The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 5, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ing, daily except Sunday, at 50 East Page Four HX 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.* B WW Address and mail ali checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15th Street, Now York, N. Y, | | ZEA RIDER 2A Se ante et | In this, the third of five axrticles dealing 4. No woman allowed to work 4 weeks before with conditions among the fer workers of Danbury, the writ exposes a stupid and hypocritical, factory inspector, typical not only of Connecticut but 6f every state in the Union. —Editor.) ‘The poisonous odor of biea: jecomposing animal flesh with which the workers’ neighborhood is saturated, ate through the brick walls of parquet floors are thickly car- ning room dazzles with starched s. Hotel Green is where Miss mm, the factory inspector of Danbury lives on the salary she draws every month from the state, for her ces. I introduced 1 to her as a college student working on a paper in SocialeScience class, and asked if she would give some information about the working condit n that city. Miss mehorn looked at me suspiciously through g “Wel; the government regula- tions are c .” she said. “I really could not give you any information about the health rules.” I did not wonder at that at all. The workers of Danbt ad previously told me that they knew her ight, nor by name. A visit to the e and s receipt of a tip seemed to be the limit of her activity in factory inspectio: I said I would be glad to have whatever information she could offer. I'll take you up to my room,” she said, “and let you see our rules.” Obviously, she is not even acquainted with the daws she is supposedly en- forcing. Her room is spacious and light—with an al- most entire wall of windows. She shares it with a yellow dog, which owns a bed by itself with a ladder to help it get in, and balls and toys scattered all over the carpet. For anyone living like that, it's rather hard to imagine what it feels like to be working nine or ten hours a day in a dark, windowless room permeated with dust, acid, and fur. Miss Schemehorn’s duties as a health inspec- tor are not very difficult. She is required to pay @ semi-annual visit to all shops, fattories and other places of business in town, to enforce the following rules: 1. No woman is to. work more ® day. 2.~.No woman is to work at night. \ 3. No one under 16 to work at night. than 10 hours and 4 weeks after the birth of her child. 5. Satisfactory sanitary conditions to be en- ed. “Does it happen that these rules are not ob- served?” I asked. they've got to be observed,” chemehorn, tt of one of the girl strikers telling they worked one summer for ‘eight weeks at a stretch of thirteen hours a day. “But doesn’t it ever happen that they are not?” I insisted. “Well, I can only sec what they will Jet me ee,” she said. “I can see their ventilation, and plumbing, and general sanitary conditions. They are always in excellent condition.” ‘The toilet conditions in the factories have been one of the main grievances of the strikers. In one factory, for instance, where men’s and wom~ en’s toilets are separated only by a curtain, there no windows, no towels, no water. I have seen a shop where floors have probably been never swept. Fur settled on walls and floors in lick fluffy layers. To keep themselves from tie handkerchiefs over their They eat their lunches in the same vallowing bread together with fur and dust. Would these conditions be called excellent if they applied to her dog? “Do you ever speak to the workers them- selves?” I asked. “Well, I try to take them into my confidence,” said Schemehorn. (Strangely enough, the workers in the factory have never met this con- fidant of theirs.) “But they don’t tell me v much. Because, you see, their employers don’t like them to do that. And when they find out, the workers are apt to lose their positions.” While I was looking over the state rules of labor protection, Miss Schemehorn was playing with her dog. She did not seem much interested or much informed about the labor protection rules of her city. tion is probably confined to possibilities of get- ting more graft from the factory owners. answered room, Her interest in labor legisla- | Her | interest in life in general seems to center afound | the yellow dog playing on the carpet. “There goes our mayor,” said Miss Schemehorn pointing to a man crossing the street. “A very nice gentleman.” Ali nice gentlemen meet at the Hotel Green— factory owners, newspaper editors, etc.—a strong clique of grafters and exploiters. I was wonder- ing whether Miss Schemehorn ever met other kind of gentlemen—those whose lungs were con- tinually being poisoned, and whose hair and eyelashes turned red from the acid in the hat- ters’ shops. a “Class Democracy” in St. Louis By J. LAWSON. PE isms of democracy, of thé right to | change government by bailot, of the right to | | gle against war and for the défense of the Sovict petition government are widespread all over the country. Millions of workers have been fed up on these illusions which helped the capitalist class to continue their class rule under the cloak of democracy. But when the workers begin to use even this so-called democracy for the pur- pose of exposing it, for the purpose of revealing the class nature of capitalist democracy, for the mobilization of the workers for struggle for their immediate demands, the brutal class char- *seter of present society is revealed in all its nakedneés. But nowhere do we find such open outspoken class laws as in the State of Missouri. Besides the above limitations, the most difficult thing for a working class candidate is to get on the bal- lot. In ‘the city of St. Louis only assessed tax payers for two years can be candidates for al- dermen. .This is definitely intended to exclude workers from getting on the ballot. Wor'sing class parties are even more excluded from getting on the ballot. A political party within the definition of the capitalist law is one that received three per cent of the entire vote in the previous elections. But you cannot get on the ballot as a politieal party in order to receive that number ‘of votes. Candidates of working class “parties, when they go on the ballot as “non-partisan candidates,” have to pay a “de- posit as evidence of good faith,” 2 per cent of the salary for one year of the office for which he is candidate, which goes to the city revenue fund while candidates of the recognized political par- ties have to ‘show receipt from their respective city central committees. Communist Party Exposes Fake Democracy In the elections in the city of St. Louis that take place April 7, 1931, the Communist Party for the first time puts its candidates in the field on a platform that concerns every worker. While fighting to get the candidates on the ballot un- der the name of the Party, exposing their sham democracy, the Communist Party will carry on the campaign on issues of vital importance to the working class. Unemployment relief is the main issue raised in the platform of the Communist Party. Ap- propriation of $10,000,000 from the city budget for immediate relief to be paid from the sinking funds; cutting down the police budget; cutting salaries of the city officials to a maximum of $2,000 a year, and by levying taxes on all incomes of $5,000 a year and over, is the main issue in this campaign. The answer the board of Alder- men gave the thousands of workers that put these demands before them on January 16th, has opened the eyes of many workers as to their right to petition government, and has made them more determined to fight for these demands. The fight against evictions, and for laws that ‘will.prohibit eviction of unemployed workers; the fight against the exorbitant rent paid by the workers; for seven cents street carfare instead of the highway robbery 10 cent fare; for free carfare for the unemployed and their children; for free wholesome meals for the children of the unemployed; for lower rates of gas and electric. It is on these issues that the Party will rally the working class for support. St. Louis, the gateway to the south, can very well compare in its oppression of the over 100,000 Negro workers that live in it, with the south. ‘They are jim-crowed in every restaurant, theat- tre, meeting halls, union and schools. Separate schools have been established for children of the Negro workers, their children getting only four hours schooling two shifts a day because the schools are overcrowded. Against this the Communist Party puts forth struggle against lynching, crimination, The Party will mobilize the workers for strug- segregation and dis- Union, where socialism is built under the 5 year plan, where the workers enjoy the full fruits of their labor. It is significant to note that the candidates of the Communist Party, although few due to the difficulties in finding workers tax payers, and the payments of “deposits as evidence of good faith,” represent al) strata of the working class. John Braun, American born worker candidate for president of board of aldermen. James Rob- ert Gray, Negro worker, candidate of the Party, representing the ‘most exploited section of the working’ class, candidate in the 4th ward, and Roy Scarata, tepresenting the foreign born work- ers who are at present under special attack by the capitalist class. All working class organizations are called upon to support the platform and candidates the Communist Party. puts forth, and send delegates to the ratification conference held on Friday, February’ the 6th, 7:30 p. m..at the Labor Ly- ceum, 1243 N. Garrison Ave.,.and help in the mobilization of the workers for the election campaign. LENIN SAID: Triumphant in one country alone socialism does not yet do away with war in general. the contrary, it presupposes it. The development. of capitalism is extremely uneven in the various countries. It could not be otherwise under a system of commodity production. Hence, the invariable conelusion that Socialism cannot triumph fn all countries at the same time. It first conquers one of the several countries while the others still remain for some time in their capitalist or pre-capitalist state. This is bound to give rise not only to friction but to direct aspirations of the bourgecisie of the other coun- tries to crush the victorious proletariat of the Socialist state. In such instances war on our part would be legitimate and just. That would be a war for Socialism, for the emancipation of the other nations from the bourgeoisie. Engels who absolutely in right speaking of the ae bility of “defensive wars” of triumphant Social ism in his letter to Kautsky of September 12, 1882. He had in view precisely the defense of the victorious proletariat of one country against the bourgeoisie of other countries. — (Lenin: The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution.) Socialists always condemned wars between na- tions as barbarous and savage. But our attitude to war is fundamentally different from that of bourgeois pacifists (friends and advocates of peace) and anarchists. From the former we are distinguished by our understanding of the in- evitable connection between war and the class struggle, by our understanding of the impossibil- On | ity to do away with wars without the elimina-- tion of classes and the establishment of social- ism, and also by our recognition of the legit!- macy, the progressiveness and the necessity of civil wars, that is wars of an: oppressed class against its oppressors, of slaves against slave- owners, of serfs against feudal landlords, of wage slaves against the bourgeoiie. From the pacifists and anarchists we Marxians are dis- tinguished by our recognition of the necessity of making a historical stufly of each specific war from the viewpoint of Marxian dialectic ma- terialism. (Lenin: The Military Program of the Proletarian SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year. $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $8; six months, $4.50. By BURCK i PARTY LIFE | Mobilizing Women Workers For Economic Struggles HE report of the Political Committee delivered by Comrade Browder at the Party Plenum in November, and the discussion and resolutions brought out before the entire Party the absolute need for leading the fight for economic demands. ‘This holds good with regard to our work among women. We will attempt in this article to bring a few examples of our work among women and to point out the correct and wrong methods of work. In Lawrence, Mass., factories, the bo’ as part of zation program, wanted to change the schedule of working hours. Instead of beginning wo! eight o'clock in the m ning, they were to start at six o'clock in the mor re to lay off two hours ahi which would not increase the working hours. The majority of workers in the mills are married women with family duties at home. ‘These women, because of the fact that they had to prepare the children’s break- fasts and send them off to school before they went into the factory, additional burden placed upon them by the com- pany, that our Textile Workers Industrial Union was able to mobilize them around this issue for in one of the textile their rationali- ses | militant struggle. They struck under the leader- ship of the National Textile Union, fought mili- tantly and won. This successful strike increased the prestige of the union and as a ‘result great numbers of women joined the union and prac- tically established the N.T.W.U. in Lawrence. Another illustration is the bread strike which recently took place in Detroit. This strike de- veloped from the high price of bread at the Jewish bakeries, and was initiated by the wom- en’s organizations in the Jewish neighborhood. Our Party correctly evaluated the importance of this strike and gave leadership and guidance to it together with the Trade Union Unity League. were so aroused by this | Attempt to Outlaw Communist Chicago Party in By BILL GEBERT. HE Chicago Aldermanic elections were opened y the capitalist class, the r blican and democratic parties and the fascist leadership of the Chicago Federation of Labor, with an at- tempt to outlaw. the Communist Party. Out of fourteen candidates for alderman, eleven have been “challenged” by the different capitalist politicians demanding that their names shall not be placed orf the ballot. Official charges have been made on the basis of so-called irregulari- ties on the petition lists, But these charges are clumsy charges and cannot be substantiated. So | from technical charges they were forced to admit that their real reasons to outlaw the candidates is because they are sunported by the Communist Party. This was clearly established at the hear- ing before the Board of Election Commissioners with George Blackwell, Negro member of State Legislature presenting charges against a Negro comrade, David Rudolph Peindexter, Communist. candidate in the 2nd Ward. Blackwell stated openly before the Board that his charge against | Peindexter is that hé is a Communist. | The “Chicago Tribune” commenting on: the charges, declared: “Charges have been made that Communists were seeking to establish a political | organization.” Likewise, the “Chicago Daily News” stated: “Charges that the Communist Party is attempting to gain a foothold in Chicago by sponsoring Aldermanic candidates.” The statement of the capitalist Negro politi- cigm, Blackwell, and the open declaration of the capitalist press show very clearly that the capi- | talist class in Chicago carries into practice what A real militant strike against the bosses of the | bakeries was conducted through mass picketing | both by men and women and the strike was spread to non-Jewish bakeries. The women work- ers were joined by the workers from the bakery who sent representatives to the strike commit- tee. After two week's duration the strike was successfully won with a reduction in the price of bread of two and three cents per loaf. The important part of the strike was that for the first time in the history of Detroit, and possibly in the United States, a joint contract was drawn up by he owners of the bakery, the TUUL and the women’s organizations, which, while it re- duced the price of bread, did not reduce the wages of the workers, which remained the same after as before the strike. Needless to say, this strike has helped to establish the prestige of our Party and the TUUL in the eyes of the workers of Detroit as leaders of the daily struggle of the workers, and good organization results will follow. On the other hand, we have examples of where our Party failed'to take the lead in the daily struggle of the workers, as for example, in Rochester, N. Y. There too, the women f against the high cost of bread. But here, not like in Detroit, neither the Party nor the TUUL stepped in quickly enough and as a résult, with- out mass picketing and spreading the strike to other neighborhoods, and without the pr: per lea- dership and guidance, the struggle dissipated and instead of a militant policy as carried out in Detroit, the women began to orientate them- selves toward organizing their “own cooperative” bakeries as means of getting reduction in the price of bread. One of the outstanding examples of the Party’ failure to mobilize and prepare organi- zationally women workers to fight for their de- mands can be illustrated by the strike recently held in New York at the Eagle Pencil Company, which involved 700 workers, 500 of whom were women. The section committee failed to recog- nize the importance of women workers in the plant, and the fact that they represented the most underpaid section of the workers in the shop. Our Party failed to take note of the special grievances of the women, to formulate de- mands, and above all, underestimated the mili- tancy of the women and their readiness to fight to improve their economic condition. When the strike call was issued, much to the surprise of the comrades in charge, the women responded equally with the men, and were the most mili- tant on the picket line. However, the women’s membership apparatus in the section and the district, being |;members for the participa unprepared for the mass response, failed to work in: the neighborhoods Aig ee Diag te isis Bish cone Ene Roaniesbareliic: | | | the Fish Committee proposed to Congress—to | outlaw the Communist Party.and to bar it from the ballot. In Chicago the Aldermanic Elections are so- called “non-partisan” elections, that is, the can- | didates run as individuals so in this respect not | only is it an attempt to outlaw the Party as a Party but even candidates who have been sup- ported by the Communist Party. ‘The reason why Chicago takes the lend in the new wave of terror against the working class is very simple. In Chicago, more than in other cities, we see the merging of finance and indus- trial capital and unity with the fascist leadership of Chicago Federation of Labor and the under- world, Capone, Moran and other gangsters; fur- ther fascization of the state, and more brutal attacks on the working class (carrying through of wage cuts, half a million unemployed). The Communist Party endorsed fourteen can- didates in fourteen wards located in the working clas: neighborhoods, industrial sections (stock- yards, Western Electric, railroad shops), in the Negro territory, ete. The candidates are well known fighters. This is admitted even by the capitalist press. The “Chicago Daily News” states that Comrade Libby Corngold, candidate in the 24th ward, is a Communist and was one | of the leaders of the demonstration of unem- the strike leadership. The main campaign of our Party and the TUUL is the Unemployment Campaign. We cannot speak of a successful carrying through of this campaign unless we enroll in it masses of women workers. We must state very frankly that to date our work among the unemployed women and the wives of unemployed workers has been unsatisfactory. There are as yet very few women in the councils of unemployed, nor do they take a leading part in the activities carried on by the councils. We wish to point out the absolute need of our women’s depart- ments to orientate themselves toward this work. It must become a major part of the activities of the women’s repartinent to devise new meth- ods and forms of work to enroll these working women, employed and unemployed, as well as the wives of workers in the struggle for unem- ployment insurance. Our work must take on a much broader character. We must enroll the various fraternal and women’s organizations not under the influence of our Party. On a neigh- horhood scale we must carry on struggle against evictions, against high cost of living, for the lowering of rents, etc. through organization of house committees. The mass meetings, confer- ences and strikes conducted by w n’s organi- zations in neighborhoods, must be’ coordinated with those of the Council of Unemployed and the TUUL. Up to the present our fraternal and lan- Guage organizations have done very little to en- roll their and especially. women | work. ployed who marched to the City Hall demanding In another case, they stated that a candi- date, Comrade Bella Clinton was the only Negro | * woman candidate ever entered in an election | campaign, In the Negro territory the Communist Party put up Negro candidétes. . In Ward 25 the present alderman, Bowler, fas- cist boss of the Carmen's Union, has as his only | opponent, Comrade Guido Gakissi, an Ttalian | worker. There is great possibility that Comrade | Galassi could be elected to City Council on the basis of the support he has received-already by the workers of the 25th Ward., ‘The same can be said of a number of other candidates. The capitalist S Sees dange: the Com- ist Party consolidating. political infiuence to | utilize the election campaigh to mobilize the class for the’ struggle for the Workers ance Bill and immediate relicf for the unemployed, against imperialist + end in defense of the Soviet Union under the main slogan of “elass against class.” That is why the outstanding capitalist politi- clans are making charges against the candidates supported by the Communist Party in an at- tempt to prevent the Communist Party from or- | ganizing and mobilizing the working class inthe struggle against the. capitalist class. The at- | tempts of the capitalist class will be fruitless. | First, these attacks will expose the role of the | capitalist class in the city, the-dictatorship of finance and industrial capital united with the fascist leadership of the Chicago Federation of | Labor, the gangsters—Al Capone, Moran, Guzicr and others. It will show \to the workers very clearly that there is freedom in the elections only for cliques of grafters and politicians and the | treacherous socialist party at the expense of the | working class and that there is.ne freedom of | elections for the working class. The Communist Party ‘takes the offensive against these new attacks of the city government and mobilizes the workers to yote on Veb. 24 for the candidates supported by the Commynist Party, by writing their names on the 'ballct and by writing, “I yote Communist,” in the wards where there is no candidate of the Party. At the som; titre the Communist Party calls’ on all workers to boycott the primaries of the republi- can and democratic parties for mayor. Workers have no choice between “Big Bully” Thompson controlled by Insull and supported by Al Capone, Fitzpatrick and Nelson; fascist Judge Lyle supported by Jingo “Chicago* Tri- bune,” McCormick family and other well known exploiters of labor and all reactionary and fascist organizations in the city; or Albert, supported by rich réal estate owners and manufacturers on the rerublican ticket. Nor can they ‘support Anton Cermak of the democratic party and sup- ported by the capitalist class and trying to win the support of Sam Insull. All of these candi- dates, together with the candidate of the social- ist party, John Collins, are enemies of the work- ing class and any vote for any of these candi- dates is a vote for continuance of the present misery, starvation and hunger of a half a million unemployed; it is a for wage cuts and speed-up; it is a vote for war on the working class in the city and a vote for war against ths Soviet Union, ‘The working class in Chicago must answer the new attacks of the capitalist class, organizing mac: meetings to demand that the Communist Party candidates be put on the ballot, resolutions to be passed by organizations and sending them to the City Election Commission by giving un- limited support to the Communist Party can- didate, organizing Vote Communist Clubs in mayor, August Poansjoe for city: treasurer and Lydia Bennet for city clerk, on the ballot. Vote for the Communist Party will give poli- tical consolidation of the wo:'-ing class and is a vote for the Workers Social Insurance Bill; against police terror, against imperialist war; and for defense of the Soviet Union, In view of this, the city mass ratification con- ference which has been called for Feb. 8th, 10 a. m. in Peoples Auditorium, 2457 W. Chicago Ave. By JORGE pweneeepereee Hanging to the Tombstone “What a-sweet and patriotic record the Amer ican Legion is building for itself!” sald the 'N Y. Post of January 29, about the Legion fi ly being forced by the workers in the rank anc to pretend that its leadership would “fight” for cash payment of the “Tombstone Bonus.” If anybody has any doubts about whether the Legion leaders were forced to change their op- position and vote for the cash. payment, hich they voted down at ‘Boston, they have only to note the following words written. to the N. Y¥. Post by Thomas Hill of the World War Veterans “Committee:” “Tam sure that you understand that the action taken by the Legion was action foreed upon it by its-members. If the Legion had net taken this step the Legion could not assemble 100,000 members in the coming year.” This comes, of course, from a rival buneh of tricksters at the head of the W.W.V., who are | compe'ing with the Legion nabobs' i) cornallint the veterans for fascism and anti-working clas: and anti-“red” activity. This chap Hill, for example, winds up his let- ter. to the N.Y. Post by saying that the cash bonus payment would remove the “danger” of what he calls “trouble throughout the country.” So the W.W.V. proposes the cash payment bece it thinks that it will help the capitalists, Tf would hurt .them, eyidently the -WAY.V. would be azainst it. Anything to keep the ex- soldier from go:ng Bolshevik. The anestion is getting hat! See the N. Y. Post, got at the Lezion! ful tale of “deficits” and -“‘ryin”. was com- backed up by the capitalist newspapers who quoted everybody alive or dead against such an awful, terrible thing as the cash payment of the bonus. All vets ought to get wise to the fact tha! they're good fellows to the capitalists and thei papers, only so long as they do what the capi- talists want. Also, it ought to bec that al the “fighting” of either the Legion“er the W W. V. for cash bonus payment nov, is merely : pretense under pressure of the worker vets. ir the rank and file. They'll keep kicking Mello: under the table and whispering that nobod: should pay any attention to their “demand.” The only veteran qysanization which is wort! See how offhand And Mellon's | tying up to is the Workers’ Ex-Servicemen \League whose headquarters at 15 B. Third St New York City, ought to be swampsd with let ters asking how to line: up things in all “part of the country: For the W.ES.L. has some special ideas. °To ove thing it really fights for cash payment ¢ the “Tombstone” bonus, but would bar anybod from payment if they get over $3,000 a. xoa Neither does the W.E.S.L, peddle the hokuw about the cash payment bringing, back lene “pros It says thet more Js. nested tha that. and that all vets should support:the bold ers Unemployment Insurance Biv. Tt seems that rough:weather is ahead’ “fox M4 lon, Hoover and Co., with both these issues “mer acing” the corporations with having to pay taxe One of the funniest dodges was’that ‘pulle off by Charles E, Mitchell; chairman of Moi gan’s National City Bank. He said, that the’ bonus ‘passed in full: "Phere will: be hur dreds and hundreds of bank failures." - ‘Tha we’ should say, 4s a poor’ sort of @ seare... The: have already been “hundreds and purdreds” « bank failures without the bonus payment. We're for Organized Encouragement “Deat Red Sparks—Your recent story ‘about seaman who brought workers to &@ Party: hand ov some affair ‘or another was goog, stuff.’ ® worker. “The. point was that, ap one nh that the seamieri were there.” ° “A Daily Worker editorial. a few devs” ay pointed out the same failing.of Party membe to make new contacts ‘feel at hom it mete or entertainménts—eliqueism; : “Take my case. I'm farmer-bred, like: you'@ Since leaying the farm ‘I've. longshored’ fo years. Somehow or ‘nother I can’ seit. fancily as some of the ‘spatsmen’. that T~ monopolizing our entertginments. It's tas but I don't fecl so deggone hot about. pay 75 cénts to get in just to see swell-dressed tad and spats-wearers monopolize a meeting: *' “The Communist Party is rapidly findite fay with the industrial worker, hardhanded ai unpolished. Party entertainments must and w reflect this trend. If a way is worked out that all can participate well and good.’ * “AS an afterthought, the ebove is too” har Most of those who go to Party affairs are wor ers and only a very few wear spets, but st I insist that there should be a freor air. Roug! dressed workers should feel free to attend 4s matter of course, > Instead of being allowed the use of the dan floor, the: should be encouraged to particips ow. Ww.” We are in ccolita agreement with’ Gomra W.W.’s general idea. Of course, we cannot divi society into hostile classes of spats-wearers # non-spats-wearers. ‘Some workers have discov’ ed the bright idea that by wearing nate tr can abolish socks! But we are all for the organized encourat ment of non-Party workers and new memb and “outside” workers generally: who visit 9 entertainment. In the case of the seamen visited some dance, it seems that “nobody seamen were there.” But the oe ahccet somebody know? ae ee If every affair had a “floor compl something of the kind, the Pag Be oped and seek bi which would to scout around. worker visitors who look “left out,” make th feel at home and, what's more, officially ¢ persistently bust down the barriers of cliquei then we think that not only the 1 worker contacts be encouraged, but also. se of the air-tight cliques that are particualriy noxious in Now York, be actually ‘estonis) thet they can have a btwidh ie by, ciable, ee