The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 7, 1931, Page 6

Wablshed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 East 18th Street. New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail al] checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Page Six Dail SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $8+ six months, $4.56. on CARRY ON THE UNEMPLOYED STRUGGLES BY COMPACT ORGANIZATION By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT. REAT strides forward have been made in our struggles for unemployment relief. The state and city hunger marches have kindled fires under the seats of hundreds of capitalist poli< ticians, have placed the demands of the unem- ployed categorically before the fat rulers of the . have exposed the enemy trinity, , their government and the re- sts and social-fascists, in the A- ocialist party to tens of thousands. , employed and unemployed—workers. who, while starving, still thought that “their” nt would materially aid them. The ade by the workers’ delegation to the national capitol with the demand for unemploy- ment insurance, and the fact that this ruling center offered the unemployed gas bombs, ma- chine nd bullets instead of bread, fur- ther clarified the role of the ruling class and stressed the need for quick attention to . the establishment of deeper organizational roots among the unemployed, to attain greater mass power and achievements. The movement sprang forward by leaps..and bounds beginning with October, 1930.. Victor- ious fights against evictions in many cities taught. us an unforgetable lesson. Many new unem- ployed councils were organized. Hundreds , of militant struggles were engaged in. The whole. movement attained a much higher political leyel, Although fewer workers demonstrated on Feb- ruary 25, 1931, although this is partially due.to the illusions spread by the enemy trinity, yet we must note that February 25 demonstrations indi- cated a more compact, better organized, more politically important and valuable struggle than those of a year ago. At the same time we must examine our weak- nesses in order to ascertain. why the demoristra- tions of February 25 did not equal or exceed in number and size, those of a year ago. We can not. argue for political purity and organizational progress if at the same time we reduce our hold upon the masses. The following points are of- fered to build and strengthen our movement. Although we may interest large masses of un- organized unemployed workers*once or twice \in immense demonstrations, this alone - does not. fy the needs of the unemployed for bread her relief, this alone does not make these rganit parts of our movement. The day ruggles for relief must be carried on-by masses.of unemployed workers, who, meeting in our unemployed councils, take the initiative in planning methods of struggle and thereby become observant of their gains: Our number of functioning. unemployed coun-. cils must be increased by the hundréds. There are still hundreds of small steel, textile and other. factory towns, and mining camps, where nearly the whole population is unemiployed and ‘stary- ing, and where we have no unemployed coun- cils. . Inthe larger cities; we have satisfied- our- selves with sectional unemployed councils, which function in an area so vast that they never come into close contact with the unemployed workers and their families, their lives of misery and hunger, never bring‘ the unemployed into; daily. Struggles, never win them for organization. Every. large city must. establish dozens “of neighborhood unemployed coyncils, a council for every twenty blocks in every working class neigh- borhood. , These, neighborhood councils must in= yestigate the conditions of the unemployed work- ers’, families ‘in’ the neighborhood, must report cases’ of ‘actual ‘starvation and lend assistance, must ‘figkt every. eviction, must. organize strikes against high rents,, must not allow the light, gas shut-off, must demand that the neighborhood school , give’ freé ‘theals for the children, must engage’ in struggles against high food prices, etc. ‘The neighborhood council must register every unemployed worker within its jurisdiction, win. him for daily.activity in the struggle for relief and. for membership in the council; mobilize him and his entire family for every city-wide demonstration, mass struggle and hunger ma f make its center, even if only a workers’ home, _ the place where the unemployed themselves plan, their day to day work, where*they can come to report their miserable conditions, where they can attend lectures, where they can have an occa- sional social evening. The wives and children of the unemployed must be especially interested, and methods must be found to win the wives of the. unemployed workers as members of and fighters in the unemployed councils. 2. We must give the unemployed the initia- tive as fighters for relief. The battle against starvation must be placed into the hands of those who need bread. Our unemployed councils have suffered disintegration because we impose upon them mechanical and bureaucratic orders from above. We impose methods of work and strug- gle, failing to allow the unemployed workers to discuss and decide upon them. Consequently we create the feeling among the unemployed that we are just another agency that is trying, that promises to do something for them. This: creates passivity among the unemployed. We assume all the leadership. We do not develop sufficient leadership out of the ranks of the unemployed. The biggest task we give the un- employed is that of crowding around when, every month or so, we call a mass demonstra- tion. The result is lessening interest in demon- strations by the unemployed in many cities, failure to hold a steady membership in our councils, failure to increase their membership. 3. There has been a lack of consistent action and struggle in behalf of our demands upon city governments. We hold a demonstration at a city hall, place our demands before the mayor and city council, and let matters rest there, The initial attack upon a city hall must be fol- lowed by the attendance of large committees of unemployed workers at every city council meet- ing, at every meeting of a board of estimate or finance eommittee of the city council. The original demands for relief and our strategy must continually be adjusted in accordance with the attempt of the capitalist politicians to evade the issue, their demagogy, their fake promises, the forces they use to hinder our movement, clarify the situation constantly to the unemployed, out- witting the enemy in every maneuver they make. 4. We fail to take sufficient cognizance of our achievements, acquaint the unemployed Workers with them; we do not examine and re- port every struggle to the unemployed workers so’ that they may understand its shortcomings and its success. Generally speaking we must say that the relief being given by charity or- ganizations, by city administrations, has been forced from the ruling class by our militant movement. Specifically, taking the one million dollars given by the New York City administra- tion for relief after the unemployed stormed the city hall, as an instance, we fail to inform all uhemployed that this is their achievement, their victory.” We fail to follow up grants of money and other forms of relief with the demand that it shall be spent and controlled by a workers’ commission. We still fail to expose the charity fakery of the ruling class sufficiently. We fail to carry on sustained activity for unemployment insurance. Rectification of these shortcomings will aid materially in building a real movement, an or- ganized movement. An immense number 6f neighborhood unemployed councils which have contact with, and influence over unemployed workers in the neighborhoods, which understand the nature of the econontic crisis and its effect upon the employed and unemployed workers; unemployed councils that constitute the very life and spirit of the starving workers’ families; un- employed councils in which the unemployed and their families plan, decide and carry on strug- gles; a hundred or more neighborhood unem- ployed councils in every large city connected by @ Central Committee which, upon the basis of initiative from the neighborhood councils, plans and executes its attacks against the city admin- istrations—this will result in demonstrations and mass struggles, against the immensity of which the ruling class and its police will become more and more impotent. _ Today we depend almost wholly upon leaflets to mobilize workers for our mass struggles and demonstrations. We distribute hundreds of thou- Sands of them, and hope for the best. Organize the unemployed and they will constantly be “mobilized. Organized masses of unemployed workers will win relief. The Moscow Trial {Special Cable to the Daily Worker) -~ MOSCOW, March 4—The trial of the 14 Men- sheviks, charged with counter-revolutionary ac- tivity, shows that social democracy, caught red- handed preparing armed intervention against’the U. S. S. R. calls as its alibi “official poliey” which was supposed to be hostile to all inter- vention and sabotage. The leader of the French socialists, Leon Blum, revealed this maneuvre in’ advance. “Populaire,” French socialist news- paper, on February 6th, completing its Jesuitic “studies of peace problems” wrote: “It becomes impossible for nations and governments as well as political parties to admit all causes known as pretexts for wars. Hence witness the present display of the superfluity of peace protestations. Take the militdrists themselves. They pretend to speak and act in the interest of peace.” « Catight in the act, the leaders of the Setond: International, to which the Labor Party andthe: Socialist Party of America are affiliated, cry, “Stop, thief!” . On the eve of the trial of the Menshevik wreckers and interventionists, Vandervelde, one of the leaders of the Second International, sends to Zurich, in the name of the Executive of the Labor and International, a telegram protesting “the brutal treatment of the defend- ants,” whom he describes as “men w! t vious conduct and opinions ceaselessly affirmed and refuted the accusations leveled against them.” At fhe same time, Vanderyelde's tele- gram endotses the aim of the Second Interna- tional, and all the activity of the Russian Social testifying to the “resolute hositlity to all coun- ter-revolutionary intervention in the U. 8. 8, R.” At the very moment of the opening of the trial, the Menshevik delegation. abroad pul over the signature of its chairman, Dan, a dec-— Jaration proclaiming in advance the confessions and revelations of the defendants as “evidence — of provocateurs, admissions of unfortunates, ex- by terror.” sites] yester teeta ath tee Se them. On September 12, 1930, unforeseeing yet the full gravity of the blow which his agents in ‘Russia would deal him, Abramowitch wrote: “It 4s a case of men who for decades fought in the revolutionary movement of the Socialist Parties of various tendencies.” » He affirmed: “It is absolutely impossible they thave made any confessions.” A month later on October 9th, the delegation abroad itself, in an open. letter published to the social democratic “press of all countries described them as “old Scholars, publicists like Groman, Bazarov, Suk- shanov, men who for decades have been militants in the social democratic movement.” "The Soyiet prosecutor, Krylenko, broke off the examination of the defendants and read the ‘declaration of the delegation abroad, just pub- “shed, which began: “The charge levelled at our “party, according to which we conducted even organized ‘sabotage’ work and was linked with ‘counter-revolutionary organizations of the Rus- sian bourgeoisie and received from thence sub- Sidies and directed activity towards economic and financial blockade in Russia, or even armed in- “tervention of the capitalist powers against Rus- “sia, is an accusation which so much contradicts the universally known attitude of policy of the lan Social Democrats, that its slanderous ter is evident to every honest man, as icly attested already by the Executive of the and Socialist International.” _The court gave an opportunity to each of the 14 defendants to make a statement personally 8 to the assertion of the delegation abroad, — "There was an explosion of indignation and “vehement protest on their part. “They cannot Hoey otherwise,” declared Groman, “because the “Policy of sabotage and armed intervention geefinst ‘the Russian revolution is unavowable, and they dare not face the world proletariat on dt. Abramowitch whom we saw here in Mos- gow, to whom we spoke, insisted on the neces- ity of covering our work with verbal declara- ,Hons to the contrary.” “There is nothing left for them to do,” said -Bher, “but to declare us provocateurs, or victims Tae | THE VENTRILOQUIST By BURCK | PARTY LIFE | Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Commitiee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Carrying Out of Instructions Chicago, Il, Dear Comrades: Unit 102 of Chicago is a typical unit of the Communist Party and its experiences are no doubt similar to experiences of many other units. When the Election Campaign for collection of signatures to place our candidates on the ballot was started our comrades did not fully realize the importance and significance of the Party taking part in the elections. This we showed very clearly in our unit by the fact that although petitions had been in our hands for weeks and we had received instructions from the District and Section Committees on how to carry on the campaign we woke up a week before the date set for filing signatures for Alderman to find we had done absolutely nothing. At the discussion | the unit had on the question some of the com- rades forget our own mistake in not following | out the plans laid down and said that the dis- trict was too late in beginning—that now candi- dates of capitalist parties had their petitions out. and the workers were telling our comrades that they had already signed for one or the other candidates and that they could not sign twice. There was a general feeling that the campaign was not of vital importance and that it did not matter so very much to collect signatures except that we had been instructed to do so and we must carry out instructions (a purely mechani- cal carrying out of instructions). The first argument that the district was too late had its pegs knocked from under it when we checked up on our work and found that pe- titions had lain in pockets and desks—that com- mittees elected had failed to meet and that members had not reported to mobilization point for fully three weeks and that the members and buro had not considered it serious enough to remedy during that time. The second technical argument of citizens not being allowed to sign twice was also settled when the comrades were told that there is no such law and that to the contrary there is a law against the pledging of votes to any candidate and that the capitalist politicians were bulldoz- ing the workers who did not know this into pledging their votes to the capitalist politicians. The discussion which followed partly con- vinced the members of the importance of the campaign and in the week following the re- quired number of signatures were collected. ‘When the buro checked up on the work and the members reported their experiences in talk- ing to the workers in their homes the response of the workers was so good that our comrades became enthusiastic in turn. But Communists must consider themselves the leaders and we should not wait for the enthus- iasm of the workers to inspire us to enthusiasm. We must be in the vanguard to inspire enthus- jasm and militancy in those workers who are waiting for leadership—who do not yet know the Communist Party as {ts leader in the struggle for bread, for smashing of the capitalist system of crisis and unemployment for the workers and profits for the bosses. It is up to us—to every member of the Party—to bring the Party and its program to the workers and the duty of our unit buros and higher bodies is to coordinate our ~work and give guidance to the work. And if our buros don’t function, as in some units they don’t —it is up to the members of the unit to see that the buro functions and leads the work. Comradely yours, UNIT 102, of terror.” “They are right in the sense of denying a change in tactics,” observed Sukhanov, “for the tactics of sabotage and interverition are the logical consequence of the constant tactics of the social democrats.” Zalkind recalled the vivid picture of Abram- ovitch who in animated conversation insisted on the necessity of hiding to the world proletariat the new tactics of sabotage. Petunin could still see Dan in the restaurant on Potsdamerstrasse, Berlin, giving directions about sabotage, tracing the prospects for the overthrow of the Soviets by intervention. Berlatski, also a visitor of Dan and Abramovitch in Berlin, declared the fable of forced evidence is ridi¢ulous ree, | jalist interventi If Hillquit Told the Truth By HARRY GANNES. (F the Soviet prosecutor Krylenko could put Hillquit on the stand in the present trial of the 14 Menshevik counter-revolutionists, a new chapter could be written on the preparations for armed intervention against the Soviet Union. The record would read something like this: KRYLENKO: Mr. Hillquit, asa good capi- talist lawyer and staunch supporter of capital- ism, you do not like the Soviet regime and did what you could to aid in its overthrow? HILLQUIT: “I cannot say too strongly that regime is not a socialist regime. The present regime does not represent even a partial realiza- tion of the socialist ideal. It is a distortion and a caricature of everything the socialists hold highest.” (New York Times, Tues., Nov. 24, 1930). KRYLENKO; Then you felt justified in com- batting the Soviet republic by Whatever means? HILLQUIT: “Its reign is almost as abhorrent as war among nations.” (Times, Nov. 24, 1930.) KRYLENKO: Then imperialist war against the Soviet regime, which is so abhorrent to you, as well as to the imperialists, would be abso- lutely justified? « HILLQUIT: Yes; we went even further, we organized our forces to aid the Russian social democrats, who now admit they worked directly for intervention and war to destroy the Soviets. In every way we supported Abramowitch and Dan, In 1928, I greeted Abramowitch, aided his tours throughout the United States, when he spoke at over 50 of our meetings, collected funds for counter-revolutionary work in the Soviet Union. The Jewish Socialist Verbund gave him $10,000. In the early part of 1930 Abramowitch came here again. He told us about the plans.in Soviet Union, and we helped him all we could. I cannot tell you how much money I personally gave him. But that wasn’t all. I did all else I could. KRYLENKO: Give us a few of the details of your association with Abramowitch. HILLQUIT: We banquetted Abramowitch, We praised him in our press. We arranged inter+ views with the capitalist press. He got a wide reception. Abramowitch told the New York Times (Jan. 12, 1930), that “the next year or so will bring great surprises to those people who have become persuaded that the Bolsheviks will remain in power forever.” 1Anew, of course, he referred to his visit to the Soviet. Union where he talked to the 14 Mensheviks now on trial. He arranged the details of cooperation of imper- and the “great surprise” was to be the outbreak of hostilities which we would support along with the Second International. - KRYLENKO: Did you do anything else? HILLQUIT: Of course. Being an ardent enemy of the Soviet regime, hating it more than I do capitalism which has been very, bountiful to me, I would not stop there. For instance, Abtamowitch wrote a pamphlet against the\Soviet Union in the early part of 1930, before he came here. The New Leader quoted from this pamphlet as follows: “The Labor and Socialist International will not cease from attacking this system (the Soviet Union) until the ehains have been broken and the vic- tims of the cruel terror which has lasted in the Soviet Union for 12 years, and is now tending towards a new climax, have been released.” (New Leader, April 19, 1930.) For this “new climax” Abramowitch came over here to enlist our aid. In March, Matthew Woll issued a brilliant at- tack against the Soviet Union. He does it crude- ly, it is true, but then our end is the same. Abramowitch, with our full approval, voiced his agreement with Woll, He said everything that Woll stated about the Soviet Union. was true. Later, as I will show ‘you, I myself pointed out how close our relations were with Woll and other men of his type . But as the previous witnesses in this trial pointed out, the Second Interna- tional and the Russian Mensheviks, favored col- laboration with the Industrial Party and all the other wreckers. We were perfectly justified’ in allying ourselves with Woll, Fish and the White Guards in America. For details, see every issue of the Socialist Forward since the October revo- lution. i es i IKRYLENKO: You fully approved the Second in the Soviet Union~to overthrow the Soviet regime? HILLQUIT: I did more than that. When the Pope started his campaign against the Soviet Union the New Leader reviled the Soviet Union and joined in the war chorus. We passed reso- lutions here even stronger than the Second In- ternational manifesto. Our support of Abramo- witch, I am proud to say, was much stronger, much more open, closer and more enthusiastic than any of the socialist parties—though they did their share. KRYLENKO: Why didn’t you do more? HILQUIT: I tried to. But you know conditions were getting difficult for my beloved American capitalism. The crisis came on. Millions were thrown out of work. We kept quiet about this as long as we could’ we intensified our attacks against the Soviet ‘n. Mass demonstrations led by the Communi. s exposed the terrible star- vation of the American workers, and then, too, we could not answer the decline of unemploy- ment in the Soviet Union, the advance of the Five-Year Planfi while millions were starving here. Soon the elections came on. We made alliances with thé republican party. But we did not stop our organization for intervention in the Soviet Union. We put the details over until after the velections. During the elections we were doing all we could to bolster up faith in American capi- talism. Heywood Broun, Waldman.and Norman Thomas did a splendid job for us. KRYLENKO: We know that. But tell us a little more about your support to the counter- reyolution in the Soviet Union. HILQUIT: On Nov. 23rd we called a meeting at the Pennsylvania Hotel, New York, to organ- + ize our machinery for counter-revolutionary sup- port of Dan and Abramowitch. I will quote from the resolution which I sponsored there and which was passed: “All lovers of freedom will protest against Russia's rule of blood and we pledge ourselves to raise money to relieve the suffering of the heroic victims of the reign of terror.” Naturally, we would support war against “Russia's rule of blood,” and it was. much easier for us to raise money for the moral-sounding object of relieving “the suffering of the heroic victims of the reign of terror,” than for the real purpose— to supply funds for the wreckin work of Gro- man, Sher, Sukhanaavay & Co. who had made al- liances with the Industrial Party for imperialist war against-the Soviets. KRYLENKO: Then Ham Fish knew what he was talking about when he praised the socialist party? He had your counter-revolutionary ac- tivity in mind? HILQUIT: Certainly. I can best illustrate this point by quoting from the New York Times of Nov. 24, 1930, referring to the Pennsylvania Hotel meeting, at which I was the leading figure. The ‘Times said: “Mr. Hillquit remarked that in at- tacking Soviet Russia he found himself a strange bedfellow of certain gentlemen in Washington and other capitals.” Fish, Woll and myself un- derstood one another. We are working for the same end, but we traveled different roads. Fish lined up the big boys; Woll’s task was to get the American Federation of Labor; and mine was to give the war against the Soviet Union a “social- ist” blessing. i Here was the keynote (again quoting from the Times) as I stated it in the Pennsylvania Hotel: “Soviet Russia today is guilty of acts of despot- ism as terrible as in the days of the Czars, and is gradually moving away from rather than ap- proaching the free ideal of a free democratic country.” That, of course, was intended to get socialist. support for the war, because we would then be fighting for “the free ideal of a free democratic country,” as we have in the United States, KRYLENKO: What was the result? HILQUIT: Not quite what I expected. We formed our organization alright. But we were not able to hide our motive. Some of the greener elements in the socialist party, as well as some Workers that found their way into our ranks protested, We managed to route them, and con tinued on our course in\a more catitious manner. Naturally the exposures in Moscow, which we will be forced to brand as lies, disturbed us not a ttl, seal ee By JORGE eee Rumpelstilchen “Like the children in the Anderson Fairy Tale ‘Rumpelstilchen,’ we seem to have guessed Red Jorge’$ real name and purpose and, also, like his infamous prototype, Rumpelstilchen, we can see him now stamping-himself through the floor in mad rage at the discovery.” The above from the “Union Labor Record” of Philadelphia didn’t catise us to stamp a single stamp. We were too astonished at the igno- rant audacity of anyone pretending to be the editor of a paper in the English language who so abuses it in attacking us and urging that we uuld be deported back “where we came from.” e were just ornery enough to have selected Kansas to be born in, and the gentleman wishes us to be deported to Soviet Russia! That would Please us, but it is rather presumptious for a fellow who cannot write English intelligibly to ask that someone élse be deported anywhere. But it’s a matter of indifference to a Com- munist to which country he is sent and Kan- sas Will do very wéll. It is rather ungrateful, also, on the part of the Union Labor Record editor, to bear hard feelings toward us..On the strength of our comment he surely can get a raise in pay from the Philadelphia employers for his services in their behalf. From the following letter received from a worker of Philadelphia we judge that he does his best to earn it: “Red Sparks:—Sométime back an editorial in the Philadelphia Daily News said: ‘Workers have the right fo organize’ “This was considered a liberal editorial. But three days after, 14 ‘Daily News drivers were fired for becoming members of a union. Did the Daily News practice what it preached? No! “But five months-after a strike at the Daily News plant was lost, the official organ of the Central Labor Union, the Union Lying (not “Labor”) Record, came out with the following editorial, in part: “The Labor Record congratulates the Phila- delphia Daily Newson its Fifth Anniversary. It asked the support-of the wage earner and fought his battles: not only with an editorial policy which at once attracted widespread at- tention, but it -PRACTICED WHAT IT PREACHED.” “What a lie! And.in favor of the capitalist Daily News! But what could one expect from the Union Lying (not “Labor”) Record, which is now printing many lies against the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party, instead of the truth about the many strikes in Philadel- phia.—o. V.” ‘We are not very interested in Anderson's Fairy Tales, or those cooked up by the editor of the Union Labor Record,.but if there’s a Rumpel- stilchen medal to be-allotted, we think it should hang on the “Labor” editor friend of the open- shop Daily News. At-least he qualifies for the first syllable, se Free Speech, Limited Speakers of the Unemployed Councils of New York State, found out what the U. S. Constitu- tion was worth in the city of Newburgh, when they applied for a permit to the animal called the “City Manager.” They got a rather long- winded “permit” which, when they held the meeting, was read to the astonished workers of Newburgh. It said: “This permission is granted under the follow ing conditions: “First: The meetiti¢ is to be held on the Greg Street side of the City Hall under the eas | flag. The meeting to be from 3:20 to 4:30 p.m. “Second: No books to be sold or papers to ba passed out, nor has any collection to be taken for expenses and with a further understanding that your speakers will confine themselves strict- ly to facts. No statements are to be made that in the City of Newburgh there are people starv- ing as that statement is absolutely untrue. No statements are to be made that in*the City of Newburgh no effort has been made to relicve the unemployment-situation, because the City of Newburgh has expended over $30,000 to provide extra labor for the unemployed in this city.” With all this, one‘might guess that the permit allowed free speech s6 long as speakers say that the City Manager is.a splendid official, that workers only imagine’ they're hungry, and that a dictatorship exists over in “Roosha.” RAS * Pears . California ‘Absorption “I have had a delightful visit with the most brilliant mind in the yworld today and have ab- sorbed a few, at least, of the thoughts and ideas which permeates Dr..Einstein’s entire body,” de- clared Governor Rolph of California after forty- five minutes with the.man with a fourth-dimen- sion face. ane To show exactly how much he had absorbed from Einstein in three quarters of an hour, Gov. Rolph added that! “Tf the Creator givés him (Einstein) a long life, he will open other men’s eyes still wider to the nature of creation,” ~~ Ni Maybe if Rolph had stayed another 15 minutes, he would have so up in an idea that it is time he pardoned Mooney and Billings, But we doubt it. If he ‘Had visited Bill Foster even two minutes we afé positive that his sponge would have buckets’ full of that idea to absorb But in that case his" visit. might not haye been precisely Iposeriont A Different. K* ‘ The N. Y. Wat te Of Peanut and answer” column.in which the following ap- peared: a “Q—Does a peanut have a skin? Answer.— ‘The paper-like’ cover-of the peanut is sometimes referred to as the skin or epidermis.” Farmers in the drouth zone, we sugegst, fre- quently refer to it.as. “Hyde.” The peanut it- self is variously known as “Gcober” and “Hoo- er Pe Its Revinn'n~ Ty Gae Em Even the capitelst paper, the Phoenix, Ari: zona, “Republic,” is becoming sick at the stom: ach with the Fish committee gabble about “fore: ed labor” in the Soviet Union while millions 0 American workers-cannot even buy a job. 1) the issue of February 12 it had to add ¢. post script to the fair Je about Stalin and hi “forcec labor”: “As a matter of fact, at the present momen Americans would ¢heer any American leade who could call for Work and tell them where t pet it.” ine With swarms of ‘workers everywhere lookin in vain for work, the hokum about “forced le bor” in the Soviet’ 1 kind of lie the capi have cooked up.