The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 9, 1931, Page 4

ee sok Published by the Camprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily except Sund: ‘Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N, ¥. 33th Street, New York City, N. Y , at 50 East Daily. aloes * —<—<—<—<— Colony I Hawaii | | Ried By HELEN KAY. VER twenty-eight million gallons of molasses were shipped to the United States from Ha- | waii. Sugar from the Sandwich Islands was valued 1928-29 at about $66,000,000, and was | produced by the sweat and toil of thousands of | exploited contracted laborers in this province of American dollars. Leland Olds, of the Federated Press, says of Hawaii: “Out where the wealthy pleasure seek- ers do not go, cheap labor is exploited to pro- duce something like $250 a head each year in dividends. Owners of Hawaiian plantations hhave all the advantage of cheap colonial Jabor without having to meet the duty which Con- gress has levied on\Cuban sugar.” Hawaii is chiefly an agricultural country with sugar and pineapples as the main products, fol- lowed by coffee, rice and tobacco. riginally Hawaii had a population of about 330,000, and as Victor Houston, in the Mid-Pacific Maga- zine of March, 1930, put it: “Observers report that the race was’ strong and virile, and there seems to be grounds for believing that there was jittle dangerous sickness amongst them. The | Jand and the sea produced everything needful | to a prosperous continuance of the race. contact with the older civilization rolled in, dis- ease and pests and vicious practices literally invaded the land. The race was literally deci- mr‘ed, so that t@ one time there were only 30.090 old Hawaiians left.” ‘-orkers were imported to work the plantations as carly as 1865-1886 during which time over 23,000 coolies, mainly Cantonese, were brought in, They came under contract that paid them four dollars a month with food and shelter. Food that was in reality a starvation diet, and shelter, consisting of long low filthy barracks, This importation of contract laborers which means peonage and slavery to the workers un- der the complete control of Mr. Di still going on today. Leon Partlow sho n of January, 1931, than even during the in Honolulu when workers were walki streets vainly hunting jobs, “at the very mo- ment when this unemployment c) was most | acute, the sugar plantations were constantly in the market for labor and were actually import- ing 100 to 300 laborers from the Philippines every fortnight.” Leon Partlow further states in his article: “There is an old saying, ‘You can't keep a squir- yel on the ground,’ and it seems equally true Yaat you can’t a laborer in the cane fields.” | Conditions are so horrible that workers will | not remain slaves on the sugar plantations Yonger than their contract holds them. That is why a continued importation of workers is necessary to keep up the level of exploitation. Although 70 per cent of the cane field labor is done by Filipino workers, there are in | Hawaii, Japanese, Chinese, Koreans, Scandin- | avians, Germans, Galicians, Portuguese, Porto Ricans, Spaniards, and South Sea Islanders. Fach imported, at one time or another by Amer- ican imperialism, to work on the sugar planta- tions. 'To insure a constant influx of cheap labor, | 43 of the 45 sugar companies united, and formed what they. call the “Sugar Planters’ Associa- | tion,” whose chief duty is to insure cheap con- | tract labor for all the member plantations. Reg- ular salesmen travel from country to country | where workers can be induced to work in the | “pearl of the Pacific.” They entice the workers | by various means to leave their poverty stricken | homeland and come to Hawaii, to work on the | “beautiful” sugar plantations. Workers must pay their own passage to Hawaii, which amounts to about $75, and they are told that after’ they get there, if they “work for three years on the plantation, they may pay their passage back.” ‘Once accepted they sign a contract with the Sugar Planters’ Association in which they agree to work for ten hours a day, at least 20 days a month for three years, and to turn out for work WHENEVER CALLED UPON.” ‘The contract further forbids a worker to leave the plantation to which he is assigned and go to another plantation to work “until one. year has elapsed.” The wage is generally | settled at $1 a day, but they are not usually | paid on this basis. They are most often paid on the basis of tlre amount of work turned out, the piece work system. “In addition to these amounts the laborer is given a ‘turnout’ bonus of 10 per cent of his wages provided he works as many as 23 days in a month.” The company must offer some bribe to keep the worker slav- ing under the hot scorching sun for such mere pittances. In reply to questions asked by investigators an overseer replied as follows: “If a contract Jaborer is idling in the field we dock him; we give him only one-half or three-fourths of a day, and if he keeps it up we resort to the law. and have him arrested for refusing to work.” “For the first offense he is ordered back to work, and he has to pay the cost of court. If he refuses to obey orders he is arrested again fine is inflicted which the planter take it out of his pay, or else. road to work. For the third to get three months impris- Since 95 per cent of the workers on the plan- tations are under contract to the boss planter, and since the island is under the direct control of sugar trusts, one can easily see how com- pletely under the control of the sugar capitalists the imported contract laborer is. Leland Olds, also brought out that the “con- trol of the island appears to radiate from three | Bewer and Co. has 31 directorships in 12 com- panies. To cap the pyramid, the representatives of Alexander and Baldwin sit on the boards of both American Factors and Bewer and Co. The control of this group reaches almost every im- portant corporation in the islands including rail- roads, utilities, and navigation as well as sugar, Pineapples and oil.” ‘These monopolists are extracting profits from the forced contracted labor of the cape planta- tion workers, whilst at the same time, they lie about “forced” labor in the Soviet Union, the AS | « | This is not true. A CORRECTION Article I. the demands for products by the local con- | New York City there is but one Russian | Sumers. IN I language paper which defends the interests of the working class. It is the “Novy Mir,” organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. An openly monarchist and white guard paper, the Novoye Russkoye Slovo, shelters the reaction ex- pected of those who act as spies for the Fish Committee. But the subject we here discuss is still another Russian paper, which makes pre- tensions, namely, the social-fascist paper “Rus- sky Golos.” And after listing a great number of possible products it declares, “These bring great income to the farmers.” Just why it is necessary to advertise among the foreign-born workers in New York City to attrac plicants for this Garden of Eden in Arizon when millions of native American farmers would be anxious to exchange their hard lot for such a bi pearly gates held open by the Reina Realty | Co.,.we may leave to the reader's imagination. The “Russky Golos” pretends to be “fair” to | the workers. Ah, even more than fair! For in a letter from its lawyer, Daniel Cook, threaten- ing to take legal action against the Daily Work- er, we are told that: “My client (Russky Golos) is doing everything within its power to expose ever’ fraud Russian workers. Its efforts, policy are directed toward the betterir sian Worker.” “The Russian workers” referred to are, natu ally, those toiling here in the United States. it will certainly be news to any worker, whether Russian or not, that threatening legal action against the leading organ defending their inter- country, is evidence for the Ru s’ pretens: hat it is “bettering” the work- rs. This is a queer way of showing friendship for the working class. But such hypocrisy is n Russky G i ing work- upon the ers of America for the Soviet Union, the father- land of all toilers. It is a great “friend” of the Soviet. It features articles and news of the accomplishments of the workers of the Soviet Union. It speaks highly of the Soviet Government in the same sense that “the devil may quote scripture.” It savagely at- tacks the plots of Poincare and it calls Pilsudski what he is. But—and thi: a very big BUT, its devotion to the working cla id its denuncia- tion of capitalism stops short at the boundary of the United States. It rushes to the “rescue” of the victorious Soviet working class, it opposes capitalism where it is already overthrown, beyond the seas, away, but not in America! It has to “do busi- n here! Here, ah! that is a different matter! if a poor Russian i American mine, deluded articles out the Soviet Union into thinking that it might be interested in opposing capital- ism in America, writes it a letter telling how an- other miner was, let us say, “killed in the mine, a Victim of American capitalism,” the Russky Golos may print the part saying that the worker was “killed in the mine” but will not print that he was “a victim of American capitalism.” Late last year, when the lie was current in the capitalist press that “Red rumors” had knocked over the banking systém, the New Yérk s | “World” mistakenly said that the “Russky. Golos” | was responsible for something in that connection. “Ru " grow very indignant. It wa not doing a umoring,” it declared. It was ing the same position as His Hohor, Mayor Jimmy Walker, whosé statemént it published | teats | and for self-deterinination in the black belt of most prominently. And what was the position of the Tammany mayor of New York with which Russky Golos agreed? It was that the depositors should be patient and that they would get every cent of their money. These observations are necessary to show to the workers who read this paper just what sort of hypocrites run the Russky Golos. For the “Russky Golos,” supporter of the American capi- talist bloodsuckers of the Russian speaking work- ers in America, has, through its lawyer men- tioned above, demanded ‘an apology as well as a retraction” from the Daily Worker, for a small article published in the Daily Worker, page 2, of Feb. 20th, entitled: “Russky Golos in Swindle Scheme. Wanted to defraud Russian Worker.” The article in question spoke of “A goldbrick scheme to swindle Russian workers here through a colonization project,” being exposed by the Communist paper, the “Novy Mir.” And it went on to say that this scheme of colonization in Arizona was “Under the auspices of the Russky Golos (so-called liberal sheet).” The article in question, headline and all, dealt very hastily and superficially with the subject. It was written carelessly and without sufficient | examination or proper presentation of the facts. The headline stated: “Russky Golos in Swindle Scheme. Wanted to defraud Russian Worker.” We apologize. As quite dis- tinct from being “in” a swindle scheme, the Rus- sky Golos was merely making money from ad- vertisements from the swindle scheme. Its tak- ing such ads is perfectly legal under American capitalist law which the Russky Golos supports. It is obviously impossible to prove what was in the mind of the editor of Russky Golos. His “wants” may be pure as driven snow. His law- yer asserts so. We retract the statement quoted. Russky Golos was merely profiting from adver- tising the scheme. What Russky Golos did was within the laws made by capitalism which Rus- sky Golos supports. The article in the Daily Worker did not, as we admit, give proper attention to the coloniza- tion scheme advertised in Russky' Golos. And since Russky Golos’ lawyer informs us that it is so passionately devoted to “expose every ef- fort to defraud Russian workers,” we take the opportunity of publishing some information about its advertisements and the scheme of coloniza- tion promoted by its advertiser, the Rodina Real- ty Co., 151 Avenue “A,” New York City. The scheme mentioned is a farm colonization project in southern Arizona, which, according to ads published in Russky Golos, the greatest crisis ever heard of in American agriculture, has en- tirely skipped over. “The paradise nook—Arizona,” as one Russky Golos ad concisely puts it . . . “is calling you to life, health, prosperity and happiness,” This wondrous “paradise,” where “prosperity and happiness” miraculously exist as an oasis in the desert of bankruptcy of American farm production under capitalism, was thus depicted in a Russky Golos advertisement under the statement that it was “From Official Sources.” From what “official sources” the heavenly at- tractions of Arizona farming were drawn is not revealed. Such “official sources” should not hide their light under a bushel. It is no mean performance to bring forth such a seductive picture of farm- ing in a time when millions of the farm popula- tion is slowly starving to death. But the Rodina Realty Co. which signs the Russky Golos ad- vertisement is lavish in everything but naming those “official sources.” It goes on to cite them ‘These are hot for import. | far | Possibly one reason may be that the Rodina Realty Co., which puts out no advertising for its scheme in English, is not so sure that its prom- ises of paradise in Arizona land at $250 an acre, would be trusted by the overly-suspicious Amer- | ican farmer. He would probably laugh uproariously at the claim, another one in the Rus G d above quoted, to the effect that in Arizona the dairy Signiticance of business—“is very profitable beca chew green grass the year round probably be shrewd enough to know that it is not what the cow chews, but the price he might ve the cows receive for milk and butter fat, that determines | whether dairying is profitable or not. It would also be mildly surprisi farmers, to read in another Rus: tisement (for which we sur e it was paid by the Rodina Realty Co.), a supposed letter from a Russian farmer already enjoying the “paradise nook—Arizona,” the glowing terms, description of life in that state, where it is inferred that farm- ers cannot get sick “except from over-eating,” that one does not even catch cold “after bath- ing,” and last but not least, cattle are fed on cantalopes and water-melon Alice in Wonderland could this. supposed farmer who himself, “Alex Tolmachov, Route 3, Box ‘—but who omits giving the name of the post office! Russian workers in America may be enchanted by farming in Arizona as thus depicted in ad- vertisements printed in the Russky Golos, but the Daily Worker anticir s their disillusion- ment in the colonization scheme and their con- tempt for the Russky Golos, a paper which for money will print such celestial inducements for investing in such an obvious swindle. ‘We must, however, leave for another article, some of the most interesting explanations of the honesty, purity and devotion to working class interests of the Russky Golos. y Golos adver- little better than nt one within the | He would | g to American | A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney Tom Mooney, from his cell is San Quentin prison where he has been serving a life sen- tence (commuted from hanging) ever since his conviction on notoriously framed testimony of police hirelings of the “Preparedness Day,” 1916, bomb explosion in San Francisco, has written a 35,000 word exposure of the treachery of the A. F. L. leaders in his case and in that of Warren K. Billings, also convicted of the same offense, and sentenced to life imprison- ment. For a long time Mooney thought that it was advisable to shield the A. F. L. leaders, and for 15 years refrained from exposing them, though their sabotage of his and Billings’ de- fense became more and more apparent, and their treacherous conspiracy to keep these two militants in the penitentiary for life became clearer. Now Mooncy refuses to be silent any longer and has spoken out. Billings still keeps to the original plan, and refuses to associate his name with the exposure. Mooney therefore prefaces his story of the A. F. L. chiefs’ double dealings with a letter to Billings, the first part of which is printed below. The rest of the letter, and the exposure itself will foliow in subsequent issues of the Daily Worker. Cr aes INSTALLMENT I. An Open Letter to Warren K. Billings California State Prison, San Quentin, California, January 5, 1931. Warren K. Billings, 10699, Folsom Prison, Represa, California. My dear Warren: Our ‘loyal devotion and energetic militant services to organized labor have earned us the undying hatred of that all-powerful foe—Capi- tal. Mammon conceived, gave birth,. nurtured, paid for, directed and executed the Preparedness Day bomb explosion. Organized capital framed us for it, mobilized.all its forces. to bring about our destruction, tried to completely discredit the labor movement, forever wipe out the closed shop, and make San Francisco a non-union open shop town, This plan has fairly well succeeded. Through a high pressure campaign of publicity an atmosphere surcharged with guilt was created, the Yokinen Trial By I. AMTER. HE New York papers, when granted ah inter- view on thé Yokinen trial, immediately fea- tured the interview, bringing forward not only the significance of the trial, as understood by the Communist Party, but the aims of the Party mobilizing the white and Negro workers of the country for the defense of Negro rights—in the struggle for full political and’social equality the South, for the establishment of a Negro state, When the trial was over, the New York papers —Harticularly the New York Times—featured the trial, not merely demonstrating that the Com- munist Party is very earnest in its determination to uproot white chauvinism within its ranks, and to carry the fight into the entire working class, to unite the Negro and white workers in the struggle against American imperialism. No, it demonstrated much more—it manifested the fear of the American capitalist class that the Negro and white workers can get together on the common basis of the Communist program and organization for the struggle. This fear becomes so much more manifest when one realizes the dread that the capitalist class and government have of the unrest that is beginning to seethe throughout the country— in the sttikes that are growing in number and embracing larger numbers of workers, both or- ganized and unorganized—and in the militant activities of the unemployed under the leader- ship of the Trade Union Unity League and the Unemployed Uouncils. This fear is expressed in the manifold préparations that all local and state governments have made to suppress “riots,” the recommendations of government and army officials to provide gas, tanks, etc., to quell mobs. It is again clear in the campaign of lynching against the Negro workers and poor tenant farm- ers, to crush their rising spirit. It is manifest in the savage drive against the foreign born workers and the activities of the U. S. Immigra- tion and Labor Departments, aided by the local police and new police departments that are being established for this and other activities, ‘Thus the capitalist class through its press ex- presses its fear of the mass trial conducted by the Communist Party for the elimination of white chauvinism from its ranks, : For the working class, this trial has a double significance. It indicates that there is only one section of the working class that really unites the workers of all races and nationalities in struggle, and that is the revolutionary section of the working class led by the Communist Par- ty. Again, it indicates that when‘ a worker is expelled by the Communist Party, expresses his repentance for his views and actions, and ac- cepts the tasks fhat are imposed upon him to prove his unity with the Negro workers, then too he is accepted by the capitalist government as. their enemy. Yes, he is their enemy—if he carries out the tasks placed upon him—the tasks that every sincere revolutionary worker must ac- cept. This includes activities that will prove to the Negro workers NOT IN WORDS but IN and all their lackeys, The lackeys of the capitalist class already are complaining, They dare not come forth con- demning the position of the» Party—although the N. ¥. Daily News calls it an “advertising stunt.” They dare not criticize the Party for the expulsion of Yokinen, for that would mean. Justification of the attack of whites upon Ne- groes, » tionary party of But al the U. S. government has been laid upon Yo- kinen—and peculiarly after he has been ¢éx- | pelled from the Party he is charged with mem- bership in the Party!—the enamiés of thé work- ing class, particularly the Finnish socialists, declare that the Communist Party is responsible for the deportation of Yokinen. ‘They have nothing to say about the arrest and holding for deportation of about 20 Finns who were seized during the faid at the Finnish Socialist hall. They do not évén protest in their Finnish socialist daily. Not a word in protest— the N. ¥. Herald-Tribune states that the man- agement of the hall even furnished the immi- 4gration authorities with a room for questioning the people at the dance that was raided. What splendid cooperation of these social-tascists with the police!—against the workers! The role they play in Finland, in Hungary, Jugoslavia—in all countries, including -he United States! The Communist Party declares that the class struggle demands its victims. No- worker who goes on the picket line, into a demonstration, into any phase of the struggle is protected from the grasping hand of the capitalist government and its destructive organs. If Yokinen goes on the picket line he would have been exposed to the same danger. Today as a declared friend of the Negro, as one who recognizes the error he made in the past, he is an enemy of the capitalist class and is to be made a victim. But the Communist Party will not let a work- er who wishes to fight for the interests ‘of the working class become a victim so easily of the capitalist government. The Communist Party will rally the masses of workers—Negro. and white to the defense of Yokinen who is to be de- ported for his expression of solidarity with the Negro workers. Particularly the Negro workers must see in the mass trial of Yokinen that the Communist Party is the only political Party that unites Negro and white workers on an equal plane, and carries on the fight for the Negro workers. Particularly the Negro workers must rally to the defense of Yokinen who is to be deported because he wishes to fight for the Negro workers. ~The foreign born workers, too, against whom the Negro misleaders and fakers are trying to arouse the Negro workers, must recognize that the Communist Party is the only Party of the working class that carries on the struggle in their behalf, especially now that they face de- portation ‘also for working class activities. They too, must rally to the defense of Yokinen. The trial of Yokinen is of tremendous im- portance. In this trial the Communist Party of the United States openly tells the working class what the workers and peasants of the for the rights of the Negroes! Join the Trade Union Unity League! In all the struggles that the working class conducts and must conduct, its leader is the Communist Party—the revolu- the working class! _ the native born white Amer- must recognize that divisjon be- and the Negro can serve only therefore the boss intensifies his SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ~ By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $8- six months, $4.50, and then we were framed, tried, convicted and | railroaded to the “pen” for life—we have the “chance of a snow!all in ky we are as securely imprisoned as we were 16 | years ago, notwithstanding that ali terial evi- dence against us is comp'etely discredited and destroyed. Recently, Dunean Aikman, of the Baltimore “Sun,” interviewed several of the leading mem- bers of the San Francisco Chamber of Com- merce on “the Mooney case.” They had no doubts about “Mooney’s guilt,” in fact they all | agreed “he was guilty as hell.” To one of these men Duncan Aikman put this question: ‘Then if Mooney is to your satisfaction proved innocent of the Preparedness Day mur- der, you believe in finding a way of keeping him in jail permanently?” “We've got a way,” he answered earnestly. ‘He's there.” | And “there” we shall remain until a real labor | movement and all true friends of labor demand | our pardon and insist it be granted immediate! We are the victims of class prejudice and cia: justice. It is not “evidence” that keeps us in | prison. The dictatorship of Capital keeps us “there,” John J. Leary, Labor Editor, of the New York “World,” and tne official spokesman for the A F. of L. on the daily press, confirms Duncan | Aikman’s article. Leary is in a strategic position to secure accurate information, He is in close touch with all the leaders of the A. F. of L. and | has their complete confidence. Some weeks ago | he received a very significant letter from a well | informed correspondent who is in close touch | with Governor Rolph and his intimate friends and political supporters. The letter was pub- | lished, in part, in the New York World, Decem- | ber 21, 1930, and stated: ‘ “I have made it my business to get the post- | tion of Governor Rolph’s closest friends and ad- visers on the Mooney-Billings case. It is voiced by .perhaps his closest friend and most impor- tant, backer. | “What would those fellows do if they ever were released?’ was his question. “In other words, there is. no consideration of | the innocence or guilt of these men. All that is considered is that . . . they would be trouble- | makers if they were given their freedom.” This letter reveals the dominant thought of all the real rulers of California, Ever since our in- | nocence was conclusively proven, the only thought of the captains of finance and industry has been, “What would those fellows do if they were- ever released.” And so, because of class fear and class hate we remain in prison. Incredible as it may seem, the greatest support given Capital in this infamous frame-up has come from the major labor leaders of San Fran- cisco. Paul Scharrenberg, Secretary, State Fed- eration of Labor, attacked our defense commit- tee and myself with malicious cunning ‘at the September, 1930, Marysville Convention of the California State Federation of Labor. Scharren- berg knows that it is vital for our defense that funds be collected, at least he maintains the pretense that they are needed, but he has done, and is doing, everything within his power to sabotage the Defense Committee's efforts to se- cure funds—thus effectually blocking our chance for a real defense. He knows that no organiza~ tion under his control has ever donated one cent for our defense during the past 13 years; he knows that none of the donors to our funds have ever questioned the administration of the moneys given us; yet he has the effrontery to demand @n accounting from our committee. A finan- cial statement will be published, not because Scharrenberg demands one, but to prove how baseless are his charges. Remember that it is Scharrenberg, more than any one else, who is responsible for the stand taken by the 1927 A. F, of L. Convention in Los Angeles, when for the first time in the history of our case no resolu- tion demanding our pardon was passed by the delegates. This was done because Scharrenberg wanted to protect his dear friend, Governor Young, from embarrassment. It was also through Scharrenberg’s vicious influence that this same convention outlawed our defense by passing a resolution preventing any labor organizations di- rectly chartered by the A. F. of L. from donat- ing funds for our vindication. Again I say that all the major labor leaders are our worst enemies, because: (1) They supported and helped elect Fickert; (2) They supported and helped elect the gov- ernors that would not even review our case; (3) For fourteen years they have been mem- bers of the various cabinets appointéd by the governors, and never once have these “leaders” of labor made a gesture indicating genuine dis- approval when we were denied justice; (4) Not one of these “labor leaders” has ever written a letter to any governor of this state sincerely urging our pardon; (6) Never have these “leaders” stated that the support of labor could not be given to a gov- ernor who refused to heed the universal demand of the entire trade union movement for our pardon; ‘ (6) They have never made our ease, inex- tricably linked with the continuous struggle be- tween Capital and Labor, a vital issue in this state or nation; (1) They repeatedly stated our case was not a labor issue; (8). They gave the California Governors to understand that to pardon us would “disturb the regular labor movement”—they want us “par- oled,” not pardoned; (9 They even demoralized my defense and subverted the former secretary of the Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee. TO BE CONTINUED Organize Unemployed Councils! Every Mining Camp, Steel and Textile Town, Every Large and Small Indus- trial Center Should Be Honeycombed With : Jobless Councils creasing the hatred of the Communists, who struggle to end this division, The native born white worker must recognize that the U. S. | Our appeal | thizers! | his conscience should be clear, in view of his 3 “inability to do actual work” as a Party mem-' / | & By JORGE | Sympathizers and Radios Well, boys and girls, the first mail from local points responding to our appeal to friends of the Da who have and can spare the price of a radio tube, to contribue that*much toward a radio for the Daily to grab up some of the Fishy hokum being broadcasted, brought two letters with $1 each, one signed “An Ardent Sympa- thizer” and another signed “J. M. &.,” who says he is a sympathizer. Still a third sympathizer sent us a message that another buck was on the way. All this from New York City in the first day of returns makes up a known total of $13. But there is something notable about this: being answered only by sympa- What is the matter with the Party members? Do they leave the reading of the Daily or the sympathizing with it to non-Party workers? ‘Or is it that they read the Daily and ympathize” with it, but leave the practical expression of sympathy to somebody else? might answer the question of one sym- who contributed, who wants to know if cannot judge whether he is really as unable as he thinks, and of course the Party is where all revolutionists belong. But that does not mean to say that the Party does not value its sympathizers very highly. We do need sympathizers and every Party member should be a center of an enthusiastic group of sympathizers with the Party. This fact is penetrating even the most,sectarian minds of our Party, we hope and believe. Certainly we condemn. unmeasured terms the inexcusable snobbery of some Party members who speak scornfully of sympathizers. Without sympathizer would we base our mas ber. We upon what elements support in the revolu- tionary In any mass organization known as “r ‘There is, of course, a limit. The mpathy” of some philistine petty-bour- geois, some condescending “liberal,” we detest— and rightly so. But the earnest and helpful and practical revolutionary sympathy of straightforward and | honest. workers who, for one reason or another which seems good to them, have not yet joined our Party, but who support it in struggle to the limit of their ability as they conceive it, merits the attention and the respect and comradeship of any and all Party members. Of course, circumstances alter cases. And if J. M.S. feels in doubt about his right to a clear conscience, he might try to do a Iittle more. He might, for example, send us in another dollar! But that don’t let the rest of you out! We have a long way to go to get that $42 together yet. And Party members are not barred from getting all worked up with sympathy for the Daily Worker. The Bishopric Regrets “A virtuous woman should reject marriage as a good man does a bishopric; but I would ad- vise neither to persist in refusing,” once wrote Addison, the old English essayist. This is called to mind by the United Press dispatch of March 6, stating that secret dis- cussions at the conference of the Anglican bish- oprics at Lambeth in 1930, held that—“sexual relationship, even in marriage, must be regarded as a regretable necessity.” This was given out by the Bishop of Liverpool, A. A. David. ‘The lamentations wherewith the bishopric ap- proaches biological necessity, are not, it is to be noted, heard when the question of intimate relations with the exploiters of the workers are mooted. The Archbishop of Canterbury is dated up to sail with J. P. Morgan on the latter's aptly named yacht, the “Corsair”, for a vaca- tion in the Mediterranean and a trip to the Holy Land. ‘The Archbishop is second only to the Pope of Rome in furious hatred for Bolshevism, and doubtless the necessity of two affinities like he and Morgan getting together will not have to overcome any regrets, 5 15668 Alas, For the Old Days! “& fellow could go out in the cold days and work a few hours and make some real money,” mourned a pickpocket roped in for having his hand “in the proximity” of a woman's purse here in New York. An “ace” among “dips” he was, Harold Fra- ler, but he told the judge he wanted to reform. He cited as evidence of this that he had not hired a Tammany lawyer hooked up with the Ben Miller Fixing Ring, but threw himself on the mercy of the court, depending solely on logic. i “T've decided to go straight, your’ honor. There is no money in. the business any more. One seldom finds a poke that has more than a dollar in it these days. Such small amounts don’t pay.” 4 23 Now, before you finish laughing over that; just consider that the honorable gents of the Fish Committee seriously propose that Congress place an embargo against the importation 0! any and all products of forced or convict labor— except such products as American capitalism needs, Those “Red Rumors” Recalled “Two Men Arrested On Bank’s Complain, Accused of Spreading False Rumors,” said 8 headline in the N. Y. Times of Dec. 23, 1930. ‘This is worth recalling when you are reading these days of threatening indictments against State Superintendent of Banks Broderick for violation of the banking laws in not even exam~- ining the Bank of U. S. as required when he admitted he knew it was shaky. The capitalist newspapers were full in those days, back in December, of “red rumors” that ‘were supposed to have toppled over the ‘“funda- mentally sound” banking system. Incidentally, the Bank of U. S., the name of which was so protested as inferring that it was| @ government institution when it was not, was} ~-nonetheless, a “Member, Federal Reserve."] ‘This fact has studiously been concealed by every capitalist paper. Yet the bank's hocus pocut! juggling of depositors’ money went merrily on. ‘The “federal” government, Junior, sees tha’ depositors’ money is “reserved” for the priva' benefit of crooked bankers. : All this is clear now. But kindly keep the about “red rumors” in c