mooney and Billings for the remainder of their lives in the bosses’ Gungeons at San‘ Quen- tin and Folsom. ‘Tom Mooney in his letter to Warren ‘Billings categorically states the leaders of the 'A. F. of L, share joint responsibility with the California Supreme Court and the California state offi- cials for the foulest frame-up in American his- tory. Proof will be given in these articles that the California corporations, their servant, the state, and the labor leaders formed an unholy alliance | which has kept Mooney and Billings behind the. grim walls of San Quentin and Folsom for 15° years. Proof will be given that the labor lead- ers actively alded and abetted California’s | frame-up crew. The leaders of the A. F.of L. did not only be- and will continue to do, all in their power to _ the - Barty, P. ©. Bow 87 entire labor movement. Therefore, it is vitally important that the fundamental cause which | | @ By JORGE = “Situation Wanted—Male” A reader in Philadelphia sends us a clipping from last Saturday's “Evening Bulletin” which | again gives us reason to think that something remains for inhabitants of that village to over- come besides the “red peril” featured by “Brother” Rogers of the Union Labor Record. We e, in short, discovered that one man in Philadelphia is out of a job. It is a touching case: One which must make even the heart of | a building trades businesss agent bleed with pity. You are cautioned to be calm, take a cold drink of water and compose yourself to with« stand the shock. We take up the clipping. It is from the want | ad pages. And here in the middle of a column is the familiar: “SYTUATIONS WANTED— MALE.” We stop to warn you, that if you have | & weak heart, read no further. line, Underneath the above heading, and third in tucked away between an “Auto Washer and Simonizer,” who strangely says he “desires steady position,” and a “Butler or Valet,” who also strangely says he is “Irish” yet “does not drink,” we find the following: “BANKER, progressive policies, thorough training, 10 5 's’ experience, 28, excellent references. E-135 Bulletin. A banker looking for a job! The rationaliza« tion of robbery must have gone far. The reader suggests that Stalin might give him a job dig- Ah, ha! You forget, that would be “forced labor.” Bankers demand different treatment. Like gangsters they hold out that “Only saps work. And “civilization” would perish if they were required to actually and literally follow the scripture: “In the sweat of thy brow thou shalt earn thy bread.” ‘The original decree on “forced labor.” Anyhow, they don’t believe in the bible except to keep the “lower classes” contented in their misery. There's one hope. He says he is a banker with “progressive policies.” Quick, Watson, we haye discovered another subject for a Loves stone (or Cannon) “united front!” Yn 9 9177 t 7 The °,217th Annoyance Some time ago we wrote about the “work” of the Child Welfare” Bureau of the U. S. gov- ernment, which, not having anything to do—all children either getting along fine among the | rich and those of the poor merely starving to | death—undertook a survey in order to find out has kept these two innocent men languishing in | prison for 15 years should be exposed. In the present struggles of the American working class against rapidly growing unem- | were 2,214 annoyances. | Young Worker,” ployment due to the ever increasing use of | automatic machinery, speed-up systems, wage- cuts, “old” age limitations of employment, and the increasing misery of the toilers, the lead- ers of the American Federation of Labor openly play the part of willing tools of Capital against Labor. Consequently, it is logical that these crooked misleaders of labor would actually be helping their masters in the effort to bury alive Mooney and Billings, whose records of a life- time are those of militant fighters in the ranks of organized labor. In the face of this general situation, the case of Mooney and Billings assumes a new signifi- cance, a higher importance, as an issue before the workers. The vicious crime committed against them was perpetrated before the war and for 15 years it has been a living example of American class justice as practiced in Cali- fornia. A history of that crime is a history of brutal persecution seldom equalled, and shows with striking clearness the extent of vile cor- ruption, graft and greed within the framework of the American Federation of Labor. A glance at the record of that crime will shsow in bold relief the inner workings of the A. F. of L. lead- ership, and the belly crawling, bootlicking role of its petty politician leaders v".0 have proven time and again that they exist for no other reason than to draw fat salaries and betray the workers. Even a cursory review of the Mooney-Billings case will prove beyond the shadow of doubt that leaders of the A. F. of L. connived, directly and indirectly, to keep these two militant workers buried in the hell-holes of California—San Queptin and Folsom. Mooney and Billings know it is the rank and file of the labor movement that has been trying to secure their pardon. The despicable role of the labor leaders is apparent and must be ex~- posed, while the sincere and devoted help given them by the workers deserves the highest praise. Mooney and Billings have become in the eyes of the world symbols of American class justice via the frame-up; their continued presence in prison reaches millions with a message of tre- mendous scope and power. Tom Mooney un- equivocally accuses the servile labor lieutenants of the captains of industry and finance who aided and abetted the frame-up crew. This pamphlet amplifies his charges, and unfolds facts, data and evidence unknown to the rank and file of the unions. The betrayal by the labor leaders of these militant workers is an un- sneakable outrage. Everyone should cry against this iniquity. TO BE CONTINUED. Workers! Join the Party of ' Your Class! Communist Party 0. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. Name Address Pen eee een sereseesseeeesaserenscceneseens SCUY. c.cerscvcvccececsccececes BtAtO sevcceeeees Occupation sereccseseccescccsccrsees ABO soeeee <Mall this to the Central Office, Communist Biation D, Now York Clty, | | mysterious reason thinks how many way children annoy their leaders. The bureau, after long survey, decided there We figured that the government added one—the publication “The because it was barred from the mails. The Young Communist League ‘coun- tered with a new annoyance, a demonstration of protest at the post office. Now comes the 2,217th annoyance: A Com- munist youth of Philadelphia, who for some it not necessary to sign a name (incidentally it hurts our feelings when the youth shows such open mistrust of Red Sparks), complaining that the Daily Worker, the Freiheit, and, in fact, the whole Party, shows no interest in the suppression of the “Young Worker,” the “Young Pioneer” and “Vida Obrera.” It is said there has been “no editorial.” But this is not true. Besides, there was the Spark- let about annoyances. And any number of ar- ticles in which these attacks on the workers’ press were brought in with other matters. But, for all that, it is quite true that what has been done is insufficient. About the Freiheit, we can- not say. We hope that this spark may set them going if they’ve been negligent. They ought to realize that the Freiheit is not safe if other paners are not. The young comrade suggests: “Why not an article from Myra Page on the Pioneer? From Gannes—once a secretary of the Y. C. L—on the Young Worker?” ‘Well, this will call the suggestion to their attention! The attack on the workers’ press is a part of the general attack on the working class. Like deportations, the capitalist government is trying to put the attack over silently. It is up to all workers, organizations and papers, to make 2 united fight for their press, Let's start mass production of annoyances! oe Hot Stuff for Stimson The following came along Just in time fo Secretary. Stimson’s new “study” of what is called the Russian “problem.” Maybe it will in- terest Stimson’s law partner in New York, who from that distance is studying the said “prob- Jem”: “Dear Jorge:—The following is a new and original version of that sad and gripping story known as ‘The Man Without a Country.’ “One day last week a friend and I were wandering through downtown Chicago, when we stumbled across the consulate of Russia. We decided to drop in and see how the consul business was coming along. A firm of law- yers occupied most of the floor space, but in a small corner was the office of the consul. He, was not in—the small room had the air of # house from which the tenants have been evicted—business. was manifestly not very good. “A young woman suonlied us with an ad- dress, where she assured us the consul could be found. A_ brisk, twenty-minute walk brought us to the shabby near North Side section of the city and behind the counter of a corner drug store we found our man trying to decide where a box of White Owls could be placed to greatest advantage. “We decided to pose as a couple of des- perate workers willing to take a chance even in Bolshevik Russia, where, we had heard, labor was in demand. It was amusing to watch the change from clerk to consul; he immediately became dignity personified Jed us to a small room in back of the “First, he said, we must be clear point, he was not @ representative Soviet Government—he made a face said that. However, he was in a position to supply us with information as to conditions in Russia, how to get there, etc. But, having to maintain a downtown office cost money, so we could have this information for the small consideration of $1.50, “We had heard enough. It was time to Jeave. Even a Russian consul can learn from the Capone racket.—B, N.” Aside from Stimson we also think that the above might prove interesting to some Soviet humorous publication.’ Perhaps some reader, who knows the ik ga8 Pra | name of might oltp