The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 10, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Compr w York Page ‘41 ss and mail all che daily except Sunday. at . Cable: st 13th Street, New Yor odatly Publishing Co., Inc, N. ¥. Telephone Al sto the Daily Worker, 50% “DATWORK.” 50 East rk, N. Ye STRIKE LESSONS TO BE LEARNED By I. AMTER. N December 11, after 10 days’ strike, the strike of the Eagle ‘pencil workers was declared off, and the workers returned to work defeated. This strike is of great importance to the revo- lutionary union movement and the Communist Party, and is of especial importance to the | membership of the Party of the New York Dis- trict, since it was the first attempt to apply the | new methods of preparing and conductiong strike struggles. ‘The Eagle pencil workers were composed of two groups: men who earned up to $40 a week, and girls and women who earned as little as $8 a week. Some of the men had had organ- izational experience, while the: women and girls were totally inexperienced. The men numbered about 200, the women and girls 740—a total of 940 workers. On October 10th, the company announced a general wage cut of 10 per cent. The—shop nucleus of the Party immediately issued a shop paper. The Section Committee began holding shop gate meetings. The result was that the workers in the shop were so aroused that the company was compelled to rescind the wage cut. This led to the formation of @ shop com- mittee—a committee not elected by the workers in the shop, owing to the impossibility of hald- ing open meetings, because of the spy system in the shop—but a committee which had the sup- port of the workers in the shop. The ‘Trade Union Unity League entered the field, and through leaflets showed the workers the way to prepare for the struggle. Towards the end of November, the company posted another wage cut. The workers became more active, and on December 1, the day the cut was to go into effect, the shop committee issued a leaflet demanding either that the com- pany withdraw the wage cut, or the workers would call a stoppage, The word stoppage was used, for once before the workers had stopped on the job. The shop committee meant strike, but it did mot clearly explain this to the workers. The result was that the workers readily stopped work, but not understanding the meaning of strike, did not willingly go to the strike hall. The conditions for struggle were present and the, workers well understood. But understand- ing and willingness to strike are not all that are required’ today. Strike preparations require broad organizational preparations—the election of a large strike committee, the checking-up of all workers, organization by departments, picket committees, defense, entertainment, visiting committees (to visit the workers who do not go down to the picket line). These things were not done at the beginning of the strike, and no prep- arations were made for them. As a. consequence, serious defects matiifest at the beginning of the strike were not correcied. The men—mostly skilled workers—did not parti- cipate in the picketing, but walked on the other side of the street. The girls and womei, on the other hand, picketed; but being inexpérienced and witnessing the conduct of the miéfi, were disgusted and discouraged. The Party and the 'T.U.ULL. did not send in a sufficient number of experienced comrades—Party members and un- employed workers—to stiffen the picket line, with the result that scabs passed into the fac- tory under police protection, with hardly any resistance from the workers. Many other errors were made in the strike. (1) The strike committee was not a real, func- tioning strike committee, but consisted of the leader of the strike sent in by the Trade Union Unity League, Comrade A. Rubin, with an inac- tive group of workers headed by a chairman who was. opposed to the strike (this fact was brought to the notice of the T.U.U.L. only after the strike)!" The strike committee should have been mercilessly criticized, the incompetent members should have been removed and young militants elected in their place. (2) The strike committee failed to develop the necessary ac- tivities—formation of picket, defense, publicity, visiting, entertainment committees. (3) The strike meetings were not properly prepared. Recognizing the character of the strikers, the greaiest effort should have been made to draw the maximum number of strikers into the activi- vties. Failure to do this proved disastrous to the strike. (4) Knowing hat the girls and women were inexperienced in strike action, more members of the Party should have been added to the picket line to give it more backbone and militancy. (5) The T.U.U.L.. did not mobilize the workers of the other industries to show their solidarity by aiding the workers on the picket line. This iso- Iated the pencil strikers from the general move- » would gain experience from the strike. have been clear from the general character of the meetings and the dwindling picket line, that the ‘spirit was flagging. (7) The Trade Union Unity League was kept in the background, even though speakers of the T.U.U.L. spoke at the meetings. No effort was | made to enroll even the strike committee in the | T.U.UL. (8) The T.U.U.L., on the other hand, | made the serious mistake of not forming @ union | of the workers the very first day of the strike. | This matter was not brought, up till the last day, | so that the strikers at no time could feel that they were part of the organized Jabor movement. \ (9) The section of the Party was active long before the strike, through issuing shop bulletins, and thereby secured contact with the workers. It held open air meetings and was mainly instru- mental in creating the ideological and prelim- inary organizational basis for the strike. But | the section did not draw the entire Party mem- | bership of the section into the strike, so that | both the workers would be given the full assis- | tance of the Party, and the Party membership | (10) The district underestimated the Jmpor- tance of the strike. It should not have failed to wally all forces for the struggle, which,-cven though in an industry not of key importance. was manned with inexperienced, unorganized workers, who play a most significant role in in- dustry today. (11) The Young Communist League failed al- most completely in the strike. It is true thet some members of the Y. C. L. were at the strike meetings the first days, but, owing to the at- titude of the leadership of the strike, who Jooked with disfavor on the activities of the “Reds,” the young comrades were pushed into the back- ground, and did not exert any influence. Instead of persisting, instead of recognizing that, being that the bulk of the strikers were young work- ers and could best be approached by young work- ers and be stiffened in their fight, the Y. C. L., | both nationally and in the district, paid little heed to the strike, for which it must be seriously | criticized. (12) Another serious error in the struggle was the appointment of Comrade Rubin as the lead- SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ef Manhattan and Bronz, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $3: six months, $4.50, By BURCK | er of the strike. Comrade Rubin has had little strike experience, which should have necessitated | closer attention by the T. U. U. L., and greater assistance. Once the T. U. U. L. recognized the impermissible attitude and actions of Comrade | Rubin—shaking hands with the police captain | when an agreement was made to report to each | other any complaints on the part of the police | PARTY LIFE | On Applying New Party | Methods By OLGA GOLD against the strikers, and of the strikers pees | the police (an openly opportunist point of view), his reporting the “solidarity” of Mr. Rybicki, head of the city employment bureau, with the strikers (!) and his general pessimism regarding the strike—the T. U. U. L. should either have removed Rubin immediately or have strength- ened the leadership. This the TUUL failed to do—and this together with the other serious, basic errors in the strike, led to the defeat of | the workers. y Many lessons must be learned from this strike, since an attempt was made to conduct it ac- | cording to the new methods ‘and strategy. It is obvious that in this period, when the workers are showing a willingness to strike against wage cuts and conditions, more is necessary than an arous- ing of enthusiasm. Both ideological and organ- izational preparations must be made before and during the strike. The shop committe must know its-responsibilities and duties. It must see the whole scope of the strike. It must under- stand the various fields in which the workers must be active. It must make provision for all the needs of the strike. And above all it must unhesitatingly criticize itself and encourage all criticism, unearthing the weaknesses and short- comings and rectifying them at once. For such delay often costs the strike. The Trade Union Unity League and the Party must accept full responsibility for the loss of the strike. The workers went back to work, not feeling that they were beaten by superior forces, | but by failure of the leadership properly to or- ganize the strike. New contacts must be obtained in the shop. The defeat of this strike will encourage the com- pany to introduce further wage cuts and speed- up. The’ workers, although discouraged by the failure of this strike, will fight again. Having learned from the experiences of this strike, they will be in a better position to conduct a, strike along the lines of correct strike strategy, with the proper organization and militancy. But above all, the Party and TUUL membership must Jearn from this strike. Shop bulletins must be issued by the Section Committee, meetings with the workers must be held. A new organization committee must be formed, and the work con- tinue. It will be more’ difficult, but it can be done, and the workers will be convinced that, al- @ent. (6) Although the T.U.U.L. supplied a Mmmber of speakers who helped to increase the momentary militancy of the workers, it should A Letter to the “Southern Worker” From Harts Island Prison, New York, comes a letter from Harry Raymond, one of the lead- ers of the March 6 giant unemployment dem- onstration, commenting on the Southern Worker, which he has received in jail since ‘t was founded six months ago in Birmingham, Ala. The letter follows: Harts Island, Bronx, N. Y. Ihaye been receiving the Southern Worker here in jail since it was first published. Today I received issue No. 22 and wish to congratulate you for the excellent progress you have made in revolutionary journalism below the. Mason and Divon line. ‘You paper was something that was long need- ed in the South. Its regular appearance at this time of economic and agrarian crisis when mil- lions of workers and poor farmers are facing starvation is of the utmost importance. Tt is the only political paper of the working class published In the South which truly re- flects the struggles of the workers and gives them ® definite, clear-cut revolutionary program of struggle against starvation and exploitation. Of all the papers in the South. only the SOUTHERN WORKER has ealled upon the workers, Negro and white, to organize and fight against lynching and Jim. ‘Crow-ism. | The SOUTHERN WORKER leads the fight for sovial, economic and political equality for the most though the TUUL did not succeed in this strike, there is no other method than that of the TUUL, ¥bich must be correctly understood and applied. WORKER has played a very important role. Each issue of this paper srtikes like a broad- side of heavy artillery in the smug camps of the Southern mill owners and bourbon planters. It shows the workers of the South the way to push over the tottering, capitalist system, which Today, two months after the 12th Plenum of our Party, it is the task of every fuctionary as well as the entire Party to examine how much we have actually succeeded to transform and ap- ply the decisions of the last Plenum in our day to day tasks and problems in organizing and leading the every day struggles of the American working class When we review our work in its relation to | the last’ Plenum we can frankly state that espe- cially outside of our unemployment campaign in many instances we have not yet fully grasped | the practical application of the decisions of the last Plenum, or rather to say, not properly un- derstood what the Central Committee means by new methods and forms of work. Today in every document issued by the Party and mass organizations and conferences not only called by the Party but as well as by the mass organizations, unions, fraternal organizations, etc., etc. a string of new phraseology appear, such as, “new methods, simplification, concreti- zation, systematic, calender, specific, etc.” Here bodied in the documents of the last Plenum. lies the danger that this phrasemongering shall not be allowed to substitute for actually making efforts to carry into practice the decisions em- | We will take the following examples for illus- tration of what we mean by failure to grasp the practical application of the decisions of the Par- ty, and where instead, application was made in a mechanical way. Sometime in November our Comrades working for the Miners Union in the Anthracite had drawn up a program of work for | the M.O.S.W.LU. The program was’ worked out | coneretely on paper, the definite quotas assigned to each group to obtain in a given time, mines were chosen for concentration, etc., yet this pro- gram of work was a complete failure. The ques- tion arises what was the fault in this program? Precisely the very fact that it was a mechanical way of trying to put the decissions of the Party into action. It failed to take the groups of miners, chosen for concentration feel that. it was their program, but instead was submitted to the groups as something from above which they must accept. The goal set was superficial. and did not rise out of realities. We failed to take into consideration and study the conditions un- der which these particular miners were working so as to find out the best methods of approcah which would rally them for struggle but instead mechanically tried to apply our Program of Work. Had the same program involved the given miners in the formulation of the program then certainly the miners would have recog- nized that this was their problem, they would realize that the demands set were their own de~ mands and would be ready to fight for it. Con- sequently, in the efforts of our comrades to execute this program, glaringly demonstrated that in their methods applied, they did not un- derstand what the Party meant by “fundamen- tally revising its method of work in its contact with the masses.” The fact that after an or- offers the workers nothing but starvation and misery, and build up a workers’ and farmers’ government where the workers will receive the full value of their labor power. . Workers in the South and in the North, white and colored, should give the SOUTHERN WORKER their utmost support. Build the SOUTHERN WORKER into a mighty fighting weapon of the Southern proletariat! | Fraternally yours, HARRY RAYMOND. Workers! Join the Party of . Your Class! : Communist Party U. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name ~~ settee een eaeeweeneeseceeenereensensaseren AGATESS ..sssereveccccccsccercvecssoccsoce, CHE. sesscensasteseeesees State's ORCUpEHON’’. «is ova sncdavsanl phates! | sMall this to the ganizer worked wih a group for a couple of weeks, and succeeded in organizing the group, and when he left this group, the group col- Igpsed, which proves very definitely that while being with the group our comrade failed to train the workers, to inspire confidence’ in their own ability, and to make this group the medium for organizing the miners in that colliery, but the whole work was of a commanditory nature, and not of training the workers for organization. But when the comrade would bear in mind the fact, which is the key to our successful conducting of mass work, that this group of miners are the decisive elements in executing our program, then unquestionably our methods of*work would fun- damentally be of a different character. ‘Take the question of concentration, true a de- cision to concentrate on definite places with the object in view of developing a struggle and con- vincing the miners that we were capable of leading them. Was this done? No, instead we still continued to stretch over the Anthracite, accomplishing nothing, but’ disappointing min- ers, because of the physical inability of cover- The Imperialists Gain A New Ally By HARRY GANNES According to the Lovestoneites, history was re- peating itself in the socialist party. Ben Gitlow | writing on “The Crisis in the Socialist Party” could compare the group of students led by Louis Stanley, Theodore Schapiro and McAllister Coleman only to “the Left Wing im the socialist party in 1918-1919.” But this “leftward move- | ment in the ranks of the S. P.,” which was “bound | to have important significance to the trade union movement, socialist and Communist movement” | ended as a farce. | The “battle” between the “lefts,” Who call themselves “militants,” and the official bureauc- racy of the socialist party reached its culminating | point in the final debate on two resolutions on the Soviet Union. After a wordy debate the of- ficial resolution attacking “governmental terror- ism” in the Soviet Union was passed by a vote of 87 to 26, What was the attitude of these brave mili- tants” who were to-overwhelm the socialist and even Communist movement, in the face of this defeat? The New York Tiines reports it as fol- lows: tioned the dreaded word ‘split,’ but Paul Porter assured him that the ‘lefts’ would stand Joyally by the decision and continue their ‘fight’ for socialism.” Gerber breathes the word split and the mighty upsurge in the socialist party that the Lovestone- ites counted on so heavily is wafted aside like fine powder in the wind. Why are Gitlow and the other leading Love- stoneites so wrought up about this “left” move- ment in the socialist party? Why do they try to place a halo of revolutionary class content about it? The Lovestoneites have drifted so far to the right that the most counter-revolution- ary elements look left to them, For instance, Gitlow tries to connect the “mili- tents” wits some deepgo! wing movement in the socialist party in 1918-1919. Not satisfied with the Daily Worker analysis which was proved correct by the final action of Paul Porter, the left-of-the-lefts in the “militant” group, Gitlow profoundly quotes Stanley's ar- ticle in the New York Leader where Stanley plishments, under the guise of applying the new methods of work of the Party, the comrades now raise the point, “Why the New Methods failed to rally the miners,” attempting to analyze their shortcomings, coming to the conclusion that those miners who are working, refuse to strug- gle, being afraid to lose their jobs. “Therefore we can only use the unemployed miners to or- ganize these mines.” In other words bring forth the theory that in times ofsthe depression the workers will not struggle, which shows that not only the comrade in question tried mechanically to repeat the phrases of the Party in practical application of the organizational tasks, but did not grasp the correct poliical analysis of the Party. * We must be on our guard":that this phrase mongering shall not be used as a smoke screen to cover up the failure of our actually wiping out the old methods. Commentary. ‘The example given by Comrade Olga Gold shows how many comrades, in spite of speak- ing about concretization, in practice fail ta achieve results. We publish it in order that it shall serve to clarify again the decisions of the last Plenum. Speaking about the necessity of having a Plan of Work, to be concrete, to conduct our work systematically, etc., is not yet phrase-m ring, but it becomes such when these Correct ideas are not carried through. If the results in our work are weak or complete failures, it is not because, as Comrade. Gold states, our new methods are incorrect, or the workers are not ready to struggle, but because in ‘their application many comrades still fail in the analysis of specific concrete situations to reach the most suitable methods to be adopt- ed, or fail in initiative and flexibility in finding the way to overcome the hindrances and cir- ing the entire Anthracite district. Neglecting the definite places of concentration. Certainly all. in ol adba marcos tot pada cumyent the obstacles, and still reach the im- mediate alms thet we have to achieve ‘The concretization. “Julius Gerber, ‘the chairman even men- | class movement, It | is for this reason he compares it to the left- | points to the growing economic crisis as pressing for a change in “tactics.” Oneal to the same effect. This is a remarkable thing, reasons Gitlow. Why, even these mili- tants now see the economic crisis. They are just as wide-awake as the Lovestoneites are, because it is better late than never. Why does Stanley point to “economic crisis (which) exposed the weakness of the Party in | handling such fundamental problems like un- employment?” He realizes, along with Oneal, Thomas and Hillquit that new tactics are needed in this precise situation to lead the workers into the morass of the Socialist Party and away from revolution, How can this be cothpered in the slightest degree to what took place in the socialist party in 1918-19? How can the attitude of the Stanley group be mentioned in the same breath as the attitude of the majority of the socialist party members towards the Russian revolution in 1918- | Only a renegade seeking to hide his tracks | 19? leading to the camp of Hillquit and Oneal can attempt to fool the workers with such trash. What was the situation in 1918-19 in the socialist party?. Tens of thousands of workers in the socialist party at that time expressed their solidarity with.the Russian Revolution, with the dictatorship of the proletariat, with the 21 points of admission into the Communist In- ternational, with the revoalutionary “terror” against the capitalists and their lackeys of every stripe. This was a mass movement of workers, inspired by the revolutionary struggle of the Rus- sion masses under the leadership of the Bol- sheviks. It was a mass endorsement of the Dic- tatorship of the Proletariat. And how was it met by the same Hillquit, Oneal, Gerber and Steadman? By wholesale expulsion. Every ex- pression of militancy was cut out as cleanly as with a razor, Today the picture is quite different. Louis Stanley, the “left” leader is grected with open. arms by Hillquit. He is pampered. He is given the free use of the socialist puess. On nearly every question of “difference” Hillquit and Stan- Jey are able to bring in unanimous resolutions. Only one point of final “difference” remained— the attitude toward the Soviet Union. On the counter-revolutionary stand’ of Stanley , toward the Soviet Union, Gitlow hinges his ap- peals for unity with the socialist party. There is one thing that the Lovestoneties will never be able to wipe out. Stanley along with the other militants agree with Hillquit, Oneal, Thom- as and every other socialist bureaucrat that they are opposed to “governmental terrorism” in the Soviet Union. What is this “terror” that Stanley inveighs against? Why is Gitlow so silent on thispoint? ‘The Stanley group which now stands “loyally by the decision” against the Soviet Union know that millions of American workers, suffering from the crisis of capitalism, look with great favor and approval on the advance of the Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union, This is gall and wormwood to all socialists. Mere lying has been fruitless. So the Stanley group, seeing the need for new tactics at’ home to mislead the workers, as well as feeling the necessity of making the workers believe that the “results” of the Dictatomship of the Proletariat are all right, but the Dictator- ship itself is bad, evolve their famous resolution over which the Lovestoneites go into ecstasy. The very point on which Lenin said, “One may say without fear of exaggeration that this (Dictator- ship of the Proletariat) is the most important, the chief problem of the entire class struggle of the proletariat,” the Stanley group is 100 per cent in rita with the officialdom of the The Tovestatieites who see such towering strength in American imperialism, who insisted that the crisis hed not touched the fundamental structures of American capitalism, now see great “revolutionary class content” in Stanley's attack the Dictatorship of the Proletarit in the Union. Any form of alliance is not too unsavory for Gitlow even quotes | = By JORGE emenmeeme| Absurd But Serious The propaganda for war against. the Soviet Union proceeds, just now, largely..upon a great hullabaloo about “dumping.” This is an insult to the intelligence of any- body, and we think that a few facts ought to be given wide circulation just to show up this stupid lie for what it is. For example, the ridiculous assertion that So- ylet imports into the United States. is the cause of the “depression” cannot-stand up against the fact that great industries..of the United States, such as steel, tobacco, sugar, textiles, and many ohers, are certainly “depressed,” yet the Soviet. imports none of these .goods into the United States. Again, here is the Unifed States, a nation which in 1929, produced @ total value of manu- factured goods of $68,000,000,000 (Sixty-EHight Billion Dollars); and the*“dumping” liars ex- pect human brains to believe that this great national economy is all upset by the importa- tion of a mere $30,000,000 (the ‘total of Soviet imports into the U. S. in 1980)"~A* mere com- parison of these figures is enough to show up the lie. 7 ‘Then again, we sce the figures on exports to and imports from the Soviet Union and the change in these from 1929 to 1930,'shows that the United States is getting all the benefit of this change. To be exact, we see that imports into the U. S. from the Soviet Union increased from $22,- 500,000 in 1929, to only $30,0000,000 in 1930, or a matter of only 33 per cent; while exports from the U. S. to the Soviet Union Tosé in the same | time, from $84,700,000 in 1929, to something over $150,000,000 in 1930, or a matter “of over 78 per cent! In other words, the amount the Soviet bought from America increased’ about two and a half times over the increase in the amount of what America bought from the Soviet! Yet the brass- faced liars who want a war against the Soviet act like the United States is being ruined by this trade! i To top it all, American exports to all capi- talist countries fell off in 1930, and American exports to only one country in¢réased, and that country was the Soviet Union! If political considerations ate’ laid aside, it would look like the “dumping” liats were acting like a merchant suddenly gone lot6, who beats up his best customer and tells him. to go to hell. But these same “dumping” Mars do not lay political considerations aside! They figure that the success of the Five Year Plan, involving as it does the immense better- | ment cf the Soviet workers’ conditions while in the cepitalist world the workers are. starving, will inspire “their own” workers: to. revolt. Their bunk about “dumping” either present or future, is thus a lie to incite .workers here tc believe that the Soviet is their enemy and not the capitalists here, who are starving them tc death. - So we say that every worker Who does no! know this, should be told about it. And we urge every reader of this article to paste it ix his hat and read it to his shop-fiatés. Let's kil this “dumping” te tae Speed the Day!» * Chicago is near going bankrupt as a munici pality, according to reports—and yet the N. 3 Times and the Chicago Tribune have so fa failed to charge it to “Soviet dumping.” Bi what we want to relate is what Silas H, Straw | says about it, as follows: | “I am not a pessimist, but I envisage a ver serious situation shortly when there will be r money to pay policemen.” Somehow, we can’t get much pessimism o of that. Where Students Cease from Study K the new pamphlet of the Workers’ Libra “The Five-Year Plan and the Cultural Rev lution,” we find the followitig'sétitence by t Soviet author, concerning the United States “vrhat revolts us in thé development of United States is the a a 1 tween the highest cult e one hand @ the worst sort of savagery on the other.” The author has his own examples which recommend, but wish to amend with one of « own about the New York Public Library. T institution, supposedly a “Charitable” one, < supposedly “public,” has.instituted.a most am ing stunt discriminating against working ¢: students. Located in the top., hat, ~district, it ha: distinct top hat way of handling: things. WI last year, the young students.who, being working class families, haye no money for erence books, packed the, library,.so full t had to sit on the floor te consult the des text books, the finicky "pu soe of the brary became horrified. wling aro the floor was irreverent, Scent prob: immoral, so something had. to] abou The result was to bar-all. ae from of the reference text books. the floc now clear, And the seats are given now on! those who, able to prodyce. a ktiag tis dip) or something equally f howing they no longer need to stu to sle peace in the places once: sullied. y prolete youth. . soent Be The gathering winds of protest merely fled the hair of the superintendent enoug fause that worthy to puta new ‘wrinkle ir ‘red tape by “allowing” any youth who wil @ certificate, signed and by a prir of a high school or college and attest: @ notary, anyhow something: tabory will & a blue moon, U8 ‘Thus we have the contrediében that i U. S. A. students are, in effect, barred studying text books; while:\those who ai ready graduated have access.to text books! at a time when culture under’ the. Soviet | ing full speed ahead, and, pamphlet says, “For the: tion opened wide the doors. ,0t: high schools to the children the Lovestoneites. There is not even any talk discrimination against among the Lovestoneites about searching out the few workers within the socialist party for a “united front.” They want to sprinkle the holy water of “revolutionray class content” over the being made the subject of by the Young Coens