The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 3, 1931, Page 4

Publishing Ca, Ime, dally, T. ‘Telephone Algonquin Tps6-7. except Bundy, Cable: Published by the Comprodally sth Street, New York City, N. Page Four at 50 Bast “DAIWOR! Address awd mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 50 Rast (8th Street, New York. N. ¥. Daily,. orker Barty USA By mail everywh of Menhattaa 1 SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One ‘year, $6; siz months. $3; two mouths, roum, New York City, Moreign: One year, $1; excepting Borough@ az montha 84.50 WHAT THE DANBURY WORK- ERS LEARNED AND WON time, we'll be organized and can prepare better, and win more.” “Next time, it's got to be all fur-workers and hatters gogether, too,” a carroter spoke up. A group of us were talking together sitting around the union hall. “We find the bosses all stick by each other, and we gotta do the same. Before this strike, now, we were divided up—Syrian workers, Italian, Portugese, Irish, French, Am- erican,—each in our ow nclub, and the foremen and small bosses were members too, We thought they were our clubs, but we found out different, when they threw us out of the halls. Now we're going to organize our own—an International This is the first in a short series of articles living conditions gealing with working and and their among the Danbury fur w struggle for union conditions. MYRA PAGE : a rec ke of the Danbury fur-workers ~ is ov their demand that the wage- cut of twenty per cent be withdrawn entirely met in the Hoit-Messinger and Dahbury-and- cut reduced by half in k plants, and the proposed Gorman-Tomanio and other | the employers saw the the two oth wage-cuts in the s cancelled when militancy of the workers, and that a general | Workers’ Club.” strike would result if all firms attempted to carry “Yes,” this time it was a woman striker speak- out their original plan. The employers also | ing, “We've learned who're our friends and who should be no discrimination | are our enemies, to.” Incidentally, the women promised ti against activ ikers, and so far there has been and young girls, were among the most militant none; furthermore, the workers are on the job, elements throughout the strike. “Besides Lee and Hickey and the other bosses, we found the foremen weren't our friends as they’d pretended, but spied on us, and the Danbury Times was against us, and wouldn’t give any of the real facts about why we struck, conditions in the plants, or nothing. Mr. Lee owns the paper and tells the editor what he can say, and what he can’t. Orly the Daily Worker tells the truth about us. It’s a real working people's paper.” The feeling among this newly organized group for the Daily,.the great confidence they have in their paper is shown by the way they pass copies from hand to hand, quote it, write for it, and the intent interest with which they read it. placed the paper on six newsstands, and sent out their young boy strikers to sell it on the streets. In the restaurants and shops in working-class neighborhoods one frequently sees the friendly face of the Daily looking up from tables or tops of counters, “We found the cops, lawyers and city govern- and have committees in each shop to see to it that none does occur. 1 victory which the Danbury work- | rship of the Needle | des. Industrial Union and the Trade Union League, has also taught them important Jessons ¥ they and their union will put to good use in the immediate future. In this small town of Danbury, Main Street and population of everybody knows every where the millionaire Mr. Lee owns 4 is the town, and controls either directly or indirectly all the fur and hat shops of the town’s one industry, along | with the local news sheets, banks, and politi- where wages are so low that whole fami- e to work: in the deadly fur shops and | go blind, loose their teeth, have their hair bleached, their lungs and bodies poisoned by the acids and fur-dust—in this town, Mr. Lee and | the other employers decided to start the New with its one 28,000, where | Year right by announcing a twenty per cent | ment were against us. Mr. Lee owns this town. wage-cut We always knew it. But we never realized all it “We gotta organize and strike” the word went | meant, before this strike. And the Federal Gov- around, and some of the fur workers went to their friends among the hatters for help. Know- ing from bitter experience that there would be no help from the American Federation of Labor, but that this organization would play the bosses’ game, as they had done when the hatters struck in 1908 and again thirteen years ago, the fur workers sent word to the Trade Union Unity League, “We want en organizer." On the issu- ing of the first hundred leaflets, spontaneous walk-outs took place in departments and sections of various shops—in fact, before adequate prep- arations could be made in the strike. As one fur-cutter told it, “Fellows came running in from another part of the shop and beckoned, ‘Come on’, what's up, a fire? I wondered. Then the foremen said, ‘All who want to work for ten per cent cut, instead of twenty, stay at work’. Well; by the next morning, we were ail out.” At an enthusiastic meeting of five hundred, a committee of seventy-five was chosen, and the next morning, Danbury was treated to iis first \ militant labor demonstration, of fotir hundred fur workers, among them a large number of women and young workers, Marching through the streets, demanding the withdrawal of the cut, one hour for lunch, instead of oue-half hour | as at present and recognition of this newly- formed union. The Hoit-Messinger ‘withdrew the cut at once, and the “D and B” settled Within five days’ time. In the National and East€rn, the workers, after four weeks’ strike, decided they would have to accept the com- | Promise of ten per cent cut, until they were better organized. They returned to work in an organized fashion, and on arrangements made with the employers through their strike com- mittee, The most important gain of the strike, as the fur-workers of Danbury realize, is that now they have their union—a real union that sticks up for its members—with already more than 225 menibers; and they ‘have also won invaluable experience for the future strike struggles against | further attempts at wage-cuts and for better and | more healthy working conditions, shorter hours, and the feeling is general that these’ struggles are near at hand. pirit of the workers is good/ “You can ect to learn and win everything in four one striker explained, “but we have Jearmed a lot. We have learned what it means to stick together. | ernment down at Washington, why did they send that Weinstock woman in to try and break our strike? Looks like the Federal Government is But that certainly ain’t right. “Now when we a meeting they wouldn't give it to us, but when this Miss Weinstock come to town, they let her have it, to try and get the workers to go back and take the cut. And all the things she said Only twenty-nine were weak-kneed enough to give in. And she said they were the only real Ameficans, and the rest of us were awful Bol- shev to hold out for a’ little more decent living!” “We learned who our friends were too, Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union, Daily, and‘the working people.” Throughout the strike, strike relief amounting to about one dollar the workers and hatters, in the Lemme Hat Shop, where there is an A. F. of L. hatters’ local, the Gorman shop, and the D. & B. and Hoit-Mes- singer shops (which settled within the first five days). Also mary small merchants were sym- pathetic with the strike and gave aid, but when asked to sign a petition in favor of the strikers, openly admitted? “Mr. Lee owns the bank where I must get my loans, If I signed, all credit would be cut off.” ‘The value of organization, of solidarity and militant struggle—that is a great deal to have Jearned in four weeks, and the Danbury workers are right in placing these as their main gains. Now with their union, a sober confidence in their collective power, and a pretty clear idea of what and how they must fight, the Danbury fur workers and hatters will move forward with the entire American and international working class in battling for better conditions and a new world. In their drive forward, one of the fur workers’ the murderous conditions which surround them as they work and which leads to ehronic illnesses and high death rates from mercury and acid poisoning. (Tomorrow's article will tell how the strikers showed upthe Danbury Times and other papers. Following articles will describe the terrific conditions in the shops, and how the Connecticut and Danbury local governments wink at the employers’ illegal and murderous Now we got our union. Next | practices in the plants.) Chauvinistic Tendencies in the Harlem Section By HAROLD WILLIAMS. 'HE ejection of Negro unemployed workers from a, motion picture showing held by Unit 5, Section 4, District Two; the manner in which this ejection was carried out, and the refusal of | the unit to realize and condemn its wrong line | in the matter, together with its opportunist de- cision to hold future affairs outside of Negro Harlem, sharply serve to demonstrate the neces- sity for an aggressive struggle against the in- fluence of white chauvinism among the working- class and in the ranks of our Party itself, and tor a clarification of the entire national question. On Dec. 14, Unit 5 ran a moving picture show at the Section headquarters, 308 Lenox Avenue. Due to the fact that the Unemployed Council had made great headway among the unemployed _ Negro workers of Harlem, with the result that _ tlese workers have been using the Section head- quarters as a social and organizational center, @ number of unemployed Negro workers were in the headquarters at the hour set for the showing. The Unit organizer, Comrade Garbor, instead of appealing to these unemployed workers to pay what they could, decided to push them out of the hall. As a result a situation developed which almost brought about a fist fight between the Negro and white workers present. And in the _ end, the Negro workers went away disgusted, including some new Negro party members. As a result of this disgusting occurrence I went, as Section Organizer, to the next meeting of the |= unit and raised the question. I received an / absolutely hostile reception from the unit, the unit organizer leading in the hostility and re- Ae ‘ing to me as a black chauvinist and a Negro vorist. ‘The matter was taken up in the Sec- | Buro, and the entire buro of the unit called Ns meet with the Section Committee. The unit _ buro lad passed a motion to the effect that the apt should not hold any future affairs at the section headquarters but will hold its affairs at brought in only $14.30. The evident intent is to eliminate contact and bother with the unem- ployed Negro workers at these affairs. Here then we see that the unit buro instead of critizing itself for its chauvinistic tendencies openly capitulated before difficulties in passing such motion which the American reactionary forces will easily agree with. The attitude of the unit demonstrated first’ that the buro is totally ignorant on the Comintern line towards the national and colonial question in which the Second Congress of the Third International, definitely went on record that the Communist Parties must be cautious in dealings with the oppressed nation: “The age-long enslavement of the colonial and weak nationalities by the im- perialist powers, has given rise to a feeling of rancor among the masses of the enslaved coun- tries as well as to feeling of distrust towards the oppressing nation and. towards the proletariat of those countries.......It will take a long time for this national prejudice to disappear. This di- volves upon the class conscious proletariat of all countries, the duty of exercising a special caution and ‘care with regard to the national’ sentiment and also of making necessary concessions in order to more speedily remove banal. or prejudice.” At the section committee meeting, December 26 with the unit buro, after a thorough discussion’ with the comrades in pointing out the short- comings the following motions were passed. 1. It was wrong for the unit buro to decide to admit unemployed comrades~Yree of ‘charge. 2. That the committee in charge of the affair acted incorrectly in trying to re out ynem- ployed Negro workers, 3. That the unit cannot whitewash their white chauvinistic tendencies by blaming Comrade Williams as section organizer who was correct in immediately attending the unit meeting and ‘bringing the question before them. Carried with one abstention. Comrade Vera Saunders, # ‘That the section committee reprimands the ¢ They | for Mr. Lee and his kind and against our kind. | tried to get the City Hall for | the | and hatters’ biggest tasks is the elimination of | | The T.U.U.L. and Its Tasks Among the Employed and Unemployed By A. WAGENKNECHT. have reviewed numerous leaflets issued for the mobilization of our city hunger marches, demonstrations, etc. We have reviewed numer- ous programs for work issued by district T. U. U. L. secretaries. We note an outstanding weak- ness which must be corrected at once. Our propaganda, agitation, demonstrations, day to day activities in the unemployed work is isolating itself from the T. U. U. L. and its pro- gram, from the demands of the employed work- ers, from organizing unions of the T. U. U. L. and striking against wage cuts and speed-up, from cur demand for the shorter work-day, etc. 1. The city campaign committees for unem- ployment “insurance (local united front confer- ences) are not the crganizers of the unemployed councils, demonstrations or relief struggles. The city campaign committees were organized to se- cure a bread basis for our drive for signatures for our Unemployment Insurance Bill, to secure finances for our unemployment work, to place us in touch with additional masses of workers and their organization into unemployed councils and into the T. U. U. L., for the spreading of Labor Unity. The city campaign committees are co- operating bodies and we go into the organiza- tions affiliated with these local united front conferences to win-workers for the T. U. U. L. and our Unemployed Councils. 2. The T. U. U. L. organizes the Unemployed Councils and organizes the employed workers into the T. U. U. L. The Unemployed Councils of the T. U. U. B. lead all struggles for unem- ployment relief. From the Unemployed Coun- cils we recruit members for the T. U. U. L. The | program and tasks of the T. U. U. L. must seep deeply into the Unemployed Councils, into the | ranks of all unemployed workers. The demands and struggles of the unemployed workers must reach all employed workers in the mines, mills and shops in a form that will indicate that the unemployed workers call for the organization of the employed workers into the T. U. U. L., call for strikes against wage cuts and speed-up, for the shorter work-day. 3. The fight for unemployment insurance and immediate relief for the unemployed, all hunger marches, demonstrations, struggles against evic- tions, ete., must be in the name of and led by the Unemployed Councils of the T. U. U. L., not. by the united front conference we have organ- ized in the various cities. The objective must be to bring about common struggles of employed and unemployed workers for the partial demands of the employed and immediate relief for the unemployed, under the leadership of the T. U. U. L. In all our tasks, struggles, demonstrations, | | members, week work, a $55 minimum wage scale, ete. Labor Unity must be brought forward as the weekly organ of all employed and unem- | ployed workers. 4, A tendency exists on the part of some of our district T. U. U. L. organizations to not only give organization of workers into the T. U. U. L. and strikes against wage cuts second place, but | to forget about the T. U. U. L. and its program per worker each week was contributed by fur | altogether and engage only in demonstrations for * unemployment relief for the unemployed, and secondly, to elithinate the T. U. U. L. and its | Unemployed Councils and allow the united front | conferences to take over all activities in the un- employed work. This attitude should be cor- rected at once in line with the policy noted above. LOVESTONE RENEGADES LOSE INFLUENCE Frances (Fannie) Gordon, ‘a teacher of Pas- saic, N. J., has repudiated her connections with the Lovestone’ renegades and has been re- admitted into the Young Communist League. In her letter of application for re-admission she writes as follows: “The past year has shown that with the elimi- nation of unprincipled factional , Our Party became unified and increased in political mass influence. The ever growing economic crisis of American and world capitalism, as well as the Tapid radicalization of the American working class, show the correctness of the political anal- ysis of our Party and the League as given by the Comintern, and expose the social-democratic program of lovestone, which I had followed. By following the Lovestone group I was fighting the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, instead of defending them. e struggle against these decisions became a struggle against Leninism. The false conceptions of the Lovestone group on the present economic and political situation of capitalism in America, as well as the rest of the world, their actions on May First, their po- sition (and that of Roy) on the Indian Revolu- tion, their struggles against the Comintern and the American Party, and their attacks upon the successful socialist construction in the Soviet Union, illustrate the social-democratic character of Lovestone’s political line, which leads all those who follow this line into the camp of capitalism, of all the forces fighting against the working class. I have been guilty of following the above course, though I dissociated myself’ from the Lovestone group months ago. It is now clear to me that one cannot be a Communist outside the ranks of the Communist Party.” ~ \The Party is willing to take back all those, who, having been mislead by the high-sounding phrases and all the subterfuges and deceptions practised by the renegades, now realize their real counter-revolutionary line and character, recognize their error, fully endorse and accept the line cf the Party and of the Comintern, and pledge to fight for it against all enemies. cite In line with 1s policy, the re-ddmission of Comrade Gordon‘has been approved CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION ,COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE USA. members of unit 5 and condemns ‘their white chauvinistic tende! That the section ‘transfer more Negro com- rades to Unit 5 and also that the unit intensify their activity among the Negro workers in their territory. That in the future, a section representative should be present at all affairs held at the sec- tion headquarters. It must be realized that, it 4s absolutely im- possible to win the millions of Negroes who are indispensable for the victory of the working-class unless all such chauvinist tendencies are re- solutely exposed and eradicated. As Comrade Losovsky correctly said, “White chauvinism must be stamped out with a hot iron.” Only thus will we be able to achieve that unity and solidarity of all the toiling and exploited masses which is necessary for the successful struggle against imperialist oppression and’ for. |_ the achievement of a victorious | revolution. t WORKER VETS MUST FIGHT! (Adopted at WESL mass meeting held in New York City, on Friday, January 30, 1931.) IGHT after the world war, the veterans began to ask themselves: “What did we get out of this bloody mess?” We were released from the military service, and we were promised our jobs back. Instead we were left on the streets starving and home- less. When we did get our jobs back, we found our wages cut. We were brutally speeded up by the bosses. Today large numbers of ex-service- men are on the bread lines all over the country, while hundreds of thousands are working part~ time for starvation wages. ‘The bosses’ government formed veterans’ or- ganizations, as American Legion, Disabled War Veterans, World War Veterans and Veterans of Foreign Wars to suppress and fool the veterans. These organizations were set uji by the bosses to mislead the veterans from our real needs and to make us the tools of bosses against the labor movement. After six years (from 1919 till 1925) of con- stant demands of veterans for compensation for the sufferings in the war, the government issued the Veterans Adjusted Service Compensation Certificates, or the so-called “tombstone bonus,” which were to be paid in 1945, Until 1927 the veterans did not receive any loans on those cer- tificates. Afger 1927 we were to get only a small amount on which the interests were deducted from the value of the “tombstone bonus.” The above mentioned bosses’ veteran organizations supported this action. At present when the cry for the immediate cash payment at face value of the “tombstone bonus” is at its height, these organizations together with senators in Con- gress and with the bosses’ newspapers are trying to mislead the veterans. Right now there is more than 50 different bills in Congress to con- fuse the veterans on the question of the bonus. While the bosses and their représentatives in Congress claim that there is no money to pay A the bonus, they are spending this year $1,250,- 000,000 in preparation for another war. Hundreds of millions of dollars are given back to railroad, ‘steel, coal and other trusts as tax-refunds by the same government who re- fuses to pay the cash bonus to the veterans. We must organize ail veterans to put up.a united fight for the immediate cash payment of the bonus, But the bonus alone is not sufficient to save us from misery and starvation. We must unite with the employed and unemployed work- ers in the demand for Unemployment Insur- ance. Together with other workers we are going to send our delegation to. Washington on Feb- ruary 10th to present our demands to Congress for passing the Workers Unemployment Insur- ance Bill, which demands $25 per week for un- employed workers and in addition to this $5 per week for each dependent of the same; no evic- tion of unemployed, etc. Especially as ex-servicemen we stress the im- portance of that section of the Workers Unem- ployment Insurance Bill, which provides for the turning over all war funds to the Workers Social Insurance Commission, We call to all ex- servicemen, to unite on the | following demands: 1, The immediate cash payment at face value of the Veterans Adjusted Service Compensation Certificates to all war veterans, except those earning over $3,000 per year. 2. Increase of all compensations to partly and wholly disabled war veterans. 3. Better treatmept of all disabled war vet- erans in government hospitals. 4. Right to choose our own physicians and medical assistance at the government expense. 5. No Jim Crowism or any kind of discrim- | ination against the Negro war veterans. 6. Against the use of worker ex-servicemen | against the labor movement. WORKERS EX-SERVICEMEN LEAGUE. Notice: Our regular meeting night is Friday night, at Ukrainian Workers Home, 15 East 3rd Street, N. Y. C. Every ex-serviceman is welcome at our meetings. imperialist | buddies along. ‘ome yourself and bring your | Cutters Must Join Tailors to Fight for Better Conditions By SOL HERTZ. The cutters had many gains to record during the growth of the Amalgamated. They were the aristocrats of the trade, securing for their and other union conditions. However, the policy of peace with the bosses at any cost, which seemed at first not to touch the cutters, resulted in the complete ruination of their jobs and con- ditions. The situation among the cutters is extremely alarming, particualrly in connecticn with the unemployed. Almost one-third of the member- ship is unemployed, with starvation staring them in the face. The near future has much suffering in store for the cutters. Even according to the conser- vative estimates of Phil Orlovsky, ananager of Local 4, more than one half of the 2,000 cutters will not see the inside of a cutting room the coming season. What brought about this intolerable condition? The A.C.W. administration with its “one sided cooperation,” (as the cutters call it) policy of peace, with the bosses, no matter how much the clothing workers have to pay for it, is largely responsible for this situation. The policy of “one sided cooperation” led to thé introduction of a brutal speed-up, tremendously increasing the individual production of the cutter. Grow- ing houses are not putting’ on more men. On the other hand, reorganizations take place con- tinuously on the pretense of decline in business. In line with the policy of “ene sided coopera- tion,” there is not an equal division of work, but there is the hideous temporary card system. This anti-union system leaves the temporary men completely at the mercy of the boss and foreman. It is\a powerful whip in the hands of the bosses to continuously increase the brutal speed-up of both permanent and temporary men, since the temporary men are forced to be at the disposal of the boss. ‘This anti-union system is responsible for the demoralization and mistrust among the cutters. It is largely responsible for the individual stand- ard of production with the sliding scale, now spreading in the cutting trade which is really. the cursed piece work system. ‘ The natural reaction of the cutters, and all other Amalgamated workers, is to fight these unbearable and shameful conditions. The men’s clothing workers have many times in the past proven their readiness to fight the bosses; how- ever the A.C.W. leaders think differently, for instead of ‘fighting, they persistently continue the policy of “one sided cooperation” of peace with the boss at any cost. What can really relieve the present situation? Local 4 has time and again gone on record pre- senting resolutions. demanding the introduction of the 40 hour week. The Amalgamated at its conventions also went on record for the 40 hour week, Hillman, in order ‘to gforify himself, makes speeches to outside~organizations like churches, charitable institutions and Chambers of Commerce, demanding shorter hours and more unemployment to be paid by the bosses, but in reality the A.C.W. administration as well as Local 4 administration, do not recede one inch on the policy of peace at any ‘cost. Instead of shorter hours to, create more jobs for the unemployed, instead of mapping out plans for struggle to win better conditions; the zp a i ee I followed by ‘the Hillman, Orlofsky administra- tion, and to Immediately abolish the anti-union temporary card 8: Every, cutter working more than one week should remain To fight for the enforcement Ue: ane t-hour day, The cutters must neyer forget that they are part of the men’s clothing industry, and their problems can only be solved in closest unity with the tailors and other workers in the trade. The cutters were too long indifferent to the genera] situation in the trade, and they are now paying the price. Tailors suffer worse than the cutters. Both must unite. The conditions in the men’s clothing industry are continuously growing worse. The bosses are carrying tRrough one wage slashing campaign after another. Although the agreement between the Amalgamated and the Clothing Manufac- turers’ Exchange calls for no wage cuts, the policy of peace with the bosses made it possible for them to continuously cut wages. ~ Since the agreement has been signed, there hasn't been a shop left that ha’ not suffered a reduction, increased speed-up or both. ‘The piece work system has been hailed by the Amalgamated as the salvation for the tailors, but actually it is a curse. Piece work is slave driving. It is the bosses’ system. It brought chaos into the ranks of the workers. The bosses utilize the piece work system to divide us, to instigate one section of workers against the other, one nationality against the other. Piece work means the rule of the bosses. It is an in- hi speed-up, an efficiency scheme that makes it possible for the bosses to throw thou- sands of tailors out on the streets to starve. More Jobs for the Unemployed, Higher Wages, Shorter Hours, Abolition of Piece Work and the Speed-Up. This must become the battle cry of the clothing workers. The, clothing workers never got any- thing through the good-will of the bosses. What-. ever conditions we had, were won through strikes and struggles. In 1923, we drove Rickert and Larger out of our ranks and then forced the bosses to grant us better conditions. In 1920 we had successfully combatted the attacks of the manufacturers. We kept up our standards and conditions so long as our policy was based on the class struggle. ‘We Must Turn Back ta the Policy of Fighting the Bosses. The present collective agreement in the in- dustry which called for mo wage cuts was a de- liberate swindle, planned by the bosses, and their agents, the Hillman Company union. Under, the cover of the existing agreement, no strikes for better conditions were allowed, but the wages and conditions were smashed, during the same period. The coming June, the New York Market agree- ment expires. The Hillman Clique is again con- spiring to sell out the clothing workers for an- other three years, and then they will again cover themselves with the existing agreement. The Men’s Clothing Workers have the power to stop the planned treachery. The clothing work- ers must intensify the movement for a strike for conditions when the agreement expires. Such a strike is most essential, but it can not be led by the Hillman machine; if they would, it would be done in order to betray the workers right from the start. ' Such a strike must be organized and led by the workers themselves. The tailors must spread the movement for a strike for conditions, broad rank and file committees should be organized in every shep and local to work for this end. ‘The whole of public life is now being per- meated with the spirit of militarism: Imperial- ism represents a desperate struggle of the great powers for the partition and re-partition of the world, hence it inevitably. leads to the further militarization of all countries, including the neu- tral.and the small. What will the: proletarian women do against that? Will they merely. curse wars and everything that is military, will they merely deniand disarmament? Never will the ‘women of an oppressed class which is truly @ re- volutionary class be reconciled to such a shame- ful role. They will say to their sons: “You will soon grow up and be big. They will give you arms. Take them and learn to use them well. ‘The art of war is essential to the proletariat, not in ordef to shoot against their own brothers, the workers of other lands, as is the case in the present war, and as the socialist traitors advise you to do, but in order to fight the bourgeoisie of your own country, in order to put a stop to aotnesae a a over and the dis- armament of the bor By JORGE amemmentneeren ' “He Is Risen!” Easter: has arrived early: for the enemies of the Soviet Union, Riaboushinsky ‘hag risen 4 from the grave!! a When the Moscow trial of the counter-fevolu> tionary “industrial party” took place, the eantés- sions of the prisoners ihvolyed, as ong of the plotters in Paris, a Russian: monarchist; refugee named Riaboushinsky. The infamous but anonymous ‘‘corresporident” at Riga, always quick to produce a new ite about the Soviet Union, in fact rivaling Helsingfors in that respect, but perhaps better. organized-by the American consul in Riga than those in. Helsing- fors, trotted out the claim ‘that the Moscow | accusation was false because Riaboushingky. wag dead! In fact the poor fellow was dead alresdy in 1924 and had been buried in such-and+syeh ° cemetery in Paris. How, therefore;.could he haye” participated in a plot of 1928? The thing was | unanswerable! It made little difference, of: course, that te Soviet. Prosecutor, Krylenko, ‘produced (at the trial a copy of the Russian counter-revolution- ary paper published in Paris, dated July, 1980, in which the supposedly dead Riaboushinsky had | written a long article calling for war against | the Soviet Union, No, that could make no dif- | ference! The famous “Riga correspondent”: had | established the death of the gentleman and ne enemy of the Soviet Union would so much 9s | grunt at the proof to the! contrary produced by | Krylenko. Not being able to deny the fact obvious te all of a plot to make war against the Soviet Union, they had to base all their argument on something, even a small thing. And so, by no manner of means would they allow Riaboushin- sky to live. He must stay dead! Some professor in Boston had to “discover” the “death” of Riaboushinsky all over again, in | @ letter to the N. Y. before that sheet took editorial notice of it, although its ‘own “Riga correspondent” had first. informed it of the sad demise of “Professor Riaboushinsky. The “Times” used the Boston professor's dis- | covery as the opinion of ‘an “unprejudiced ex- | pert,” and in its editorial summing up the Mos- | cow trial, stated that this “fatal discrepancy” | was enough to “discredit” the Moscow revela- | tions of a plot against the Soviet Union. ' But matters did not stop there. Norman Thomas, the “socialist” leader, always ready to be a sounding board for any capitalist Ne against the Soviet Union, seconded the motion of the N. Y. Times, accepting (in the “New Leader") tne death of his esteemed compatriot Risbou~ shinsky as a fact, “occurring in 1924,” which “cast a shadow” over the’ Moscow trial, because, forsooth, how could Riat be dead in 1924, yet plot against th Soviet Union atter that? : idee Not even a regularly ordained minister of the gospel such as Norman Thomas, could go, so, fer along the lines of a life after death, as to tend such a thing. Moreover, it-was the best, possible against the Soviet. r ih Like all the other capitalist lars, the Rev. man Thomas, also, was ‘silent on the offered by Krylenko in the Mostow trial, fact that Riaboushinsky was alive and’ very 1 indeed agitating for war against the Soviet. Thomas could take no heed! of such matters, even though the paper in which Riaboustiinsky's A article of July, 1930 appeared,‘ was as’ fully ac- cessible to him as to’ Krylenko in Moscow, But it is hard to keep a good man down. Riaboushinsky, killed in November by.the Riga correspondent of the N. Y, Times, and buried with full benefit of clergy by Norman Thomas and the N. Y. Times in December, 1930, had a few weeks of rest in the grave, when he was summoned by the counter-revolutionary “angels at the doorway.” Riaboushinsky 4s risen! ‘On Page 18 of the N. ¥, Times of Jan. 20, under the headline— “Exiles Ask America to Outlaw Soviet,” Professor D. P. Riaboushinsky is resurrected to denounce “Soviet dumping” and various other wickedness of the “Communist Tyrants"! His name ap} with 209 other “cultural leaders” of old Czarist Russia, “appealing to the _ American people” to oppose the Soviet! itis lve of Witesestaey'nis wedel No, in- deed! The N. Y. Times, with the prayerful. sistance of the Rev. Norman ‘Thomas, has raised the dead! But they are modest ) and Nailto acknowledge that, if ie ing in the tomb last Novemiber, discredit Moscow trial, his existence in) Jan signer of a thanifesto, is not only a mira one which certifies and supports the trial ‘Anyhow, he is risen! aE & For the 2,216th Annoyance In the blessed city of Washingten hunger and privat Feit Nis tase ia De. goonies ist government, and that a ment is not, Soir in children of @rs might cherish the nudden “that Research Bureau at least statistics on just how badly Jobless are faring. ‘that this is the 2,215th of aaa ; But it is not the last. er Pioneers, resenting the ‘of ‘their working class press, Rave desided te."anney”? the government. by pas ep oe cord before ‘the central post. offices in the country. They began New York, ‘and let the Child take, ote iat there sls \a/ .aNeRh ray | ‘ane