The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 9, 1931, Page 6

rublishea by the Comproda 13th Street, New York City, Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Ea Page Six cept Sund: Cable Publishing Co., Inc, datly Telephon’ Algonquin 7 INTENSIFY THE STRUGGLE FOR JOBLESS INSURANCE By WM. Z. FOSTER. ‘: HAT the capitalists of this country are re- solved to make a sharp and severe struggle against the establishment of s government sys- tem of unemployment insurance should be patent to us all by this time, Their resistance to date and the tendercies of opposition which they are now showing must be a clear signal to us to dig ourselves in for a long and bitter struggle over this important issue. And, by the same token, we must enlarge and invigorate our battle for all forms of local relief and for the organiza- tion of the unemployed workers, in order to give real force to our fight for unemployment in- surance. The Hoover the big ca of the employe! ance, not 0} government, clearly expressing line, shows the deep hostility ; towards unemployment insur- in its attitude towards the un- employed workers but also towards the drought- stricken far ‘s. Although the drought situa- tion appears as a temporary emergency, the capitalists controlling the government resolutely refuse to e: ad state aid. This they consider wor be not only setting a bad ex- ample for future farm relief situations (and they know there will soon be plenty more of such) but it would also establish a dangerous precedent for the workers and leave the -door open for the dreaded “dole.” So, with cold- blooded brutality the government washes its hands of responsibility and reduces the whole question to one of private charity. What mat- ter it that millions of useful producers are act- ually slowly starving. The main thing is to avoid the “dole” and thus “save the country from Socialism.” This bitter resistance to state unemployment Insurance is of great political significance. It is | further manifestation of the growing intensity ‘of the capitalist crisis, both in this country and abroad. Before the war in those countries of Europe where the question of unemployment in- | burance became a living issue there was no such | desperate resistance by the employers. On the | contrary, in England, Germany, and other coun- tries state unemployment insurance were insti- tuted with relatively little struggle on the part of the workers. This was because capitalism was definitely on the upgrade, its crisis was not so acute, unemployment was not so great, inter- national competition was not so keen, the con- ditions of capitalist development left a certain margin of play, : But now the situation has basically altered. ‘The crisis has enormously deepened, unemploy- ment has become gigantic, competition is of the cutthroat type. Consequently the question of | unemployment insurance everywhere becomes a | most vital one, ‘That 1s why the capitalists here | | ct resist it so fiercely; that is why the capitalists all over Europe, with the active support of the social fascists, are busy emasculating the state unemployment insurance wherever they can, by | cutting the benefit rates, disqualifying workers | for the benefits, etc. Throughout Europe there is a strong movement among the capitalists for the abolition of unemployment insurance alto- gether, this tendency. insurance and determined to retain every advan- tage in the fierce international competition, will fight hard against its establishment in this country: In this era of decaying capitalism and with | | mass starvation becoming a growing phenom- enon in every capitalist land, even in “God's Country,” the questionof unemployment insur- ance becomes a major political issue for the workers. The fight of the workers is to es- tablish such goverment benefits where none exist and to raise the rates in those countries where although already in force, always are in inade- quate amounts, This means that we must, as I said at the outset, intensify our whole struggle against unemployment—for state unemployment | insurance and for every form of local and state | relief. The fight for the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill must go on. We must not as- sume that it is finished when the Workers’ Dele- gation presents it to Congress on Feb. 10. That only opens up a new phase of struggle for us. We may be sure that the capitalist government will ignore our Bill, and thus make it necessary for us to go to the masses with a fresh campaign for renewed struggle. Our keynote must be an insification of our fight on every front. Following the February 10 demonstrations our most immediate and important task will be to organize a gigantic turn-out of the workers all over the country as part of the great interna- tional unemployment demonstration on February 25. This must be of a real mass character and militant. situation is ripe forr the greatest workers’ dem- onstration this country has ever seen. All the work that we have done up to date among the unemployed must be culminated into this gigan- tic protest against mass starvation. And. in turn, the February 25 fight must be not the end of our work but the beginning of such strug- gles upon a still greater scale. In this fight for unemployment insurance our Party and the TUUL have a historic duty and opportunity. The working class can and will force the adoption of state benefits for unemployed workers. But how soon this is done, how much these benefits will be, and whether the unem- plyment insurance will be a strike-breaking ar- rangement or of real value to the workers, will depend upon the extent to which we are able to mobilize the workers for struggle against the capitalists and their social fascist allies, Un- doubtedly at the present time the great mass of the workers favor the establishment of unem- ployment insurance. In so educating them we have been the principal subjective force. Now we must organize and lead them in successful struggles for its establishment. The Young Plan for Veterans By HARRISON GEORGE. ‘The failure of the Young Plan for squeezing Feparations out of Germany is not yet so well known as to make Owen D. Young the same butt for horse-laughs as jigger-pipe Dawes with his “Dawes Plan.” But his day will come, This not to say that Mr. Young, partner in International finance capital with J. Pierpont Morgan, is admitting the failure or laying down before difficulties. No, indeed, Owen D. Young 4s fighting for his own and Morgan's war prof- its; fighting shrewdly and fiercely—and always, @f course, in the name of “the general welfare.” | ‘There was a World War. And the United | @tates joined it in 1917 “for the general wel- fare,” alias “democracy.” The fact is, that Mor- | @an had loaned some $4,000,000,000 to the Allies ‘and so 4,000,000 workers and farmers had to be rounded up, branded “U. S.” on the left hind leg and shipped off to back up the Morgan loan. ‘The Yanks were told that they had to “get the ‘Waiser,” but that was just a little joke. The Kaiser is living fat at Doorn, Holland, today, while millions of the Yanks are starving to death | im the country they “made safe” from him. ‘They are starving although they have a nice “insurance policy” after fighting for a bonus for six years from 1919 to 1925 (licking the Kaiser was easy compared to licking Andy Mellon). They have a Tombstone Bonus, due and payable in 1945! Andy Mellon, guardian of the taxes on the capitalist class, backed up by the American Legion and the World War Veterans bet the doughboys they couldn't live to collect it! ‘Why was that, you vets? The answer is still— that $4,000,000,000 Morgan loaned to the Allies. Germany must pay reparations to the Allies, so the Allies can pay Morgan. And for that reason a couple of things were pulled off: 1. The German workers, who are also vet- erans of the war, millions of them, are to be forced to work longer hours at lower wages, and their eaxsting unemployment insurance cut down or cut off completely, to pay the reparations to pay Morgan. ‘ 2. The American workers who fought Ger- man workers for two years and fought for a bonus for six years, were denied any cash, be- cause the American government, also, has & “war debt.” And who, after some years of hard times, has the Liberty Bonds? Morgan! And to whom does the government owe a big chunk of the national debt? Morgan! Now, veterans, you who are workers! Now do | you begin to understand why the great “expert,” | Mr. Owen D. Young is brought up to testify | against your demand for cash payment of the | ‘Tombstone Bonus? Mr. Young is a partner of | Morgan. He is the same fellow who is squeez- | ing the blood out of the German workers for now to finish up the job he comes to ask you to “save the bond- holders’—of J. P. Morgan and Co.! ‘This is the reason why there has emerged a for Vets” that has been joyfully — the tricky “friends of veterans” “Young Plan cashed. The “Young Plan” is that “only those veterans in actual distress” shall get—not cash, but a “loan.” Thus, the scheme of the “Young Plan for Vets” is not to cash the Tombstone Bonus, but to make “loans”—obviously not to the full value of their insurance—and leave the door wide open for discrimination by picking and choosing as to who shall be in “actual distress.” A government that gives not a dime to 10,- 000,000 unemployed and has hysterics at the pro- posal to feed 1,000,000 starving farmers, no doubt will be almost unable to find more than a few cases of a veteran in “actual distress.” The hypocrisy of this “Young Plan,” abom- inable as it is, is, however, no greater than that of the Legion leaders who did their best to hold | down the rank and file, nor the W.W.V. (World War Veterans) leaders who are following a fas- cist demagogic trick of pretending to mobilize the veterans against the capitalists, only to side- track them into a fight against the working class and its basic demands for Unemployment Insurance and against wage cuts. The workers among the veterans, organized in the Workers Ex-Servicemen’s League, should warn their buddies now following the demagogs of the W.W.V., that even the full cash bonus will not be the end of the struggle, and that Unemployment Insurance will be needed next year just as well as this year. Let the worker veterans raise the question of what is the W.W.V. leaders’ position on wage cuts and strikes against them, and on the need for Unemployment Insurance, and then see how the capitalist wolf of the W.W.V. leaders will come out of the lamb-skin of the “fight” the W.W.V. is pretending to make for the bonus. Every worker, especially every Communist, supports the demand of the veterans for cash payment of the bonus, but warns them against the fascist tricksters leading the W.W.V. And every worker who is a veteran should sup- port the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, and fight shoulder to shoulder with the Communists in the general class struggle against wage cuts. The fight is bigger than the bonus—the fight is Class against Class! LENIN SAID: Only when we finally overthrow, vanquish and expropriate the bourgeoisie all over the world, and not alone in one country, will war become impossible. Also from a theoretical viewpoint it would be absolutely wrong and quite unrevo- lutionary to evade or keep silent over something which is of greatest importance, the breaking of the resistance of the bourgeoisie, which is a most difficult task, a task calling for a deter- mined struggle in the course of transition to Socialism. “Socialist” priests and opportunists are always willing to dream of peace under So- cialism in the future, but what distinguishes them from revolutionary social-democrats is precisely the fact that they do not want to give a thought to the desperate class struggle and | class wars for the realization of this beautiful future. —(Lenin: The Military Programme of Proletarian Revolution.) at 50 East )ATWORK.” 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Mussolini is one of the spokesmen of | Hence, American imperialism, | t free from the burden of unemployment | It must far overtop March 6th. The | orker Derty USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly, Foreign; one year, $8; six months, $4.50, AANG UAGE OF WALL ST. | av eA STARVING JUNDRED BY THE AND er ener eo THe PooR CAWESE ARE -1T 15T FAULT OF THE DROUGHT THE Communi STS By RYAN WALKER. | PARTY LIFE | A Guide for Issuing Shop Papers IN issuing the “Shop Paper Manual,” the Cen- tral Committee of the Party is taking an im~ portant step toward liquidating the chaotic meth- ods of conducting shop paper work which ob- tain at the present time. It is a pampHilet giv- ing concrete instructions on practically every phase of shop paper work, from the political aspects, and organizational work, such as dis- tribution, etc., to the technical make-up, The introduction, where the role of the shop | paper in the class struggle is explained, will be an eye-opener ta those comrades who think shop paper work very casual and trivial com- pared to other methods of work in the shop. The political section takes up the question of politicalizing the shop workers, explaining the Party campaigns to them and rallying them for our political struggles, all linked up with the shop conditions of the workers. The shop prob- lems and trade union phase of the shop paper work is handled very concretely, giving examples of how to activize the workers on the basis of shop grievances and immediate demands. The organizational section describes how a nucleus ods of distribution both inside and outside the shop, how to finance the paper, where to start a shop paper, and how to reap the harvest or- ganizationally of the educational work done by the shop paper. Then comes a section of miscellaneous details taking up all the various vexatious problems with | which all comrades are confronted in the prac- tical work of issuing shop papers. How to choose a name; under whose auspices the paper shall be issued; the tone of language of the paper; what slogans to use and how to place them; the question of demands in the shop; how to develop and how to utilize workers’ cor- respondence; the address of the paper; the date and number; clever devices for getting our point across to the workers in an interesting way; how to play up the Daily Worker; combat- ting the contention that “there are no issues in the shop”; when and how to issue special edi- tions; light features such as jokes, poetry, etc.; quotations from the Communist classics; how to choose them and how to place them; how to handle the mass organizations under Party gui- dance without confusing the workers; the use of abbreviations; how to advertise meetings and draw the shop workers to them; how to com- bat company organs. In the section on technical make-up the ya- rious methods — printed, multigraphed and mimeographed — are discussed, with good and bad points of each method analyzed. Common technical faults are pointed out. The use of illustrations is described, and also how to avoid too solid an appearance in the arrangement of the paper. The masthead and other points of technical make-up are mentioned. ‘The pamphlet must get into the hands of ev- ery comrade connected even in the most indi- rect way with shop paper activity. It is a com- pact 48-page pamphlet selling for ten cents. As a reference book for active comrades it is in- valuable and must be given the widest circula- tion among the comrades. Since it deals with inner-Party work only, it is by its very nature of no particular interest to most non-Party @ very intensive circulation among the Party comrades, Order from: Workers Library Publishers, 50 East Thirteenth Street, New York City. Ten cents a copy. Organize Unemployed Councils! Every Mining Camp, Steel and Textile Town, Every Large and Small Indus- must function in issuing the paper, various meth- | workers, but this means that it must be given | ‘trial Center Should Be Honeycombed With Jobless Councils. Unemployed Councils How to Organize Them and How They Must Work By JACK STACHEL GINNING with October, 1930, our work among the unemployed has gone steadily up- ward. In rallying masses, the recent demon- strations and hunger marches are beginning to assume the mass character of March 6. Here the Philadelphia Hunger March of January 29 was the outstanding example. This demonstration rallied actually more work- ers than this city did on March 6. At the same time the movement at the present time is quite different than at the time of March 6. Then we were the only ones organizing the unemploy- ed. The Hoover government, the American Fed- eration of Labor, were busy denying the existence of mass unemployment, while the liberals and socialists were echoing the boss assurances that soon everything would be normal again. At the present time things are different. Most of the basic shortcomings of the movement at the time of March 6 have been overcome. It was these very weaknesses that after March 6 caused a steady decline of the movement until checked in October. The flood of demagogy that began after we dramatized the situation on March 6 found us unprepared and inexperienced to cope with the situation, We still repeated the old slogans when they became outworn. We did not raise demands and issues necessitated by the changed tactics and activities of the bosses, the government and the social fascists. And the movement declined. But now much of this has changed. The work- ers are convinced of the seriousness of the crisis and its steady growth. Even the bosses and their Jackeys can no longer hide this. We have learn- ed how to expose the demagogy of the masters. And after all this was not so difficult. For the masses do not appease their hunger with dema- gogy any more than with promises. This of course does not mean that the danger is over. On the contrary. The bosses are ever inventing new methods and forms to fool the workers. The American Federation of Labor leaders and the socialists are allowed and direct- ed to put on new robes and play new roles. But we have learned how to unmask them before the workers. We have learned how to put forward @ positive program of struggle for relief to rase Jocal issues and demands. Today we have a move- ment more entrenched than ever before. We also demonstrated, though still with some weak- nesses, that we can combine the_struggle for unemployment insurance with the struggle for immediate relief. This was seen in the campaign for the collec- tion of signatures, the election of the delegation to Washington that went on simultaneously with and was an organic part of the hunger marches that took place throughout the country. These hunger marches also revealed the mood of the masses. The growing militancy, the actual fight for food that resulted in a number of cities shows the maturity of the movement. Basic Weakness ‘We can say with a great amount of certainty that the International Unemployment Demon- strations in this country on February 25 will find that the movement numerically will reach the stage of March 6. But it will be a more entrenched, a deeper movement, and a hundred times more significant. ¢ But there still remain some important ques- tions that we have not solved. They are serious questions. Among these the most serious one is the building and stabilization of the Unem- ployed Councils, To be sure, here, too, much progress has been made. But the organization of the councils has by no means kept pace with the developing movement and struggles. This problem niust now be attacked. Otherwise, despite the pro- gress made in the unemployed work there will be no guarantee of stability and continuity. We will not be able to withstand the attacks of the enemy, to guard the movement against the many dangers that stand in its path. “Why No Counciis? Why has the organization of the Councils of ilies thrown out of the jobs, their homes, at the bread lines, flop houses, were not organized into Councils. And in most cities we limited ourselves to forming one or more such Councils on a general city basis. Instead, the Councils should be formed in ev- ery neighborhood and around every union and Jarge factory. Such Councils should also be form- ed around every bread jline and every flop house. This is the natural form of organization of the unemployed. Such organizations will have nat- ural functions. And without functions these or- ganizations cannot live. These functions must not be merely mechani- cal, They must be functions that grow out of the struggles of the unemployed for their imme- diate every day demands and embracing the entire mass. The struggle for Unemployment Insurance only adds to the content of the work and the stability of councils organized on such a natural basis. Work of Councils We have already had much experience in this work. In those cities and places where this method was followed the Councils do exist and are indispensable to the struggles of the unem- ployed. The industrial Councils organized around unions, industries. and factories, have as their major tasks the fight for jobs. To fight for re- lief. To effect the unity of employed and unem- ployed workers. To carry forward the fight against wage cuts. To fight for the shorter workday. This is accomplished both as part of the strug- gles carried on against the city, municipal and state administration, and through marches to and demonstrations at the factories, to the in- dustrial labor exchanges, etc. The Neighbor- hood Councils among other things have the task of organizing to prevent evictions, to fight for lower rents, against high prices, and to secure food for the unemployed, To put forward and fight for special demands to relieve the starv- ing children, etc. If our Councils are organized on such an in- dustrial and neighborhood basis, with a program of activity for every day in the week. Reacting to every event and need of the unemployed, with the masses of the unemployed actually partici- pating in the shaping of policies and admini- stration of the organizations, the Councils will multiply and grow. They will assume stability and they will become a real force. Unity Of course it is indispensable that through the unions around the industrial councils and by drawing in individual employed workers into the Neighborhood Councils through city central bod- ies and conferences of representatives of work- ers’ organizations, employed and unemployed, organized and unorganized, the unity of the employed and unemployed will be effected. ‘These movements are a part of the Trade Union Unity League which is leading the struggles of the unemployed and employed. It stands to reason that in such Councils performing these natural functions the working- class women, the working class housewives, and the workers’ children will play an important part. Men, Women and Children— the Entire Family of Every Unemployed and Employed Worker Should Take Part in the February Tenth Demonstrations Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! ~ ———mmene By JORGE “say"—that the new language of the appropria- tion bill is “sufficiently broad” to allow Hoover, “to permit the use of the appropriation for feed- ing drought victims if necessary.” up the complete surrender of the democratic “opposition” to the starvation program of Hoo- ver. ciple” with them. They have no “principles” except that of protecting capitalist interests, and when it was called to their attention forcibly enough from the capitalists who control both ‘parties, that capitalist “principle” is against feeding and for starving the masses—lest taxes touch the big capitalist bosses—the democrats surrendered. who made so much fuss about his starving con- stituents, was one of the democratic leaders who agreed to this cynical starvation plan. To “leave it to Hoover” is to sentence thousands to starva- tion, disease and death. But the capitalists fear that if they feed the farmers, the unemployed would also demand Unemployment Insurance— this was too much for such capitalist supporters. cils, to see that relief, real relief is obtained. and is administered by themselves. on capitalist congress! Cross! Postoffice Politics call themselves “socialists” point to it as an ex- ample in “socialism.” postoffice is speeding up its workers and gyp- ping them in a dozen ways of wages they earn, to see things differently. ter of arbitrarily barring workers’ papers from mailing privileges. to: a postoffice building. was once a “good” Secretary of War, “persuad- ed” Postmaster General New to sign a twenty- year lease on certain St. Paul property owned by one Jacob Kulp, the government to pay Mr. Kulp $120,000 a year for twenty years—as rental for property assessed as being worth $334,000. it appears that Mr. Kulp didn’t get all the gravy. Some of it got back—not to the government— O, no! but to the treasurer of the republican party national committee! money is used to print the republican party's national paper in which Communism is so fierce- ly attacked. Anyhow, it got there, and Senator Blaine says that he “has the names of contrib- utors of more than $1,250,000 to the republican party. who are heavily interested in postoffice leases.” that the republican party politicians, capitalist politicians, who are ruling this country, are half honest and are merely “mistaken.” Rats! They are crooks and racketeers! And with a lot of gall to be barring workers’ papers from the mails and strutting around like little tin gots! Communist Party 0. S A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Fi Name Bilfuute Touching Capitalist Harmony ‘All things work together for the good of those who love the Lord,” ought to be hung as a motto over the capitol of this nation. For lo, and be- hold, the fierce democrats who were about to tear the republican administration in twain, have “compromised.” ‘They have compromised on the $25,000,000 for which Robinson sweat and Caraway swore. Alas, it was nothing but a sham battle, and any poor starving farmer who thought that hope rested in the democrats and not in his own action, united with the action of other starving poor’ farmers, ought to have received his lesson in capitalist politics. The democratic and republican leaders got together and agreed that they would not longer ask for that $25,000,000 for “food,” but for “crop production and farm rehabilitation.” itt says there is too much crop production! “Farm rehabilitation,” which simply means nothing! Think of “Crop production” when the administration Of course the democrats say—we repeat, they This ridiculous subterfuge is supposed to cover This shows it was not a matter of “prin- Let all take note that Robinson of Arkansas, Farmers should form their own Relief Coun- No dependence No trust in the Red HE U. S. Postoffice is thought of by some a a sort of sacred cow and idiotic people wh. We have only to mention the fact that the Then there is the mat- ‘This, however, can be added In St. Paul, Minnesota, the government wanted James M. Good, who That is pretty good pickings for Mr. Kulp. But Perhaps this same And they are the names of individuals We submit these facts to folks who think even Incidentally, it seems that a bunch of straw bosses in the St. Paul postoffice were ‘‘demoted,” which means a loss of wages, because they failed to boost the private insurance business of the St. Paul postmaster. That, we hold, and all of this business, is not “socialism.” “Mass for Motors” - Tf you have a tin Lizzie who has been stayin out night and may have carbon in the eylinders, we call your attention to the following which appeared in the N, Y. Times, Feb. 6: “Automobiles will be blessed in front of the Roman Catholic Church of the Holy Family, 319 East Forty-Seventh St., known now as the ‘Church of the Motorists.’ The Rev. Daniel de Nonno, the pastor, and his two associates will come out into the street in their vestments and pronounce a blesing upon all cars parked near by. There will be no charre for the bless- ing, but if owners of the cars wish to make a _ donation to the church, they may 4o so.” Wicked Studebakers and lewd Lizzies, which have parked themselves in secluded spots on Sat- urday nights, are doubtless expected to be run through the confessional before enjoying the blessing. All this is done under the auspices of St. Christopher, a “relic” of whom is said to be re- cently received from Rome. It seems he is a newly discovered “patron saint of travelters,” and all the devout chauffeurs of Paris now get their cars blessed and have a little image of St. Christopher to hang on the machine. ” We are very sad to be compelled to bring up the unpleasant fact that all this holy rigamarol secms to have Geveloped concurrently with the ebtaining of large blocks of stocks by the pope in the Royal Dutch Shell Oil Company, in which Mr. Henri Deterding, one of the most bitter anti-Soviet capitalists is the guiding spirit. Perhaps, this also has something to do wit the pope’s campaign against the Soviet, Any: