The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 10, 1931, Page 4

Published by the comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 56 East 4 Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Page Four = 13th Street, New York City Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. orker Porty USA ®y mail everywhere: One yi of Manhattan and Bronx, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: yw York Ctiy, Foreign; one yt $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; , $8: six months, $4.50. excepting Boroughs THE MONKEY TRIAL OF THE COMMUNISTS By KARL RADEK. "The History of the World as Scen by the Fish | ‘ - Commission) | T last we have received the complete text of | the report of the Fish Commission, dated January 16th. Mr. Fish, member of Congress, the American parliament, lays down in a fat volume all that he has learnt in the course of his profound investigations on the aims of the Communist International, on the policy of the Soviet power, and on the crimes of Karl Marx and of the woman comrade Lisa, secretary of the “Amtorg” nucleus. Even if this report had been written by Mark Twain himself, it could not have turned out better. Mr, Fish begins his investigations by calling Webster's dictionary to his aid, and looking up the word “Communism.” Having found it, he folds down the corner of the page and under~- lines the word with his finger nail, What is Communism? It appears that there are two sorts. Firstly, Communism is an organization in which all goods are the common property of society. It is a conception opposed to the system of private property. Secondly, however, Communism is a social or- ganization in which great power lies in the hands of small political units or communes—see “com- munalism.” On consideration, Mr. Fish came to the con- clusion that “communalism,” which grants great power to small communes, was not the subject of his inquiry. He therefore resolved to con- fine his efforts to that other sort of Commu- nism, the worse variety, which makes “all goods” the common property of society. This Communism, he decided, must now be investigated down to its very beginnings. Hence he began, very properly, with the “Communist Manifesto.” Who are its authors? Mr. Fish informs the American authorities that this “Bible of modern socialism” was written by “two bap- tised Jews,” Marx and Engels. But to Mr. Fish’s profound sorrow, it was impossible to bring the authors of the “Communist Manifesto” before the Commission and to call them to account for their misdeeds, for in the first place they are not ‘American citizens, and secondly they have had the impertinence to die before Mr.. Fish found occasion to seize them by the collar. ‘And what was the object of these two “bap- tised Jews” who drew up this “Communist Mani- festo”? In the first place they taught the work- ers that the history of mankind was the history of the class struggle, thus inciting worthy Amer- jean citizens to class hatred. In the second place they preached the revolutionary dictator- ship of the proletariat, and even had the im- pudence to boast that the Communists did not conceal their aims, even from a Fish Commis- sion. Mr. Fish observes spitefully, however, that Engels, after joining Marx in signing this chal- lenge to the Fish Commission, subsequently be- came frightened and declared that he had not beeti the main author of the Communist Mani- festo, but Marx. (To be sure we know what kind of courage these Reds have!) But not enough with the Manifesto: Marx and Engels, who so skilfully evaded examination by the Fish Commission, proceeded to found the I. International, which preached the treacherous idea that the emancipation of the working class could only be its own work—tantamount to en- deavoring to persuade the American workers that they had not to expect their emancipation from Mr. Fish, an idea shaking to its founda- tions the democratic bases of the constitution of the United States, which are, if we are to be- lieve the Congress and the Senate, the one and original source of all good. But the Nemesis of history swoops down! Marx and Engels were punished. They had reared a party of anar- chists, and after 9 years they were obliged to an- nounce the bankruptcy of their firm and to dis- solve the I. International. Its inheritance passed into the hands of the I. International. But during the great war “the socialists, with few | exceptions, placed patriotism before party doc- trine” and the split in the II, International ensued. < Its Left section, under Lenin’s leadership, ex- ploited for its own ends the overthrow of the Czarist government in March, 1917. It played no part in the overthrow of the Czar, who as a well educated man had transferred his power not to the Bolshevists, but to the Duma elected by the people. The Bolshevists, however, backed up by 30,000 Communists and deserters, forcibly seized power, dispersed or murdered the members of the Provisional Government, disbanded the Con- stituent Assembly, and created the Soviet power, which then expended a million dollars in or- ganizing the III. International, which is—“this «annot be. denied—a revolutionary International of the workers, and possesses a tremendous influ- ence among the advanced workers of all coun- tries.” Lenin’s culpability was of course shared by the German general staff, which had him conveyed from Switzerland to Russia in a sealed railway carriage. ‘Today, however, it is not the German general staff which rules in the Communist Interna- tional, but’ the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the Comintern “could not exist for even 24 hours without the extensive aid of the leaders of the Russian Communist Party, without the financial support of the Soviet power.” The Communist International, whose goal is the establishment of a world Soviet Union with Mos- | successful in extorting this confession of guilt cow (imperative condition) as capital, is a part of the Russian Communist Party and of the So- viet Union. ‘This organization of revolutionary forces is ar- ranged as follows: Firstly there is the Political Bureau, secondly the Soviet government, thirdly the Comintern. This is the true state of affairs, and nobody can deceive Mr. Fish by assuring him that it is not so in reality, This is the general outline of the history of that conspiracy on a world-wide scale which has so staggered Mr. Fish and his colleagues, according to his—Mr. Fish’s—astound- ing version of it. The second chapter of the report deals with the misdeeds of the Comintern. In September, 1919, it founded a Communist Party in the U. §. A. and at once inflicted upon this the ig- nominy of appointing a yellow skinned man, the Japanese Katayama, as Comintern representa- tive, which position he retained, as president of the American Section of the C. I, to the last. In order to make the aims of the Communist Party of America perfectly clear, the report of the Fish Commission published the “statements of the leader of the Communist Party of Amer- ica, Mr. Foster.” This man was obliged to admit to the Commission that the American Commu- nists not only consider the present American re- public to be a capitalist country, not only desire America, but have not even any respect for the American flag. This hair-raising passage, describing the manner in which Mr. Fish was from Foster, occupies two full pages of the re- port, Mr. Fish and his Commission, haying estab- lished these incredible facts, proceeded to ex- amine into the question of the influence of the Communist Party. Are there in America many such scoundrels, possessing no respect for the American flag? They arrived at very depressing results. On the evidence of depositions on oath, and of information from the American post of- fice, they placed on record that in America the Communist daily press has a circulation of 266,351 copies. This forces Mr. Fish to the con- clusion that in America there are about 500,000 persons who sympathize with those elements who have no respect for the American stars and stripes. Brought to the verge of despair by this conclusion, the Commission resolved to look the truth straight in the face, and to get to the bot- to mof Communist baseness. By good fortune they happened to get into their hands the Hun- garian Communist Bebrits, editor of the Hun- garian Communist paper, who confessed all, even to the ideas of expropriation by force, and with- out compensation. The Fish Commission, having thus exposed the whole criminal character of the American Com- munist Party, next draws a picture of the man- ner in which the Communists organize not only adult workers, establishing for these party schools in which they are systematically instructed in disrespect for the American flag and honor to the red flag, but extend their fell work to the children. And all this they do on orders from Moscow. In 1929 the Comintern even held the first Pioneer Congress, and Krupskaya did not blush to take part in this corruption of the in- fantile mind. The object of the whole inquiry of the Fish Commission has been to prove that the “Amtorg” is merely a cloak for that Communist agitation which “believes” in marriages between whites and Negroes, and has no respect for the Amer- igan flag. The Fish Commission, to its sorrow has not been able to prove this. With crestfallen air it admits it has not been able to find ade- quate, conclusive proofs of the connection be- i tween the Amtorg as an institution and the revo- | lutionary activities in the United States. “ON TO MOSCOW!” WwHITt gvaroist It has, however, discovered something no less | alarming. Even though the Amtorg itself has not | the intention of subjecting America to the prole- | tarian dictatorship, it itself groans beneath the | dictatorship of a female individual connected with the Amtorg . For there is here a Commu- nist nucleus, and its secretary is a “woman, known as Tovarish Lisa.” “She superintends the conduct of the Communists in the Amtorg, and reprimands them if they make a false step,” Mr. Fish informs us tremblingly. The president of the Amtorg, Comrade Bogdanov, anxious to conceal the fact that a woman known as Lisa is superintending his conduct and giving him reprimands, declared that he does not know any woman whatever who is known as Lisa. But the report states that there can be no doubt as to the evasive evidence of the representatives of the Amtorg. Although the naval intelligence service exerted itself for 5 months in an endeavor to decipher the code telegrams sent to Moscow by the Am- torg, these efforts were unsuccessful. Hence the sources of Comrade Lisa’s matriarchy in the Am- torg remain unexplained. Doubtless the key to all the secrets of the Amtorg lies precisely at this point, but its dis- covery will probably be impossible without the “organization of a raid or the deciphering of the cablegrams sent by the Amtorg to Moscow,” as the Fish Commission very modestly prophesies. Beginning with the two “baptised Jews” who set the whole thing going, up to Comrade Lisa, the sharp eye of the Fish Commission has dis- covered everything, finally turning the piercing searchlight of its glance upon the economy policy of the Soviet power. ‘The Soviet power develops industry and col- lectivises agriculture. What does it care for the people? According to the testimony of Mr. Fish, it treats the peasantry like cattle and lets the | people starve. Its aims—to trip up Mr. Fish at | any price. And yet Americans are to,be found who support the Soviet Union—who sell it trac- tors and combine machines, send it engineers, and even grant it credit. The result is that the Soviet Union will be in a position to export grain more cheaply than America in the oil market, and indeed cause a great deal of unpleasantness to the capitalist world. Mr. Fish does not adduce any accidental capi- talist as witness, but the vice president of the American Federation of Labor, Matthew Woll, who declares on oath (re-translated) : “Years may perhaps pass before the Five- Year Plan will create competition for our in- dustrial products. This depends on the sta- bility and subsequent power of the Soviet Union. Already some textile and electric ar- ticles, as also other industrial goods, are being sold under English market prices. But if the Five-Year Plan is carried out, then Russia will appear in the world’s markets as exporter of iron, steel, and other heavy industrial pro- ducts. But this is not what we have to fear. The United States can suffer the greatest losses through the successes of the economic system in Russia, for they themselves are great exporters of agricultural products — grain, wheat, tobacco—and are defending their ex- ports with much effort against’ the competi- tion which can be created by Russia.” But you do not see deep enough, Matthew Woll! The Fish Commission sees deeper. If the Five-Year Plan succeeds, then the Soviet power will have the means for financing the world revolution, precisely as the meat canning industry is financed by the banks. And in his concluding paragraphs Mr. Fish proclaims once more that the object of the Soviet government is not so much the betterment of the position of the working class as the “destruction of the whole world.” Mr. Fish may be a clown—but the matter is none the less serious. For all this is written down in black and white, in the name of an official commission of the American parliament, A few years ago America was the scene of the monkey trial. Darwin was placed in the prison- er’s dock, and the petty spirits of America de- fended that absent God whom Darwin wished to deprive of the credit of having created Mr. Fish and his like. ‘The public laughed, but in reality it was no to establish = workers’ and | republic in laughing matter. It showed that in America, in 4 =f sp Forced Labor in Africa NEW YORK.—The February number of “The International Negro Workers Review” contains an expose by Comrade J. W. Ford of the role played by the European social fascists and re- formists in the Second International and the Amsterdam International in support of forced labor and slavery in the African colonies of the imperialists. Comrade Ford points out that “Year after year Albert Thomas, director of the International La- bor Office, has tried without any shame to do everything in his power to conceal the existence of forced labor amongst Negroes and actually un- der the direction and influence of the Second International and the Amsterdam International has carried out a policy of perpetuating slavery and forced labor.” Ford completely shows up the hypocrisy and deceit of the International Labor Office and the reformists in ¢he manner in which they handled and finally killed the various fake commissions appointed by the League of Nations to “inquire into” the question of forced labor and slavery in the colonies. He thoroughly unmasks the be- trayal of the colonial masses by the leaders of the Amsterdam International: “M. Jouhaux, Secretary of the General Con- federation of Labor of France and a leader in the I. L. O., declared in ‘Le Peuple,’ the issue of October 12, 1927: “‘In those countries with a backward popu- Jation one can hardly count on the voluntary labor of natives in order to lay roads, for the extension of enterprises in the interests of pene- | trating into the country and its development. | The future advantage of this work, described by us, is @ still smaller incitement. “From the philosophical point of view the inadmissibility of forced labor may be recog- nized. In reality, however——and this is the whole crux of the colonial question—in sonme in- stances the necessity of forced labor is indis- putable. From the purely philosophical point of view the colonial system as a whole is con- demned. It is clear, however, that the tendency towards new possessions and riches will not hes- itate before these arguments. In the same way it is impossible to expect that the industrialists will stop utilizing the distant countries.’” After quoting this reformist, Comrade Fore | points out that “Belgian socialists are stock- holders, bankers and even managers of exploit- ing concerns in the Belgian Congo. What are the facts about forced labor conditions amongst, the Negro toilers. Even here the ILO has been forced because the conditions are so well-known, to make some pretense of exposing them. Some of the effects of slavery can be enumerated as follows: (a) the violation of contract ‘agree- ments’ is a criminal offense in South and East Africa; natives must carry passes showing that they have done the work ‘agreed’ upon, without these they are thrown into prison as criminals and prosecuted accordingly; (b) governmental apparatus is used in all parts of Africa to re- ‘cruit native labor; (c) public assembly is pro- hibited; (d) trade union organizations are pro- hibited for settlers and contracting companies; (e) wages do not exist, so-called wages where they do exist are fixed arbitrarily by the bosses and the natives have no say-so in the matter; (2) in the mine regions~of South Africa there has not been an increase in the so-called wages for the past 30 years. From their brief summary alone the Negro toilers can see how ruthless and hypocritical the Great Powers are and what a tool the International Labor Office is of the Powers.” i. spite of the high economic level attained, the intellectual level is that of Gotham. With the aid of the same scientific methods as those employed for the decision of biological questions by the small minds instigating the monkey trial, a commission appointed by the American parliament today undertakes to form judgment on questions touching the develop- ment of the world and the tremendous contradic- tions which this development involves. The results of the work of the Commission, barely outlined here, offer exccllent material for a comic Wild Wes‘ film. It is, however, to be regretted that the mental level evidenced by the work of the Fish Commis- sion forms a danger to the relations between two countries which, in spite of the fundamental differences of their social systems, could for a long time develop their economic relations very svete Thue ace vegdpent tpaaane st t By BURCE ; A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney (Continued) Tom Mooney, serving a life sentence in San Quentin prison after he and Warren Billings were framed up on the Preparedness Day bomb explosion charge for their militancy in Calif- ornia labor struggles has written a 35,000-word exposure of the part the A. F. L. bureaucracy had in the imprisonment of these two workers. Billings does not agree that the time has come to give out all this information, so Mooney has written an open letter to Billings, of which the first part was published yesterday. Thé letter, after that the Mooney document itself will continue day by day in the Daily Worker. The first half of the letter pointed out that Paul Scharrenberg, secretary of the California State Federation of Labor, sabotaged attempts to get endorsement of the campaign to free Mooney and Billings in A. F. of L. conventions, and prevented all unions under his control from donating funds to the campaign. Now read the rest of the letter, below. oe e@ INSTALLMENT IT The fiftieth convention of the A. F. of L. held in Boston clearly demonstrated that not only the California labor leaders are corrupt and treach- erous, but that almost the whole A. F. of L. leadership is bankrupt. There are 9,000,000 un- employed in this country, yet, these “leaders” chirp the “Song of Wall Street” to starving work- ers! The A. F. of L. tells them it would be degrading if they were given genuine govern- mental unemployed relief, but looks with ap- proval as these toilers, in misery, suffer the keenest and most humiliating degradation at the hands of Community Chests and private charity! The A. F. of L. postponed consideration of the six-hour day for one year so its “graveyard”— the Executive Council—could “study” the meas- ure. It threw the five-day week into the dis- card with other measures of unemployment re- lief but approvingly echoed the words of Pres- ident Green at the Boston Chamber of Com- merce banquet: “There are some people who are trying to use these troubled times of de- pression to break down our Government.” If there was real leadership at the helm of the A. F. of L.. at this moment, and if it took advantage of the present situation, the: six-hour day and five-day week without pay ‘reductions could be established. The present leaders of the A. F. of L. are too cowardly even to try to secure these measures. In fact, they denounce and brand as an enemy of the country, anyone who mentions any real measures of relief for the 9,000,009 starving workers and their dependents— probably 27,000,000 people. (EDITOR’S NOTE: Of course it is a sell- out on the part of the A. F. L. leaders, not just “cowardice,”) : ‘ Our struggle for freedom is inextricably bound up with the whole question of the future of ‘the American workers. Our)victory will be.a guar- antee that they too must win ff there is ‘a and not keeping it stagnant or weakening it. Out of the present leadership, which is thor- oughly corrupted, no fundamental progress can be expected. That must proceed from the rank and file of the labor movement. Therefore, I am placing our case and the facts providing the labor leaders betray us before the organized labor movement of America for its judgment. ‘These lieutenants of Capital masquerading as labor leaders should be exposed; they are the worst enemies of a real organized labor move- ment. It is our duty to help expose their cul- pability. They are our worst foes. They are the foes of all militant workers. The major labor leaders have not only be- trayed us, sabotaged our defense, and vilified our characters; they have been equally villain- ous toward other militant workers. Did the A. F. of L. make any effort to prevent Sacco-Van- zetti, the: noble labor martyrs, from being ‘‘burn- cles in America which are well aware of this. But they do not cffer sufficient resistance to the excresences of Mr. Fish’s investigative genius. ‘The day will come when they will have to pay dearly for this, for stupidity tuo is a great force, if given free play to p backward masses “TTT Tead~ ership capable of strengthening the A. F of L.. ed in the chair?” Have they raised a finger | to help the long suffering Centralia boys? Are | they doing anything to aid J. B. McNamara and Matthew Schmidt? Or the victims of the 1922 railroad shopmen’s strike, John Cornelison and Claude Merritt? Or the two carpenters, George Pesce and Gus Madsen? Or the eight Imperial Valley organizers convicted solely because they tried to unionize agricultural workers? All these men are suffering like ourselves in California penitentiaries, but not a word, not a gesture do the labor leaders make to help them, or us. If I were given a choice of submitting my | case for solution to a jury of 12 major labor | leaders of San Francisco, or 12 members of the Chamber of Commerce, I would choose the lat- | ter. I know the Chamber of Commerce is openly and determinately resolved that we should never | secure a pardon. I also know that the labor leaders share the same point of view, but they are too hypocritical and cowardly to overtly arid honestly state they do not want us pardoned. I would much rather face avowed enemies, such as the Chamber of Commerce, than treacherous and iniquitous “friends” such as the Scharren- bergs, Caseys, Mullens, and O'’Connells. I earnestly call your attention to the conversa- tion on page 22 (Editor’s Note: Page number of the Mooney exposure printed as a pamphlet) between John O'Connell, Secretary of the San Francisco Labor Council, and Rebecca Rainey, which occurred five days before O'Connell and a committee from the Labor Council called upon Governor Stephens “to put me away for life.” | One day after the committee's “petition” to the governor, he did just what O'Connell told Re- becca, Rainey he should do—“put me away for | life” in San Quentin. This is what John O'Con- nell considers “justice” for a “framed” innocent trade unionist. I know, Warren, that the statements I am making will surprise you. Fully do I realize you are not aware of the real attitude of the labor leaders. Otherwisc, how could you ask that representatives of the San Francisco Labor Council assume charge of our defense commit- tees? Or that Paul Scharrenberg be given a voice in our defense? Be assured, when all the facts are known, the rank and file of labor will agree that we have been betrayed, and that it was necessary to ex- pose the role of the labor leaders in our case. T do. hope you, too, will soon ‘understand my | position, and that-you will realize it was essential for our defense that “friends” such as the labor leaders be unmasked and denounced. I am asking the Tom Mooney Molders Defense committee to comply with your wish, and to eliminate your name from this pamphlet, when possible. I am exceedingly sorry this is neces- sary. Do believe me when I say that whenever your name does appear in the pamphlet, it is absolutely necessary that it be mentioned in order to present the true facts and conclusions arising from the actions of the labor leaders. I want you to distinctly understand that the De- fense Committee is not going to use your name in order to help my defense. Furthermore, com- plying with your request, all our friends will be informed you do not wish to continue our long association. Happen what may, I want to assure you that | you may always depend upon me to do my ut- most to help you. With sincere greetings of loyalty and devotion to you in the cause of or- ganized labor, I am as ever, Always your friend, TOM MOONEY (31921). (To Be Continued) Organize Unemployed Councils! Every Mining Camp, Steel and Textile Town, Every Large and Small Indus- trial Center Should Be *. Honeycombed With I ay er By JORGE Philadelphia Typo No. 2 That all is not so hot in the city of brotherly love, moonshine and Mitten, as the editor of the Union Labor Record of that burg contends, v eh called to our attention by a Philadelphia worker. The editor of the Union Labor Record “offi- cial organ of the Central Labor Council” has been having sanctified hysterics lately over Red parks. Tt appears that the gentleman is named ogers, Ed Rogers; a matter of no interest to us, but which it is well to put in the record. Tt also appears that the aforesaid Ed Rogers ome kind of high mucka-muck in Philadela phia Typographical Union No. 2, a recording sec- retary or something. The Philadelphia typos are also honored by having one of their vice-pres- idents up in Harrisburg, Mr. Philips being a cheese in the State Federation, the salary de- fining the position as cream cheese, Now with T. U. No. 2 having Rogers as local official and editor of the Union Labor Record and having Philips to plug for it in high places, it would seem that the typos of No. 2 ought to pat themselves on the back over the unionization of local newspapers. Especially so, as Rogers seems to think that there are no worlds left to conquer for unionism in Philadelphia, and the business now in hand is that of deporting Communists and raving at the Soviet Union. But logic limps when it crosses the threshold of the Union Labor Record. In fact it is in a condition meriting a wheel chair. Even the re- doubtable Rogers whose mighty wrath is roused against Reds, should admit that unionization even from the ridiculous craft standpoint of the A. F. of L. is a disgrace. He should admit it, though he won't perhaps, because, being partly responsible for it, and covering it up, he would admit being accomplice to a crime against the workers. J. David Stern, a capitalist with a pot of kale, owns two big papers in the jurisdiction of No. 2, the Philadelphia Record and the Camden Cour- ier. The Courier is scab and the Record is union. And yet Rogers, with other officials of No. 2, regard this situation with tolerant eyes— and certainly do nothing about it. Indeed, a couple of years ago, when some mem- bers bothered them about it, a committee of cautious bureaucrats managed to kill the whole matter by asking Mr. Stern politely if he would nt to unionize the Record, and upon his protest that it was losing money and his asser- tion that he would unionize it “when it paid dividends,” they squelched a “red” who proposed in the No. 2 meeting that the union should not wait for Stern's consent and who offered $400 to help do it against his consent. Lest we pity poor Stern for his poverty, we must note that he recently offered to buy the N. Y. World. But Mr. Rogers nor all his tribe cannot organize the Record. Indeed, organizing doesn’t seem ot be in their line at all. The big multimillionaire Cyrus Curtis owns two Philadelphia papers, the Ledger and the Inquirer, and the officials of No. 2, including Rogers and Rabid, seem perfectly satisfied with the Ledger being union and the Inquirer scab. And as for the sole remaining capitalist daily, the “News,” its status as “union’ is a grim joke, though Rogers sings praises to it in his Union Labor Record. There seems to be no good reason wh; should not, be drawing a salary from tania and Curtis for laying off their scab papers. Hq also furnished such amusing hokum about thé “red menace” to keep the typos from thinking ae about why No. 2 endures such leader- ship. All of which compels us to say that if No. 2 typos want to do something about it, they might look up the chap who is in charge of the Trade Union Unity League in Phila. a Red (yep!) named Simons. Address: 8 North 19th St. Now, Rogers, throw a few fits over that! Sat ie What Information? A_man named H. W. Braddock wrote th N. Y. Post on Feb, 7, calling its attention to the fact that while it went to the “trouble and ex- pense” of sending Mr. Knickerbocker to the Sov- iet Union, it flouted his findings. Its answer was given only last week. While Knickerbocker, says Braddock, after jong and painstaking investigation, “concludes that the Five-Year Plan will be accomplished,” yet “an editorial in today’s Post says the odds are that the plan will not succeed.” And Brad- dock wants to know why all the disagreement. The “Post” was kinda cornered on that. But it first answered that “It is all a matter of opinion, and then there is information here which Mr. Knickerbocker did not have.” Now we think that the Post is either lying or that it is equally dishonest in concealing the “information” it mentions. What kind of. in- formation could it be that would lead the Post to contradict its own correspondent and declare that “the odds” are against the Five-Year Plan ~and yet not publicly state what that informa~ tion is? We are no clairvoyant, but the simple logic of the circumstance makes us think that the Post had information from high authority that a war would be rigged up on some excuse to pre- vent the Five-Year Plan from being accom- plished. Until the Post explains the thing dif- ferently we feel confident that this was the “information.” APO Seer Red Sparks On the Air We are one-third on the way to a radio for the Daily, the second mail from the sidewalks of New York landing another bone, from M. R. Kane, who tells you folks who don’t know it that our idea is important. The letter says: “I feel sure you will find some ‘good stuf{’ on the air. Nowadays, with all the high-powered happiness boys on the air, and other more serious liars, you should find plenty to comment upon. The radio is certainly being worked over- time to tell people how well-off God’s country 4s, in comparison to the wicked Bolshevik land. I wonder when the Communists will be able to make use of the coast-to-coast chain of sta- tions?, I look forward to the day when Red Sparks will be announced on the air——M. R. Kane.” We have been given the air various times in our checkered career, but not over the radio. Now we are asking humbly for $1—or what have you-—to help the Daily get a line on the happi- ness hokum mentioned, Just ship it in to Red Sparks and watch for acknowledgement in this column. If you don't know the street write in and ask us! Pes es ee oy aNd (bak