The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 30, 1931, Page 4

~" Publivhed by the Comprodafly Publishing Co, Ine. dally, except 18th Street, New York Page Four Address aud mati all checks to the Dally Worker, City. N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 1956-7. Ca! at 50 want “DAIWORK.* SQ Hast 13th Street, New York, N. By mail everywhere: One year, 5! ef Manhettan and Bronx, ‘New York City. TEN WORKERS IN JAIL OR FACING JAIL FOR FIGHT AGAINST HUNGER ©: By J. K. LACKJACK and jail—these are the real “rem- edies” of the capitalist class for unemploy- ment. . Workers who refuse to starve meekly discover that the grafting politicians are acknowledging the existence of such a thing as unemployment—by breaking up demonstrations owing jobless demonstrators into jail. Nearly one ago William Z. Foster, Robert Minor, Israel Amter and Harry Raymond were arrested for leading the great March 6 demon- stration. Since that time hundreds of workers in the New York district have been beaten and jailed for demanding immediate relief and un- employment insurance, At the present time there are ten workers in the New York district either in prison or fac- inz prison for participating in unemployment demonstre All are being defended by the New York Di ict of the International Labor Harry Raymond, his fighting spirit still is in Hart's Island, waiting for release Feb, 20. Will Sam Nesin, Milton ne and Robert Lealess get the same fate? ‘hese three led the demonstration before City Hall on Oct. 16; because they told the Board of Estimate a few uncomfortable truths regard- ing the character of Tammany judges, Mayor Walker ordered them thrown out, following which they were savagely beaten and arrested. Like Foster, Minor, Amter and Raymond, the three leaders of the Oct. 16 demonstration are being charged with unlawful assembly. But they face the additional charges of outraging public decency and endangering public peace. like. Foster, Minor, Amter and Raymond, they have been denied a jury trial and will be tried before three loyal Tammany henchmen in Spe- cial Sessions Court on Feb. 16. Workers, you must act to save Nesin, Stone and: Lealess! Felonious assault is the charge brought against Serop Soghomanian and Isidore Bogusloff for undimmed being beaten up by police during the hunger | march of Jan. 20, Bogusloff was not even a demonstrator, but only a bystander, while Sog- And | homanian, a world war veteran and member of the‘ Unemployed Council, was learning the meaning of the “democracy” he fought for in the last imperialist slaughter. Bogusloff will be tried Feb. 3 and Soghomanian, an Armenian worker on Feb, 5, The frame-up, that time-honored American institution, has not been forgotten by the capi- talist class in its effort to smash the struggles of the unemployed. Alex Zaroff and D. Boschi, two workers. arrested at an unemployed ‘meeting in Manhattan Lyceum Jan, 8, are now threatened with long jail terms on charges of felonious as- sault as the result of a deliberate frameup by the police. Prior to the Manhattan Lyceum meeting the police had attacked a group of un- employed workers outside the hall; the workers defended themselves bravely and gave as good as they received. The police, bent on revenge, later invaded the meeting, singled out two work- ers at random, Zaroff and Boschi, and accused the workers of attacking them. Zaroff and Boschi are now out on $2,500 bail, provided by the New York LL.D.; they will be tried in Gen- eral Sessions Court. Not only in New York City but in nearby towns in the New York district thaterror against the unemployed gathers momentum daily. In Yonkers, where the most elementary eivil rights such as free speech and assemblage have been dumped overboard, Milton Weich and Nathan Liss were arrested for leading an unemployed demonstration on Jan. 10 and charged with disordcrly conduct. The bosses’ terror against the unemployed workers can be smashed only by the workers, both _mployed and unemployed, themselves. It | can be smashed by fighting more militantly | under the leadership of the Unemployed Coun- [{ cils of the Trade Union Unity League and by | supporting the International Labor Defense, 799 Broadway, room 410, in its struggle to free all } those who now face jail for their fight against | hunger. Fascism in Poland Prepares for War on the Soviet By EDWARD LENO, FREVIOUSLY, we have written in the Daily | Worker of the bestial tortures inflicted on the workers of Poland when they fall into the hands of Pilsud: blo@gihounds and hangmen. People are driven insatit, to. stiitide; they ere being tortured to death, made cripples for life. These are not isolated cases. It is a bloody system, which aims to liysie&lly fuin the van- guard of the revolutionary proletariat and mili- tant peasantry of Poland. “The cases mentiéned occurred at Lvov, Kelm, and Lutzk. which are located in the occupied territory of West Ukraine, over which recently | passed the bloody “pacification” march of Pil- tudski’s punitive expedition, as Pilsudski’s reply to the militant risings of the farming masses ~ which swept with fire the holdings and properties ef the big landlords. But’ the same terror; the r-me slaughters go on every day throughout Poland. S'>c> Poland was created at Versailles, it has eons‘ently been a country of brutal white terror for the revolutionary workers. But terror of sc: a mass character, such bestiality, was never roeched as now. Hundreds of workers in all scctiors of the country. in large industrial ‘cen- tors as well as in villages, especially in the oc- cupied territory of West Ukraine, West White | Pussia and Upner Silesia, are now (in connection with the elections, being suspected of support- ing the ticket of the Anti-Fascist Block), arrest- | ed, murderously beaten, wounded. crippled for Ife. driven insane and then, sometimes. released Ger Ieck of the slightest “evidence” of “crime.” workers and peasants (there are 10,000 political | prironers estimated throughout Poland), with unbeer*ble conditions, porvoked to hunger strikes hy vriso conditions so miserable that it is only a slow death. For the slightest protest, political prisoners are murdered in the prisons, in the presence and unéer the direction of the district prosecutors. ‘There is not a prison of any size where, during the last year, there has not been some organized murder cf political prisoners: Lodz, Lublin, Kelz, Wranko: Piotzokov, Bialistok. etc., ete. The last report of the Polish Red Aid, tells of the assassination of Comrade Pawluk. editor of the “Jitze Zvionkove’g of the death of Com- rade Jaszinsky, member of the Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party of West Ukraine, in the prison at Lomze; of the serious wounds of the “leader” of political prisoners in the Paviak prison at Warsaw due to the prisoners’ protest at serving food near the filthy toilet. It also tells of the injury resulting from the beating. of the former Sejm (congress) deputy, the Communist Jassky, at the time of his ar- rest. These details we mention to show that behind all this is a system of physical destruc- tion. Especially sharp and terrific is the terror in West Ukraine and West White Russia. It is sufficient to mention the “pacification” expedi- tion in West Ukraine, where hundreds of vil- lages were looted and the people massacred by the. police and troops, crops trampled down, hheavy fines that turned tens of thousands of farmers into beggars, hundreds of them beaten, * hundreds killed and tortured to death, hundreds of women raped, thousands of refugees fleeing into the forests in terror! To a smaller extent, the same thing took place, in West White Russia and even in a number of villages in Poland proper, where the farmers @ared to put up an Anti-Pascist ticket or to show resistance to the fascist “Agrarian Re- form” that benefitted only the landlords and the rich farmers. What does all this intensified terror mean? An insight into the economic and political sit- uation in Poland will tell. Up to now, Poland represented one of the weakest links in the chain of capitalist stabilization. The fascist dic- tatorship of. Poland was supposed, with the help — jor an aR “eh to insure the economic sound- not succeed. The temporary and rotten oar stabilization in Poland, ie prisms are crowded with revolutionary | r | | | } asserted by the Communists, was fully proven. dictatorship the economic crisis —upon the background of the general crisis of | capitalism, became still more intense and shat- ving into a political crisis of the Polish Class antagonisms have tremendously sharpened. The social forces are clashing still deeper and sharper. On one side, fascism and its social sup- porters (including here the peoples’ fascist. peas- ant party and the, national fascists of the Uk- rainians and White Russians); and on the other | side the anti-fascist front headed by the Com- munist Party.of Poland. The recent elections which brought defeat to the “Centraliev’ and the social fascist generally, completely proved | this point. | (To be continued) PARTY LIFE | his fear that the capitalist system has broken An Example of ‘Concrete Work and Individual Initiative one of his reports to the Organization De- partment, Comrade Bloomfield of the Seattle District writes, among other things: “In the outlying sections of the city we are carrying on neighborhood activities, and al- though we have limited forces and work is pro- ceeding slowly, yet we are able to organize at least little groups as starting points in the var- ious sections of the city. The other cities of the district are carrying on similar activities. “For example, in the city of Hoquiam, 11,000 | pbpulation, practically every worker {s unem- | ployed, conditions of the families are frightful; | it is a lumber-mill town and all mills are shut | tight. I held two mass meetings there on half a day's notice and we had at least 600 people at each mass meeting. They filled the largest ; hall in town to overflowing. “There were many women with children, as well as men, present at this meeting. We or- ganized a large committee of 15, all of them new and green, since we have not one single Party or T, U. U. L. member in this city and we have not a capable comrade to send there to help and guide them. During my stay of three days in the city, I went house to house and had very interesting discussions with these workers, who are ready to do almost anything, When I went to this city, I loaded myself up like a pack-horse, I had various back numbers of the Daily Worker, Working Woman, and all sorts of pamphlets. We got rid of practically all of them, and we were able to collect at least 800 signa- tures in that time on the Insurance Bill Peti- tion. Several petitions were filled out at a meeting ef the local post of the American Le- gion. I have had long discussions with many ex-service men who are Legion members, and they were the ones who circulated the petitions for me among the Legionnaires,” Here we have a very good example showing the tremendous organizational possibilities of our Party when the organizational tasks are carried on in a concrete, practical manner; an example-of how much work can be done by single comrades when they are clear in applying the Party line and the new methods of work— an. example of individual initiative, This is not the only example. Similar in- stances of initiative, of revolutionary enthusiasm and will are given by other districts, especially Chicago, Ohio and Kansas. We will bring these to light in these columns of the Party Life, in order that they may serve as an exchange of experiences, to develop socialist competition among the districts, among the units and in- dividual romcnes | contradictions is the fundamental contradiction | of two basically opposed class interests. It is a ‘ talism is the chief motive, and the prattle about SUBSCRIPTION RATES? Foreign: One year, ix months, $3; two months, $1; excepting ey . $8; aix montha $4. Should Libérals Take Communism from the Communists? By A. LANDY. if. | APITALISM in decay offers many abject and | distressing spectacles. But what is more ab- ject and hypgcritical than a liberal talking | “Communism” in order to rescue capitalism? Millions, betrayed and cast off by a system that exploited and robbed them, are desperately in search of a new way of life. When a person se- Jects such a mofnentous turning point in the life | of entire masses in ordér to lead them back into s of capitalism—what else is he but a In fact, it is not we who charge wi ilson with social-fascism; it is his article which Proves it. - Social-fascism divides Wilson's article into two distinct parts: one in which he pretends to re- ject capitalism for socialism; and the other, in which he calls upon the liberals to fight for the | preservation of capitalism. | | - In the past, he cries, we believed in capitalism | and apologized for it; but now it has broken | down and we must come out unreservedly for socialism. That is in part one. In part two,.our liberal “Communist,” still flushed with the scar- let of his first conversion, makes a complete about-face and repudiates his original “confes- sion.” Capitalism may have been considerably damaged by the crisis, but (in part two) it is still inherently sound. | Still more. On the one hand he announces | | | down; on the other, he accuses the Marxists of cynicism for predicting what he asserts. If the Marxian prediction of the breakdown of capital- ism ig cynical, as Wilson maintains, then what shall we call Wilson's assertion that it has al- ready broken down? It seems that the crisis has not only turned Wilson on his head, but that Wilson, in turn, insists on turning everything else on its head, too. The fact, however, is that behind these logical contradiction in which the preservation of capi- Communism merely, inavoidable hypocrisy. Wilson perhaps believes, and undoubtedly is trying to make others believe, that his chief concern is the introduction of Communism, or, what to him is the same thing, the government ownership of the means of production. In other words, he wants us to believe that he inten lead the masses out of the morass of capitalism. But nothing could be farther from the truth. It is not the salvation of Communism that is his chief concern, but the preservation of capi- talism: his talk about Communism is merely a means to a capitalist end. If we examine Wilson’s proposals from the» point of view of whet action they recommend as against what words they profess, we are imme- diately struck by the social-fascist substance of his article. For, it is what Wilson urges the liberals to do and not merely what he asks them to profess that comprises the essence pf his proposals. The article is not an appeal for Communism but for a fight against the Communist Party. It urges the liberals to make their chief activity an effort to discredit Marxism and the Commu- nist Party in the eyes of the masses, for only in this way will the safety of the “structure of society,” that is, capitalism, be assured. ‘ Wilson propeses to conduct this fight against the Communists by drastically changing the ob- vious capitalist apologetics of liberalism to the more concealed phraseology of social-fascism. He openly states that it will be necessary for the lib- erals to adopt more shocking language, or, as Wilson also puts it, to take “Communism away from the Communists.” Obviously, at a time when vast masses are be- ginning to look for a new path, it/is impossible to discredit the only real path open to them un- less you use “shocking” language, that is, unless you “take Communism away from the Conimu- nists,” in short, unless you act as a perfect social-fascist. Wilson himself admits that un- less something is done, it will be impossible’ to keep the masses from accepting Communism as the only way out. Wilsoh, of course, does not understand that even if the masses should follow him today— tomorrow they would see that the old structure is still preserved, that the old relations of ex- ploitation are still intact. For the program of social-fascism, the program of preserving the capitalist social structure, is tpe path not out of | Marxism but ‘still further fmt: the’ ca} italist abyss. The ae “solution” that only reproduces the old misery, the old relations on an enlarged scale. In view of what has been said before, it is | quite logical that Wilson attacks Marxism on the pretense that it is dogmatic. The Commu- nism which calls fora revolutionary struggle to end the conditions of mass misery is something quite different from the “Communism” which merely aims to preserve the capitalist “structure of society.” i Wilson's opinion is dictated not by knowledge but by sheer class interest, His remarks show that he is utterly ignorant about the real contents of Marxian Communism. With happy sélf-assur- ance, Wilson accuses Marx of believing in the incurableness of human nature and of basing his conclusions about the ultimate breakdown of capitalism on this assumption. Now we ask any schoolboy, does Wilson know what he is talking about? In the good old days, the last and “annihilating” argument of every intellectual runt against Marxism was the phil- istine remark that “you can’t change human nature.” The most vulnerable aspect of Marx- ism was supposed to have been its belief in the Possibility of changing human nature. But today, when the crisis has turned every- thing upside down, Wilson logically reverses the agument, as becomes a social-fascist, and in- sists that the whole Marxian theory of revolu- | flon is based upon the errongpus assumption that you c4n’t change human nature, Obviously, the philistines of the good old days knew “more” about Marxism than Wilson does, ’ Instead of “annihilating” Marxism, however, both of them merely help to refute one another. Mr. Wilson has apparently never heard of the | famous Marxian principle that in acting upon nature man simultaneously changes ‘his own nature. The history of socialist thought and the Marxist literature on this question has ob- viously remained a sealed book to this new oppo- nent of Marxism. * All of this nonsense, however, is merely of secondary importance, ‘Behind the cloak of theoretical jabber are concealed Wilson’s funda- mental class‘motives, The real fact is that Wil- son is interested purely in apologising for capi- talism. His aim is to prove to the masses that his twentieth century American capitalists are eally kinder and more democratic than the landlords of the feudal ages, and that given time and encouragement, they will change their > capitalist natures. In ‘spite of the fact that he himself says that capitalism has brought the country to disaster, to an abyss, to mass starva- tion, he manufactures theoretical reasons why the masses should not reject the capitalist sys- tem for Communism. What is this: ‘ignorance, confusion, liberal illusions or just plain social- fascist charlatanism! Wilson wants the masses to believe that the capitalists will agree to the organization of a planned society. But, like a'‘true social-fascist, he brazenly calls it socialism, although he un- mistakably wants organized capitalism. Even if Wilson were perfectly sincere—and we are not concerned as to whether he thinks he {s or 1s not—the economic essence of Wilson’s proposa) is organized capitalism, while its political con- tents is just plain fascism covered by “Commu- nist” phrases. Wilson may think that he is origina) ip calling for a planned economy, But the present: crisis® has forced many open capitalist apologists to call for some sort of economic planning. The demand for economic planning, even by the govefnment, is not yet in iteglf & guarantee that it will be socialist planning. Capitalism also aspires to become organized, to eliminate hey ee ee mean organized capitalism? Precisely becuse: it is impossible to fool the masses in any other way. Because the experience of the masses is teaching them that socialism, and not organized éapitalism is the only way out for them; because even if organized capitalism were possible (and it is not), it would only mean a reproduction of the same conditions of mass slavery and misery, but on a larger scale. That ,Wilson’s proposals are sesittatiy capi> talist in character becomes apparent in the typical demand for a planned capitalist economy made a few days ago by Dr. Jorn T, Madden, an open capitalist . Madden, who Dean of the School of Commerce, Finance at New York University, called American capitalists to. ri and> about the’ dogmatism of | Temegades have continuously THE RENECADES ARE LOSING EVERYWHERE This time it is Comrade S. Ingberg, of Phila- delphia, who has come to recognize the. real counter-reyolutionary face of the Lovestone ren- egades behind their mask of revolutionary phrases and sham pretenses of loyalty. to | Leninism. In his application for Ingberg states: “I completely dissociate myself from the rene- gade Lovestone group, of which, to my! deep re- gret, I was a member for sometime. During that period I have seen that these pursued a. line which places them in the ranks of all the ene- mies of the working class and of the revolu- tionary labor movement. Especially heve I seen their betrayal in the fact that fight our revolutionary trade un center, the Trade Union Unity League. This | opened my eyes to every phase of their disrup-| tive activities. Declaring my desire to join again ihe ranks of | the Communist Party, of which I had been a member for two years, I want to stress that I | am in perfect agreement with the line of strug- gle which the Party is pursuing. I condemn the renegade Lovestone group as traitors to the interests of the working class, as traitors to the Communist International and to the Communist Party in this country. = I call on every worker to trffm away from the renegades and to give their full support to the only Party of the American working class—the Communist Party of the U.S.A., section of the | Communist International.” In a hearing before the District Control Com- mission, Comrade Ingberg further stated that he had stopped attending the meetings of the | renegades some -months ago, when he had noticed that in the election campaign the Love- stoneites were fighting against the Communist Party candidates. The re-admission of Comrade S. Ingberg has Econ approved. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION | COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE USA. re-admission, Comrade and purpose in politics and econcmics” the “rule of action and life,” “if this civilizaiton (capital- ism) is not to pass in the way of other world civilizations.” * Are these words any cifferent from the words used by Wilson in his call to capture Commu- nism from the Commufists? In fact, to make the analogy even more complete, Madden also “appeals” to Marx. According to the report of Madden's speech in the New York Times of Jan. « 24, Madden said: “So far as an orgaiisation was concerned, this was indistinguishable from the state visioned by Karl Marx, with govern- ment ownership of the means of production.” Both Madden and Wilson say the same thing, dictated by the same objective conditions and the same class interests. The only difference is that Wilson conceals his support of capitalism behind “Communist” phrases, while Madden does not. If Wilson is not original in calling for organ- * ized capitalism, neither is he original in his plans to save the masses from Communism, In both instances, he is doomed to plagiarism from his capitalist masters, which merely reveals the class derivation of his proposals. ‘ : The necessity of saving the messes from the Communists was felt and acted upon by. Wil- son's twentieth century American capitalists long before Wilson even thought of his clever idea. These capitalists who are kinder and more dem- | ocratic than the landlords of the feudal ages. | not only intervened once, but are preparing to intervene again in one more supreme effort to rescue the poor Russian masses from the Rus- sian Communists by force of arms. Not only do we see tio difference in the aims of Wilson.and his capitalists, but we actually begin to under- stand why these capitalists seem so much kinder and more democratic ‘in’ Wilson's eyes, What does all this really prove? It proves that objective events: are steadily showing the correctness of im to {h¢ masses, Mr. Wil- son has turned to capturing Communism from the Communists only because in the life of the’ masses the issue everywhere is sharpening into ‘the Assue of capitalism or Communism: because capitalism is “on trial"; because the Five-Year Plan and the Soviet Union is a living example to millions of the only way out of their misery. You say you want, you must, take Commu- nism away from the Gommunists? ‘Very, well, Ley Saha we Perot ng are practical people. rested in what Deople say about | then walk off with it. | two houses, one at 328 Roanoke Street, and an- | investigations, should be called in. Doubtless he | will find | Peasants and Pheasants | wish to shoot pheasants, so the pheasants must | peasants yet, so they let,’em die and save ani- | ® Socialist last November, for he ran for governor | ment? Comredely yours=M. W. 8." By JORGE A New Patrick Henry He was only a murderer, maybe, but that gave | the judge na reason for inflicting the cruel if 4 \ not unusual punishment upon him of listening © to a string of Pollyanna hokum. $ It was in the Supreme Court at White Plains, N. Y., on Jan, 26, when Judge George H. Taylor was beginning to pronounce the death sentence on Harry Lipschitz, 27 years old, a Sing Sing prisoner who stabbed another prisoncr to death in the prison yard. Lipschitz looked the judge in the eye as the judge, prebably aware of the fact that he was as much ef a criminal as the.prisoner before, cleared his throat to sentence Lipschitz to the electric chair. Judge Taylor began: “Tt is regrettable that-a youth of your age, in this tountty of great opportunity .. .” Here, Lipschitz cut in with: “All judge. Never mind saying that. T'll tak for granted. Go ahead and sen- tence me!” | Really, he should have called up Patrick Hen- © famous remark for. amending it’ to say: ive me liberty or give me death; but don’t | give me any “great opportunity’ hokum!”, . They Do It Better in Frisco In New York the official city thieves are fre- quently put to a lot-of* trouble stealing money enough to buy or build a~house or hotises. Out in Frisco they wait till the house is built and It seems that the city of San Francisco owned other at 2 Culver Street.. Back on April 4, 1928, the city nabobs decided to sell the property. So the city “fiscal agent’\who seems to have ge of little matters of graft in that city, \2 e a district Tammany leader in New York | only much “more Gentralized, ‘advertised for bids. No bids were received up to June 28, 1928, but only now, if turns out,from a grand jury in- vestigation, that in those two months sometime, the two houses just vanished from the land on which they stood! No, it was not the Frisco earthquake. That was back in 1906. “But two full grown houses have simply walked off and:hid somewhere and the stability of the home is shaken throughout California. Ham Fish, the famous-horse doctor of jackass “red agents” stole. the houses and moved them over to Vladivostok. But we have an idea that Mr.-Mulrooney should engage Frisco’s “fiscal ge ~as-—-Ghief Inspector of Police. Piso Even the Red Cross has admitted that there are now about 1,000,000 farmers and their fam- ilies starving. The cause is supposed to be @ drouth, but the farmers themselves, when: they think it over, know that back of the drouth there are long ye>rs of robber rents, usurious mortgages and loans, high taxes and monopoly thievery of all kinds that reduced them to the poverty-stricken condition familiar to peasants throughout the world, In fact they are peasants, and starving peas- ants at that. Mr. Hooyer and his Farm hhave done about everything possible to see that they starve, and nobody is more hostile to pro- posals that the government feed these peasants than Mr. Hoover; although all the little Hoovers in America are likewise shivering at the thought that the wicked Communists are. demanding such a thing. Now just chew over that, w! you read the following from the N.Y, Times‘of Jan. 28: “Albany, N, ¥.—Four tons of grain will/ be ordered for the pheasants- of Central New York, cu’ off from their natural; food supply because of deep snows. Conservation Commis- sioner Morgenthau has directed Llewellyn Legge, chief of the Division of Fish and Game, to pur- chase the grain.” , You see, it’s this way: Capitalist sportsmen be kept alive. They haven't started shooting munition. ‘ eae, ce | A Good Letter From Myrtle Point No, dear reader, Myrtle Point is not the name of a girl, but of a so-called “hick town” way out. in Oregon. Doubtlessly, some of our rather snobbish sophisticates around New York would turn up their noses if we said that some worker out in Myrtle Point, Oregon, is more sharply critical of the political line of the Daily Worker. than they ,are. Nevertheless we opened a letter from Myrtle Point the other day, and found the following: . “Déar comrade: I read an.article in the Daily. Worker of Jan. 15, -by Upton Sinclair, I have been laboring under the impression that Upton. Sinclair was a member of the social fascists, The article, ‘California, Class War has some good points in it, but {t is written from the attitude of a socialist. He says, for instance, ‘we’ have a number of class war pris- oners in California, and ‘our’ treatment of poli- tical prisoners is entirely callous. “Please explain this..I-know Mr, Sinclair was as such, and from the tone. of the article 1 be- lieve he is still one;..Has the Daily Worker de cided to print articles by socialists without com- » We think that it-s pairing to get a letter like this, showing thatthe worker readers of the Daily examine its -contents with a keen proletarian eye. Certainly Upton Sinclair ts not a Communist, and on the contrary is a member of the social fascist “socladist” party, But when | he is willing to raise his vole for the release of all class war prisoners, We would be doing an Ill service if we rejected his contri bution to the end desired. Not all of the class war~pi munists, yet we fight possible support, withor time, e sponsor, In the Bsecacahe niet Sinelair, the faults Hoted by. eee of such nature as to-urgently. taneous sharp critictsnt,” at ‘i just the same, awake enough to and concerned Daily to Sul) uss }