The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 4, 1931, Page 4

Lith Btreet. Page Four / BT Poblished $y the Comprodaily Publishing Co, fne, ally, New York City, Fs Address aad mail all checks to the Dally Worker, éxcept Sunday, Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cab 60 Gast 13th Street, N. Ht 60 wast “DAIWORK.” Tork, N. ——— % SHOWING UP THE DANBURY TIMES AND “JEDNOTA’ This is the second in a short seties of articles dealing with working conditions among the fur-workers of Danbury, and their struggles to better their lot. By MYRA PAGE. demonstration of four the Danbury y had mareh- ed through the stree ” the ganizer, Croll, nounced at the strike meeting, “we'll march to the Times office and teach the edi how to count.” And they did A committee was 's to fetch the edicr. Nervous and ring he tried to persuade the per was “fair and square.” and. “printed all the news.” The strikers pro- ceeded to tell him of the terrific conditions in the shops, and that by this cut wages of young girls and women would be reduced to thirteen the men to an average of , can we live on after ‘ing dollars, and that of * dollars or less. they der that?” uch conditi e awful. I don't blame “No. a he adm! you for striking.” ed “Tr print these facts. That's all we as “But,” the editor protested, “if I did that, you ers will go about changing 'd be know that other w things in the same rough way, and ther other strikes.” The strikers laughed. “That's just what M Croll told us oud si a bur: workers think their organizer is Jus i ally the editor told them he would give the some real news on the strike tomorrow But the next day and all the days following. the only mention of the strike was a statement issued to the press by one of the bos Hickey. “Now we know wh; the strikers declare, “Mr. Lee's Danbury Times is mailed free to every worker in the shops. It’s a boss-mans’ paper. The Danbury Times was not the only paper which the workers found hostile to their cause Here is a letter written by a striker, a reader of the paper, “Jednota” to its editor: Danbury, Conn., Jan 1931 Mr. Hustk ‘ Iam a member of the “Catholic Slovak Union and a reader of the “Jednota” and so is my whole family. There's one article in your paper that didn’t please me very much about the Com- munists. Not that I am a Communist or ar thing like that, but what you have in your paper | helping us who the bosses s: about them is not true. Now you have in the paper that the Communists are lazy, are against the law, and don't know how to read or write and cre too lazy to work, that’s why they call people on strike. Well, that’s not true. Thi: a small city, the city of Danbury, and we are also on strike against a, wage cut. We have fur shops here and we work nine and one- half hours a day, toiling and’slaving for $17 a and now the bosses think $17 is too much so they gave us a wage cut down to thir- teen dollars a week. Here we are, working like salves, with dirt, acid, fur, and other poisons, and yet $17 is too much. Some of the workers are in hospitals and others have consumption and some already died from this work. When we refused to accept the $13 a week and went on strike, the bosses got a woman by the name of Miss Weinstock to settle the strike, and her, instead of helping the workers tried to help the bosses by telling us the boss hasn't got too much work, and for us to go back for fifteen dollars a week. Now, if the boss has work fcr $13 and for $15, why can’t he have work for $17? inally she saw we all stuck together d to take fifteen dollars a week. Then she said, “well, you 29 are good American citi- , and the others are Bolsheviks.” Now, why | do they call everybody a Bolshevik that fights for his own rights, if that’s the case all poor people in America are Bolsheviks. Who's making the Bolsheviks? Nobody but the bosses. Well, I'll have to admit, we have a leader y is a Red. Well, DOWN ON ONE KNEE! of Manhatta By mall avarywher —e~ SUBSCRIPTION RATES! D and Bronx, New York City. foreign: One year, § One year, $6; siz montba $3; two months, $1; exeepting Boroughe y 8; siz montha, $4.50, By BURCK whatever she is, she’s great. She can read and write, maybe as good as any newspaper editor in America, because she was born here and is also an American citizen. The bosses are trying to scare us by putting things in the paper and telling us what awful people they ‘are. But, without this leader we couldn't do a thing, so that shows it's the bosses that are afraid and not the poor people because they'll die on those low wages ai y. So, Mr. Husek, if you are with the poor people, write about the poor people end not about Mr. Ford. because Mr. Ford is not a member of the “Jednota” and he won't | have te pay dues like we do. — A Member. Roe ae (The next article will describe how workers sre poisoned and blinded by the deadly a ond fur-dust.) Defeat ot the Eagle Pencil Workers’ Strike Statement of the Bureau of the Trade tvion Unity Council of New York Te complete defeat of the workers of tht Kagle Pencil factory in a short strike cf ‘ss shan three weeks, shows very glaringly the weakr of the Trade Union Unity Council as » « leader, and how slowly we learn from the mis- takes made in past strikes. The mistakes in the Tilinois coal strike, the Flint auto str’ the Philadelphia and New Orleans marine strikes, etc., have been discussed by the errors made in these strikes, the lack of preparation for these strikes haye not been hammered home and we repeat the errors in the strike of the Eagle Pencil workers. In the preparations for the dress strike it i necessary to know our shortcomings, to anal our strike experiences, expose our errors, what is more togthe point, to understand wh: we meade thegg-errors and how to correct them In this respect, this brief statement of the Bu- reau of the Trade Union Unity Council criticiz- ing the errors in the strike, will help to develo a clearer understanding of revolutionary str strategy in general and specifically and in the preparattion of and conduct in the dress strike. While the Communist Party has carried on propaganda for some two years, very little or- ganizational results had been gained, however, with the posting of a threatened wage cut of 10 per cent, the fruits of the long propaganda showed results in outspoken verbal protests. The T.U.U.C. sent an organizer into the field and in a few days, with the assistance of the Com- munist Party,/a fairly representative Shop Com- mittee was set up which created such a foment in the factory that the wage cut slated for Ostober was not put into effect. This retreat of the company emboldened the workers. The Shop Committee grew in numbers, and although not elected, its influence spread, and its leadership was quite generally accepted by a great majority of the workers. Although almost a month was allowed for strike preparations against the wage cut that | everyone knew was coming. the main error in the preparatory work was lack of preparations. While some organizing work had been done when the strike was called December 1, the workers generally. most of whom were inexperienced young girls and women, had only been prepared ideologically and only for a defensive struggle. ‘The first and fundamental error.in the strike preparations the timid approach ‘to the workers, a, too careful: selection of the factory committes. who did not during the period of strike preparations take up a single grievance of the workers. The factory committee merely appeared before the workers in leaflets, while the Trade Union Unity Council appeared be- fore the workers through its organizer at fac- tory gate meetings. The excuse given for the careful selection of the factory committee was that 18 months ago. a similar committee had been fired due tg the work of a stool pigeon; however, this was too readily accepted—we were far too cautious—a bolder course should have ‘been followed. This timid, over-cautious approach in the preparations for the strike, really laid the basis for the defeat of the strike. Becauss, if we would have recognized this error before the strike call had been issued, and corrected it, a stronger and more collective leadership would have been developed, and a militant fighting picket line and strike committee organized. which would have resulted. in at least stopping the wage, cut and organizing the workers into a union. But thi: weakness was not understood’ until the strike was badly demoralized under a vaciliat- ing strike leadership that resisted militant strike activitic~. For example: although the jT.U.U.C, took the leadership in the strike preparations, holding daily shop meetings, organized the factory com- Mittc2, only one member of the committre was _ of the “Reds’—although the strikers themselves | | a member of the T.U.UL. and had been for years, no one else waS .Sked to join. Suddenly, on the eve of the strike, the call for the stop- page was signed “Factory Committee, affiliated with the T.U.U.L.” No one on the factory com- mittee was consulted, no vote of affiliation had been taken, it was just decided by someone, that the factory committee should be affiliated to the T.U.U.L. and as the printer did not charge any more, i+ was’ added to the strike call. the preparations for the strike, organization should have been brought more to the front. The werkers, more widely than was practiced, should have been drawn into the selection of the factory committee by calling larger depart- ment meetings. Plans of strike struggle shoul? have been discussed, how to organize picket lines, should have been explained, the import- ance of Crawing the youth into leadership should ‘lave been stressed. After the company retreated temporarily on the wage cut, the offensive should have been taken. A grievance committee should have b2en set up in each department, so that the daily grievances could have been taken up. This was not done, and the basis for the loss of the strike was laid in the inadequate strike preparations. However, in spite of poor strike preparation. the factory was tied up pretty solid and if more militant forces had been thrown into the fight, it is quite possible that these weaknesses could have been overcome and the strike won. How- ever, the strike committee, while large and rep- resentative of all departments, was dominated by a few skilled workers, who were timid, afraid of militancy, of anything red, and although the importance of working out a detailed strike plan before the strike was emphasized, it was never understood by the leaders, the Factory Committee or the Striie Committee, although the need of broadening the Factory Committee, the election of a mass sirike committee, of the necessity of militant mass picketing, of drawing in all workers, especially the young workers into daily strike activities, of the importance of visit- | consider our Party the fighting Par' | izations. PARTY LIFE Suggestions for the Conduct of the Recruiting Drive HE Chicago District in its suggestions on the Lenin Recruiting Drive, writes, among others: “We must understand that when new workers come into the Party they come because they against but they are little acquainted with and practice of the revolutionary Our duty is to take this revolution- movement ary material and develop them while you are developing yourselves into real Bolshevik fight- ers. “The following should be studied and carried out by every comrade: “1, Overcome the bad attitude of the older Party miemibers to the new recruits. A real ef- fort must be made to draw the new elements into active life of the Party. The old members must guard against ‘Communist snobbery,’ which oxpresses ‘igself in ignoring new members and usually giving them “dirty work,” work, such as distributing and selling leafiets, while thinking that they ate the political god- iethers to the new members. “2. We must change the inner life of the lower units. The mechanical nature of the meet- ings must be stopped. The unit buro must meet regularly before the unit meetings, take up com- munications and make arrangements for assign ments of comrades to work. These assigninents should be conducted on the roll call basis, so that all comrades are involved in all the work of the unit. The unit meetings should be filed with discussions of current events, Party prob- lems and Part ycampaigns, experience in work in the shop, etc. Section committees must pay close attention to the inner life of the units, must check up that discussions are held regularly at least twice a month, and that each member is given a task “3. Every older member of the Party must be =-sponsible personally to give attention to a new member, with the view of making of him or her a permanent member of the Party. “4. Units concentrating on shops and mines must learn how to approach the individual worker in his place of work, carry on personal propaganda, ‘discuss with him the important | problems on the basis of the conditions existing in the particular shop or mine and draw him thereby closer to the Party and eventually into the Party. “5. Every Fraction Buro should put on the agenda at each meeting the special point of re- cruiting the best elements from the mass organ- Each applicant should be well con- sidered and drawn into the Party. “6. Every unit and fraction must have a def- inite quota. This quota should be set as part of ‘ne plans of work to March Ist and extended to May Ist.” We publish this correct observation in order that it may be of value to all districts in the drive. the technical , By 0. EVERETT. (EDITOR'S NOTE—This article was written before the Kensington strike started, Feb. 2. It | shows the background of the struggle.) Pale ee ‘HE most important situation facing the Trade Union Unity League, outside of the unem- | ployment campaign, which is linked up with it, | in Philadelphia, is the textile situation in Ken- sington. About six weeks ago the upholstery and carpet textile manufacturers announced their inten- tion of puting over a wage cut of 25 per cent in the whole industry, The trade union officials of the United Textile Workers, both the reac- tionary international officers and the iocal Musteites, true to theit tradition of compromise and betrayals, started negotiations with the bosses for the purpose, as shown by their subse- quent actions, of making the workers atcept a smaller wage-cut than at first intended by the bosses. During the negotiations the rank and file of the union (Local 26 of the Upholstery Weavers) already working under the part-time system of two to three*days a week, were pressing the of- ficials with the demand for a general strike in the industry. They sensed that the only way to stop this wage-cut and prevent future ones was to fight it out now. This demand was being put forward at-every meeting of the union. Finally at their meeting of January 10, the first week of the 14 per cent out going into ef- fect, the workers forced a strike vote to be taken and the decision was for a strike by a two-thirds majority, the vote counted 674 for strike and 336 against. This vote was enough “even according to the constitutional legalities. of the A. F. of L. to call the strike. At that meeting the president of the U. T. W.. McMahon, was present. The speech that he de- |_livered to the workers was so reactionary that he was “booed” down. He was trying to tell the workers that the Communists were responsible for this strike spirit. That meeting lasted for more than 4 hours. After the’ vote was taken many workers left the hall, and the officials were able to out-maneuver the decision by a later motion to postpone the date of the strike until the endorsement of the Internatiorial officials. Having already come to an agreement with the bosses accepting a 14 per cent wage cut they were afraid that the rank and file would revolt and look for other than their leadership. They therefore tidopted the policy of postponing the strike date from one week to another in order to demoralize the workers and kill their spirit for strike action. During this period of strike agitation the T. | U. U. U. L. and the National Textile Workers | had issued several leaflets calling upon the work- | ers to strike, as the only means to defeat the | wage cut. It must be said here that the leaflets helped a great deal in spurring the workers on to demand a strike. Thé members of the N. T. ing committees, no detailed plan of how this | was to be organized was drawn up prior to the strike. The leaders in the strike were incapable of doing it, and the attempts during the strike to overcome this blunder were not successful. The result of this was. that the energy and fighting ability of the young workers who made up fram 65 to 75 per cent of the strikers, most | of whom were young girls, was never utilized. The Youth Section of the T.U.U.C. failed to recognize the significance of the struggle, no effort was made to reach these young workers | in their home to convince their parents of the j necessity of the strike, to rally them against the vacillating leaders who resisted the activities showed a willingness to accept the, cooperation of the “Reds.” The consequences were a stifling of the Youth and led to the inevitable loss of the strike. One of the most serious errors was the failure to bring forward the organizing of a union till near’ the ending of the strike, so that the workers would have felt and known not only that they were organized, but also part of a central body of organized workers of various industries. In- stead, this was left till the fighting spirit of the workers was so low that the workers thought of only one thing—the return to their jobs. In the preparations for the strike, the follow- ing elementary needs for the success of the strike were not emphasized or measures were not taken to have them enforced: 1, The immediate organization of all the strikers by departments with elected captains, check-up by departments, roll call at every meet- ing and their activities ‘on’ the picket’ line. |” 2. Organization of a defense corps, especially of the young workers as the leaders on the picket line, with directions as to how to lead a fighting picket line, adding some experienced comrades to strengthen and weld this force into leader- ship. @ 3. Organization of visiting committees, i 4. Failure to develop the strike committee into a real functioning committee, and bring- ing about its removal in case it did not assume real leadership. 5. Organization ment committees. 6. Need of organizing the strikers into a union of pencil workers, beginning with the first day of the strike. 7. Calling of a meeting of the parents espe- cially of the younger workers and organization of the parents for support of the strike and for strike activity. : of publicity and entertain- 8. Failure to draw thé other unions into giv-, ing active assistance in the strike. These constitute the main important errors that caused the loss of the strike, Another blunder of the TUUC, however, was in placing Comrade Rubin in the leadership of the strike. All his actions in the strike stifled the militancy—he accentuated the pessimism and defeatism in some of the other strike lead- ers, Lacking experience, he considered it only a minor error shaking the hands of the police cap- “tain, whigh led to friendly exchange of some of the less experienced strikers with the police, whom they should have learned to know as enemies. He drew a line against the Reds and against so-called outside forces, but on the other hand, made the impermissible statement that Rybicki of the City Employment Bureau, would help the strikers to win their strike, He dis- obeyed the instructions of the TUUC to force. the leaders of the strike committee to come out into the open and to strengthen the strike com- mittee. Instead of doing so, he favored the posi- tion of the chairman of the strike committee to go back to work 2 'W: U. spoke to the workers outside of the meet- ing hall and advocated that the workers take | matters into their own hands by electing rank and file shop committees in the shops and strik- ing in spite of the officials, While this situation was developing in the up- holstery textile weaving, the hosiery manufac- turers had started a wage cutting campaign. ranging between 25 per cent and 40 per cent. | These wage cuts are being put over both in the organize. and unorganized mills. The situation is developing fast here, .Happenings of the Yol- given a cut of 25 per cent; fhis mill was un- | organized. The workers immediately went on Kensin gton Textile Situation and Tasks ot ti U.U.L. | | might: face a general! strike in the industry. | step in and take over a strike of the nature of | Then spread the strike. | is more than half unorganized. | needed in order to carry on ‘the wor | thé ALF. of Le lowing nature are taking place in Kensington: | ‘The workers of the Franklin Hosiery Mill were | strike. They came to the UV. T. W. and told them to lead them in the strike. The bosses of the hosiery industry and textile industry generally are deteimined to drive the wages of the workers down as low as possible. Their policy is to smash the unions, since it had to lead strikes under the pressure of the workers. But the officials are not ready to give up their comfortable positions, therefore they do not come out openly for, the acceptance of these wage cuis but try to convince the workers always to accept lower wage cuts and to show that they are not completely on“the bosses’ side, are “leading” strikes against their own will. These wage cuts are taking place only 10 | months after the heroic struggle of the workers | of the Aberle mill, where one workers was killed and scores were injured in the fight with the police and scabs, Though that strike was lost, the workers still remember it and ‘this same spirit exists in Kensington today. As the wage cuts spread so do the sirikes spread also and there are possibilities that we In order to avert such @ calamity to them, the officials of the American Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers are beginning to de- vise different schemes. One of them is the re- | turn to the old system of one loom instead of | the two loom system that is in operation now. This scheme if put in effect they claim will | also reduce the number of unemployed. This, however, is ridiculous, because, there is not much work now anyhow and if that proposal were adopted then the bosses would be able to oper- ate with their present number of workers. At the same time this is also a scheme which would veduce the wages of the workers not by 25 per | cent but by 40 to 50 per cent. Here we can see the face of the Musteites un- masked, fully supporting the bosses’ schemes of the spread-ovpr system. The officials are heading in the direction of the biggest sell-out that has ever taken place in the textile industry + in Philadelphia, In this situation the T. U. U. L. has the best | possibilities to establish itself as the leader of the textile workers in Kensington. However, in order to do that it is necessary to bring into action the new methods and tactics as worked out at the last Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions and the T. U. U. L. Plenum. Let no one entertain the idea that we can upholgtery textile workers through the distribu- tion of a few leaflets and talking to the work- ers outside of the hall. Though it is correct to do these things in order to build up a left wing group’ on the inside, and advance the program of the T. U. U. L. in that | manner, our task today fs to concentrate on one or two mills and try to get them to strike. This is possible and necessary both in the upholstery textile mills and even more in the hosiery industry which The hosiery workers.do not go to the U. T. W. because they like them but because they do not know of anyone else. This was the case of the Franklin mill, i What is necessary today: is to put in enough and, proper forces into Kensingion, More are While side of unions we must concentrate | , mainly upon the organization and development | ef independent strikes’ in unorganized mills. When the workers sec the difference between the T. U. U. L. strike leadership and the methods of the A. F. of L. we will be much nearer our goal, concentrating on building up groups The result of the strike was not only defeat, but defeat that lowered the prestige of the TUUL. Had the workers been defeated in a ; Militant struggle they would have understood that: everything possible was done to develop their forces, but that they had to'retreat before superior forces. In place of this, they were not developed as strikers, they were not organized. The TUUL did not step forward as their leaders, and they returned to work in a demoralized con-_ dition. The workers were not made to wnder- stand that it was their strike, and many went’ back to work with the feeling that they syere misled into a strike. na From the inadequate preparations for and in- correct conduct cf this strike, the TUUL must learn lessons. The united front from below does not mean hiding the TUUL, but means bringing forward the TUUL as the organization that leads | the. workers on the economic field. Had this been brought forward properly and emphasized, the workers themselves would have demanded organization from the beginning. ¢ The task now is to organize the militant con- tacts working in the shop and the organizing of | @ shop committce on the basis of visiting and | organizing by departments, and by colonization \, ‘of some young comrades cnd of men in the other departments. General propaganda must be again conducted, but the TUUL must not fail to point out the errors in the strike to the workers in the Eagle Pencil factory, in order that the workers may Jearn from the strike, and prepare better. For the company will proceed to. farther. wage cuts, and new strikes may be expecte A discussion 6f' the strike will take place at the next meeting’ of the Trade Union Unity Council. The gross errors must be understoed, for many strikes in New York with the same type of workers will take place, and the TUUL and the revolutionary unions and leagues nfust be able to conduct them in the proper manner -if'the workers are to be organized and gain con- fidence in the TUUL. This short analysis’ by ‘the Bureau constitutes the report of. the Bureau to the Council and’ will serve as a basis for dis- | let's say, in organizing the Council of Working- _ about. But if you do worry, please shed the | of your terribly revolutionary indignation. What Not to Worry About A reader, concerned enough about it ‘to setibble us a note while riding in the subwey, interro- gates us on something important to his soul: “What, in your opinion, do yoy think of a comrade, allied with the working-class moye- ment, employing a servant in his home? Is a Communist (a Party member) who may haye enough money to afford a servant, Justified morally for such despicable bourgeois action?” All of which, much to our regret, is an ex- ample of something not necessary to fret about. Does the comrade fear that all the members of the ‘Communist Party are in danger of be- coming bourgeois? It not—if he does not think that the working class, from which the Party draws its members, is about to be miraculously changed into the bourgeoisie, why all the alarm? Perhaps the Party should require every applicant to pledge not to buy a Rolls-Royce car, or, if they do, not to hire a chauffeur? Clearly, the comrade is not concerned with practical political possibilities, but with per- sonal morals. For domestic servants are not pro- ducers of surplus value and their employers do not exploit them as conimodity ‘producers. In fact the employer customarily uses the sur- plus value taken from other workers, workers in the productive process, to pay servants, ‘They are many times worked like galley slaves ‘at low! wages, their conditions being governed largely by the general social condition obtaining for jabor power which is exploited in the prodiictive process. So, if we'grant the possibility that any person, though becoming a Communist. by conviction, stil has an income sufficient to permit the hiring of a house servant, our excited comrade seems to be more interested in condemning such @ person for “un-Marxian morals” (whatever that might be) on that score, than to suspect By JORGE | his Communist line from the Possibility that-he might be getting the income from surplus value of exploited wage slaves. Obviously, so long as the Communist Party maintains its proletarian reyolutionary line in action, we need not expect any great influx of multi-millionaires into the Party. If one comes along, we will try to tax him so much for the work of the Party, that he won't have any left to hire any servants. So from this angle, also, the comrade is troubling his humanitarian soul over nothing. ee And Communists, remember, have notiing in common with bourgeois humanitarianism. For we can point out any number of capitalists who will slobber over the woes of a faithful body servant, and go forth to organiz> fascist: terror against the working class, . Again, the comrade’s tender heart is troubled at the hiring of a domestic servant as an action “morally” unjustified. But, dear comrade, while yet the capitalist family exists because we have capitalism still existing, would you require that every member of the family fry their own flap- ier and wash their own cup and Saucer, or, what Perhaps you say that instead of hiring’a. ser- | vant the hypothetical person in question shuold have his wife do the cooking and dusting. Very well, but is that any more “moral, according to Marx,” than hiring a servant, or is it only: thet it is a capitalist immorality to which you haye been accustomed yourself by absorption of bour- geois ideas? Also, it might be that the wife is hot stuff, class Housewives, while the servant's capacity may be limited to pealing potatoes and the beads on a rosary. Who knows? If anything can be done about it under capitalism at-all, it is to organize gll servants. possible, improve their immediate conditions and, lead them::to revolu- tion. ‘ é As we said at the start, this whole: business is an example of something not worth worrying bourgeois ideology that sticks through the holes + 8 6 A Family Affair One of those animals known as a “Harvard man,” or Heywood Broun species, once the Communist Party: His hang was. etn and he became over-inflated with the notion that the Communist Party was just one vast and awful Weisbord. Naturally, he eventually found himself outside the Party, taking with him one follower named Vera Buch, Before he checked out with his baggage, he pretended to be vastly @gainst another renegade named Lovestone, and equally opposed to still another renegade named Cannon, wha were making faces at each other in public but saying the same things about the wicked leaders of the Communist Party. Indeed, Mr. Weisbord’s bitter opposition to the Central Committee of the Party, was that it didn’t fight Lovestone and Cannon hard enough, and that he only was the fievee warrior who could slay the double-headed dregon. ; : But as soon as the Party chucked Mr. Weis- bord out, what did he do but up and joined both renegade groups and tried to play Pan- carus between Troilus Lovestone and Cressida Cannon. But here, too, he became so bumptigus thai Cevnon, who permits no other 80d before ‘Trotsky. became alarmed and read Mr. Weisbord out, hell, book and candle, from the: Trotskyi(e) group, on the amusing grounds amusing ‘con- | sidering who did it—of “factionalismy;” Now what do we see but.a leaflet advertising the great man Weisbord, the only one of his kind in captivity, to speak on “the blunders of the Communists,” the cha’ at the lecture being noted as Vera Buch, pies abies lor" bless us, something called the nist. Dis- cussion Committee.” This seems, to be strictly a personal matter en. Albert and Vera, a family affair. Peat Doubtless all the blunders of the Communists except one will here be Teresleg beta ‘Com- munist Discussion ” ‘The ahe: not to be mentioned is that committed by. ) Parts, when it allowed te TAM fork! that it soya te blume ; Rasa ff the hol ers should know, over a year. nko who thought he was a © UNiIst, 4 : Atend Now, isn’t that pitiful! the Red Cross, “declares,” a money ffotn government souy r “cussion at the Council meeting. All delegates should clip this report y Red Cross drawn i been drawn out of politics, that fagt-dims our attent hese aes 5 BEY Pare ee Tt te ty Mim i —s297 = wpwpQOeeaesnwwan SBGedavase