The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 28, 1931, Page 4

‘Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily, New York City. Address aad mail all ehecks to the Dally Worker, 60 Kast 13th Street, 1sth Stree Page Four arcapt Sunday, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 1956-7. \Cabi at 50 East By malt ef Men! ker Derg USA ‘ @UBSCRIPTION RATES! ~~ rywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $: 2 and Bronm, New York City, spay, 1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. PROSPERITY FOR ONLY ONE By THEODORE DREISER. MERICANS, as it seems to me, most com- pletely misunderstand prosperity, its nature, who receives it and when. Let, in the present depression, manufacturers, editors, and all capitalistic attaches, seek by propaganda or hot air to make the laborer's lot seem less wretched—with a hint of comfort and even well-being—and to the average American looking on, it becomes so. Mere words and slo- gans artfully used in this country at least make it so. Thus, layer efter layer of wool is pulled over the American public’s eyes until it cannot even s¢e the light of day, let alone the truth or the marching and starving workers, whose mere presence should not only confute but make impossible such corporation hokum. Headlines read that ‘75,000 auto workers return to their jobs at Rough River plant of the Ford Company.” The public, having neither ‘time* nor intention to read the end of the article (it never has) cannot be expected to find “that the majority of these men work only three days a week. At Youngstown. Obio—everywhere—men by the thousands are working under this starvation stagger system. And Colonel Woods, the sup- posed Savior and Redeemer of the unemployed, has just sent to 65,000 manufacturers bulletins explaining and encouraging stagger systems even more cruel In short, it is beginning to look as though it {s the capitalists who bring about and want these depressions in order to cut the wages of em- ployes and hence enlarge stockholders’ profits. For even now, West Virginia miners receive only 21 cents a ton instead of the former 67 cents for coal mined. And wage cuts of 40 per cent to 75 per cent have been forced on the miners in general throughout this country. Also, wages of laborers in all industries have decreased be- tween 40 and 50 per cent. There was in the beginning a grand corporation and bank clat- ter concerning “no wage cuts.” But see what that has come to! Now bankers are advocating reductions’. But what will this recognized cut- ting be like? Already workers have lost wages amounting tc billions of dollars, and now it is to be more! But no five-day week. And no proper taxation of wealth as opposed to that of poverty. If you doubt this, study our Amer- ican income tax system, with its amazing re- bates to corporations. Chairman Wiggin, of the Chase National Bank, says that high wages do not make prosperity but rather that prosperity makes high wages In other words, which comes before, the hen or the egg? But apparently not even prosperity makes high wages. During the height of the business boomi, the average factory worker in New York State made $22.99 weekly, but only when he worked. This the while $3,600,000 in bonuses was given by Bethlehem Steel to just its executives. Hence, under our present system, the worker never achieves prosperity, be busi- ness flourishing or dull. On the other hand, the owners of money never haye anything short of prosperity. In 1930, the year of the most acute depression, the rich had $1,000,000,000 loose to add to their $14,- 000,000,000, &aréady invested abroad. At the same time, 15,060 additional persons went abroad. Dur- ing the fitet Kalf of 1930, dividends—the income of the riéh—ittcreased over those of 1929 by $350,000,000, Witile wages—the pittance of the poor—deereaged by $70,000,000. Only one per- cent of thés@ stocks are owned by the workers, including Mmatiagers and executives. Less than one per cent of the total population of Amer- ica trades on the stock exchange. To the rich alone comes prosperity, and that continuously. Against White Chauvinism in Phila. Needle Trades By MAUDE WHITE Our revolutionary trade union movement must never fail to utilize every possible means to win the sympathy and support of the Negro workers and toiling masses. Thére is no better way of doing this than by actual fighting for them. Especially does this hold true of our revolution- ary leagues and unions who are on the verge of gigantic struggles| involving many unorganized Negro workers, the most exploited section of the proletariat. The Philadelphia com@adés of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union who are on the eve of a Dress Strike involvirlg between 1200 and 1500 Negro dressmakeré aS such an oppor- tunity of mobilizing not-only these workers for the Dress Strike but of generally rallying around our whole movement a considerable number of Negro workers, but they simply collapsed on the job. When a group of Custom Tailors held a dance and refused admission to several Negro workers, our comrades failed to take a decisive stand. they had to think whether to lose these Cus- tom Tailers by admitting the Negro workers, or keep them in our union by refusing admission to them. They could not forsee the effect thru a correct and decisive stand in this matter would have on all Negro workers and the benefits to be gained by the entire revolutionary movement. ‘They were willing to surrender the basic inter- ests of the Negro workers for the “temporary interests of a small minority of workers” who are imbued with the bourgeois ideology of white sup- remacy. Our comrades failéd to see that an actual fight waged against the Negrophobia as expressed on the part of these white workers is @ fight waged for the real equality of the Negro workers. Without this fight waged in practise, our fight for the equality of the Negro workers and /toiling masses is the same as that advocated by liberels and bourgois politicians to deceive the Negro workers and divert their attention from the class struggle. In reference to the “strvzele for the equality of the Negroes” the C. I. Resolution on the Negfo question clearly states: “The slogan of equality of the Negroes wthout a relentless struggle in practice against .all manifestations of Negrophobia‘on the part of the American bourgeoisie can be nothing but a deceptive liberal gesture of a sly slave-owner or his agent.....The struggle for equality of the Negroes is in fact, one of the most important parts of the proletarian class struggle of the United States.” In the Philadelphia case, finally before the dance was over the Negro workers were ad- mitted. This is entirely inadequate. If it is a fact that these workers had been in our union four months, how is it possible for them not to know our position in regards to the struggle for the equality of the Negro workers, or for that matter, workers of any oppressed group or nationality? Where was our propa- ganda committee? Where was our educational wor': during these four months? Had this hap- pened at atime when the workers were still under the istMliénce of the American Federation of Labor de union bureaucrats, it might be understit: le; but even then it would be | impermissibi fer workers in our union for four |and the a months ndt°té Know the most elementary prin- ciples of ow tinion—equality for all workers. Now when Givision between the right-wing wing) revolutionary trade unions | is so sharp, @#@ unions represent a class which is | into the same class and must be branded as -| diametrically opposed to the interests of the class represented by the right-wing, when the right-wing is losing its influence over the work- ers and éver larger numbers are coming into our ranks,—at such a time it is impossible for workers not to know our position in regards to the Negro workers. It is just because Negro workers know our militant program and believe. we carry it out in practice that they join our | | ranks, and the same is true of the white work- | ers. It is a test as to what extent we, ourselves, | are free from this bourgeois ideology whether | when the crucial moment comes,—when we are face to face with acts of white chauvinism—we can with Bolshevik decisiveness wage a fight right there by jumping “at the throat of the 100 per cent bandits who strike a Negro in the face. The struggle (fight—M.W.) will be the test of the real international solidarity of the American white workers.” Party comrades who’ capitulate before any acts of white chauvinism manifested by non- class conscious white workers automatically fall such. How are we to deal with concrete cases of white chauvinism? In regards to this question, Comrade Losovsky, secretary of the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions, says the following about the discrimination of Negro delegates at the Lithuanian Cooperative Restaurant in Chi- cago during the Unemployed Convention, which is applicable to any case of white chauvinism that may arise in our ranks; “I hold that an in- cident like this is simply a crying disgrace and | a blot upon the revolutionary labor movement. | And members of revolutionary unions or Com- mutiists of that type if there happen to be Com- | munists amongst them should be thrown out neck and crop. There is no place for them in- side the Trade Union Unity League.” (emphasis mine—M.W.) He states further, “The struggle against white chauvinism must mean that every member of our organization who has shown himself to be a white chauvinist must be bran- ded for what he is at meetings of the workers. What you have to do is to brandmark this sort of racial chauvinism, which is the plainest indi- cation of bourgeois mentality in the heart of the working class that you can get. And these people have to be stigmatized both at meetings of the workers, in the press, and if necessary by means of a special campaign of open-air meet- ings on the subject.” ‘This excerpt from Comrade Losovsky’s report made at the Fifth Congress of the R.I.L.U. needs no explanation. From Fish to Lovestone By HARRY GANNES. 'WO solicitous friends are helping the socialist party to re-arm itself with “left” phrases in order to cope with the growing radicalization of the workers in the United States. The value of the socialist party to capitalism is not mainly in the fact that it is a capitalist party, interested in keeping back proletarian revolution at all costs. ‘That function is also carried out by the republican and democratic parties. The real value of the socialist party to capitalism lies in its use of revolutionary phrases and promises like the Labor Party of Britain to sidetrack the growing mass discontent. In their enthusiasm to make themselves respectable and efficient in their task the socialists overstepped the bounds desired by the capitalists. They had become indistinguishable from any other capitalist party. With farmers and workers battling the police for bread. with the Red Army of China sweep- ing 900,000 of Chiang Kai Shek’s troops before it like rotten weeds, and with the Soviet Union building socialism in the face of an unparalleled crisis in the capitalist lands, Norman Thomas, Hiliquit and O'Neal find that the pressure of the werkers demands new methods. phrases, the socialist party has two valuable mid-wivés, Ham Fish, Jr., and Jay Lovestone. Fish comes to the defense of “socialism as against Communism, declaring that socialists believed in an orderly, legal change of our sys- tem and that the Communist was the worst” enemy Of the socialist.” (N. Y. Times, Jan. 10, 1930.) Fish, who is so willing to give the socialists a helping hand in their difficult task, is now joined by the renegade Lovestoneites. For a Jong time the Lovestoneites have been looking for a bridge to the socialist party, and the so- called “militants” in the socialist party, led by Louis Stanley, conveniently let down a very wide draw-bridge over which Lovestone can pass into the camp of Hillquit, Oneal and Stanley. Two main issues agitate the socialist party. First, there is the attitude toward the Soviet Union and, second, the task of trade union work. Simmered down there is really no difference be- tween any of the groupings within the socialist party on any of these issues, as we will prove. But the Lovestoneites, picking out the resolution on Russia, offered by the Stanley group as the most. conve it point of contact with the so- cialist » exclaim; “This resolution intro- Sa ‘ hi mach Fomine “WE'RE NOT GOING TO STARVE, BUDDY!” By BURCK << Rush tke Collection of Signa- | tures for the Unemployment Insurance Bill! Make the Halls of Congress Ring With the Demands of the Unemployed on February 10! duced by the Stanley group, on the other hand, A Visit with S | | | was thoroughly pro-Soviet not merely in senti- | ment but in revolutionary class content.” (Em- | phasis theirs.—Revolutionary Age, Jan. 17, 1931.) | Let us examine the “revolutionary class con- tent” of the Stanley attitude toward the Soviet Union. In an article in the New Leader (Jan. 17), Stanley says his group does not give “en- dorsement to everything that is transpiring” in the Soviet Union, and “they particularly disap- prove the political terrorism.” Very little dif- ference here between Hamilton Fish and Stan- ley. The same cry of “political terrorism” (that is, hatred of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the rock-foundation of the Soviet Republic) emanates from every counter-revolutionist the world over. James Oneal, editor of the New Leader, answering—it would be better to say agreeing with—Stanley assures the so-called militants that the socialist party has always been “friendly” to the Soviet Union. “On one matter, terror, we have been unfriendly,” says Oneal. So are the “militants” (the Stanley group). Even the belabored Norman Thomas whom the Stanley group have chosen as an offering to ap- pease the craving for “left” phrases repeats the Stanley group chantings that Lovestone thinks | have revolutionary class content. The pvytty- bourgeois liberal sky-pilot, Norman Thomas, piously declares: “Nevertheless it is, on the whole, natural and fitting that we should be marvelous- | ly interested in the great things that are being done in building a proletarian society in Russia.” ‘There you have it—“a proletarian society in Russia.” What more can Stanley offer? Nor- man Thomas goes the whole hog. He balks, just as Stanley does, at “terror.” But this “terror” idea is the justification of | the counter-revolutionary activity of the Second International. It is on the basis of this “terror” that Abramovitch, Dan, Kerensky, Briand, De- terding, Baldwin and Stanley find a common ground for attack and war preparations against the Soviet Union. In the Pope's campaign for intervention against Soviet Union the New Leader, including the Stanley group, did its part in beating the war tom-toms against the Soviet Union. On the basis of this “terror”-cry, Hill- quit banqueted with whiteguards and pledged war to the death against the proletarian dic- tatorship without which “a proletarian society in Russia” would be impossible. The entire officialdom of the socialist party tells the Stanley group: “On the question of the Soviet Union we have no differences with you.” And it is precisely on this point that the Love- Stoneites find a common bond of unity with the socialists. In trying to purify his new recruit, Lovestone tries to cast a glamor of revolutionary activity around Stanley and his companions. But Oneal informs us (New Leader, Jan, 24) that the bulk of the petty-bourgeois liberal junk that the socialist party has been peddling for the past few years was supplied by Stanley, Stawley as the head of the socialist research department was responsible for the major share of the counter-revolutionary propaganda issued by the socialist party, Is there any different class basis that divides Stanley and his group on the one hand, and Hillquit, Thomas and Oneal on the other? Not at all. The same petty-bourgeois elements pre- dominate in the Stanley group. Ninety per cent of them are petty-bourgeois students. But the Stanley group along with the Hillquits and Oneals have felt their lack in fooling the work- ers in the present crisis. They see millions of workers and farmers in motion, bitter against capitalism. They feel it is their task to engulf these masses in the yellow morass of the socialist party. | In this situation, Lovestone comes to the res- | cue of the socialist party. Just at the moment when Oneal and Stanley agree on the real sub- stance of aid to the bosses’ war preparations against the Soviet Union, Lovestone pronounces them brothers in arms. He joins with Ham Fish, Jr.ein the chorus of praise to the socialists, the best friends of capitalism and the worst enemies of the Communists and the working class, rad By MYRA PAGE. In view of the false stories being spread in ist press about “convict labor” in the Soviet Un‘on, the following first-hand ac- count of the daily life of a Russian colony of social offenders will be of interest to our read- ers.—Editor. ae oe E bounced along over twelve miles of cobble- stoned roads, built three-quarters of a cen- tury before the first automobile appeared in Russia, Luckily, the Five-Year Plan called for modern concrete to replace the cobble-stones, for not only backs but busses and trucks as well would soon break down under this contin- ual polting! The flat country stretched around us, green and fertile. We were with a group of American educators on their way from Moscow to see the first ex- perimental criminal colony’in the world. Our guide was a member of the G.P.U. (Soviet State Police), and to the relieved surprise of most of the visitors, he proved to be quite unlike the dread picture they had been given of such men by their home press. He was a quiet, friendly man who readily answered our many questions and laughed heartily when one of the most bold later told him his former impressions. The cobblestones finally came to an end. and our bus turned off on winding, dirt roads. Peas- ants at work in the fields looked up and waved as we lumbered along. Perhaps half a mile out- side of a small village, we drew up before the entrance archway to what appeared to be an- other small community. The driver threw off the engine, and our guide informed us, “Here we are.” “What!” we exclaimed, for there was not a fence of any kind about the place, men and women were wandering freely about, there were no guards, and we soon discovered ‘that none of the buildings had bars across the windows. An unusual arrangement, to say the Jeast, for a colony of persons whose offenses against society included all types. $ Tue leader of the Labor Commune and three members of the self-government committee came out ot greet us and escort us to the open air community center, where they gave us a brief explanation of the colony's plan. This Labor Commune, they told us, had been started in 1924 by the Soviet Governinent as an experiment in methods of re-habilitating young citizens guilty of misconduct toward their fel- lows. While in capitalist countries, thé individual was held to be mainly responsible for’ crime, and the government depended upon punishment and fear for its prevention or correction (methods rarely, successful); in the Soviet Union it was clearly recognized that the main responsibility rested with society, rather than the: individual. In a Communist society, there would be no criminals, for the social: forces producing’ crim- inals, such as private property relations, would have been abolished. There would only be those few mentally sick, who would be cared for in hospitals, In the Soviet Union, a society in transition from capitalism to Communism, crime continued to be a problem only in so far as the heritage of the past weighed upon them. In proportion as socialist cooperative life had de veloped, for the masses, social offenses had greatly diminished, and would continue to do so. However. until Communis was attained the Soviet Government recognized that this problem of social offenders would have to be idealt with. Therefore, ‘the Labor Commune had been estab- lished, in order to deterraine the best methods of transforming former drug addicts, drunkards, thieves and even miurderers into useful and self- respecting members of the new Soviet society. A corps of young men and women prisoners, ranging from the ages of sixteen to twenty-two, had been selected for the experiment, and the new community began. It now included one hundred and seventy members. The Commune was founded from its very beginning, upon the principles of voluntary co- operative, labor and group self-discipline and self-government. No physical coercion had ever been used. Group approval and disapptoval was decmed the most potent force. Individuals joined the colony of their own free will. New members were added to the Commun? on the recommendation of old members, or at their own request, and upon the vote of the admis- sion by the Commune itself. If members run away (only five had done so during the preced- ing year), they are not brought back. Sometimes, they return of thelr own free will and are prob- oviet “Convict Labor” ably re-admitted by the Commune. Those who don't return either adjust themselves successfully | to life in their outside world, or, if they commit | fresh offenses, again come to the attention of | the authorities. Members remain in the Com- | mune untfl the Commune and individual con- | cerned feel he is ready to return to ordinary | life, ‘and be a good Soviet citizen.” The Commune is completely self-governing. Its rules and regulations of all phases of life in the colony are binding. There is no higher authority. The leader, also a member of the G.P.U,, is there to suggest and advise, but not to direct. Even if he wished to do so, he could not over-rule a Commune decision. Many of the visitors, accustomed to the mock type of | self-government practiced in schools and re- formatories in this country, were shocked at such genuine seif-rule. But, the director re- minded them, the five yegrs’ test had proved such methods worked. The main difficulty, he had said, was that the Commune tended to be | too severe on its members who broke dny of its | rules. Already, three other colonies of this type hac been established, one with 1,000 members. This Commune was to increase to six hundred members the next year, and the Soviet Govern- ment planned to extend this system to include all the prison population of Russia. ‘The daily life in the Commune ran as follows: After breakfast, eight hours of work in one of the fe>tories. Sport goods was the main prod- uct; ice skates and shoes, snow shoes, and ski- ing equipment. There was also a small woolen plant and one for wood work. The plants were clean and light. The union séale of wages held, ranging from sixty to one hundred roubles a month, depending on the skill and speed of the operator. Living at the Commune cost thirty- five roubles a month, which left twenty-five to sixty-five roubles to spend for clothes, trips to town, books, savings, or however they liked. From Saturday noon to Sunday evenine, mem- bers were free to go where they pleased, and most journeyed into Moscow. Occassionally an individual broke his pledge to the Commune. and got intoxicated. If this was discovered. a sorry half-hour before the Commune followed, with Probably the revoking of this week-end priv- ilege for a stated period, a fine, or both. (The income from fines is uscd for community pur- Poses). After work is over, the hours are spent in cultural and sport activities, with dramatics or singing in the evenings. We inspected the eating and living quarters, and the entire grounds, and found everything so satisfactory that one American asked the old, stupid question,“What is to keep young people from committing crimes, if this is the type of life they get?” The director smiled. “Our plan is not to punish, but to make anew. We bank on appealing to the finer side that resides in every human, and re-mould him through par- ticipation in the high group morale we build up.” ‘There are also certain restrictions which a Com- mune member faces. He can not serve in the Red Army, which is considered one of the high- est honor a worker or peasant can receive. Neither can he hold public office, or vote. Once socially aroused, he naturally desires to remove these restrictions. , An incident which occurred to some of us illustrates what the Commune is accomplishing. In going from one building to another, three of the vicitors stopped to talk with a Commune member, a peasant lad who stood leaning against the bicycle which he proudly told us he had bought with his earnings at the plant. He was chewing sun-flower seeds, a more popular past- time in Russia than peanut-eating is in this country. One American could spéak Russian fluently, and in the course of one conversation; which had led to the subject of revolution, the American teacher asked half jokingly, “But, the reason you are a revolutionist is because you have not all the things you want, isn’t it?” The boy chewed reflectively for a moment.and then replied, “No. The truly social person thinks not only of his own welfare, bu‘ also of the welfare of others.” After having linch with the Commune, writing in their guest book, and asking and answering many more questions, we started for the bus, When we reached it, we found it had been trans- formed by some of the Commune youths, who had decorated its hood and sides with green bowers and flowers, and with an inscription which we learned asked us to carry their greet- ings) to the American toilers and tell them to” win their dgedom, as they had done here, | a writ of habeas corpus demanding that the ofan By JORGE Pulque and Principles When Dwight Morrow began boosting Ortiz ~ Rubio for president of Wall Street’s Mexican © colony, the “moral” issue of his candidacy was somewhat patterned after American prohibition demagogy. Tyo slogans, so to speak, were linked together: “Up with Rubio!” was united with “Down with Alcohol!” Well Rubio got “up.” But alcohol is doing business at the old stand. In fact, says a report of the Associated Press, the Rubio government figures that 40,000,000 gallons of the Mexican joy water known as “pulque” will be manufac- tured this year. And that in a country of about 14,000,000 people, some 4,000,000 of whom ate op- pressed Indians and therefore possibly too poor to drink their quota, So alcohol not only remains, but flourishes. More, the requirement under the Lamont “agreement” binding Mexico to pay some $500, 000,000 to Yankee bankers, is bankrupting the country, and while the price of silver makes it unprofitable to produce, the Rubio government just got the bright idea of exporting beer instead. Thus we have it that Mexico is not only going to remain drunk and disorderly, but is—so Rubio plans—going to pump beer into other Central American peoples as the first step toward cap- turing the beer market of the world. Hely Writ—Copyrighted They takes their scripture straight in Eng- land, and though scoffers may doubt that it: is the word of God, by royal decree of King George the Fifth, Emperor of India, Wales, Ulster and way points, a royal Charter was granted years ago to three persons and three persons only to publish Holy Writ in print. Pe Only King George can give such permission, for the copyright is held by thé Crown, andjthe copyright to the Authorized and Revised ver- sion, or, as it is known, the King James ver- sion, probably puts a royal taboo on reproduc- tions in all languages, including the Scan- dinavian. Be that as it may, only.the Oxford and Cam- bridge colleges, and but one printer, the firm of Eyre & Spottiswoode took just 17 years to get | George to publishbibles in England. Now, sad to relate, another firm is butting in and pub- lishing bibles, “bootleg bibles,” they are called. In fact it has been/doing so since 1913. But things move slowly in London and the firm of Eyte 6 Spottiswoode took just 17 years to get sore about it. So it is grousing about it and threatens to gd to law to stop the bootleg bible business of thé offending firm, John Shaw & Co. Evidently, the recourse to prayer is thought of as entirely in- effective. Shaw & Co. declares that 17 years of purvey= ing Holy Writ without protest makes the action holy if not legal. That in addition they publish not an exact copy of the bibles printed by the chartered firm, because they have added some nice colored pictures of angels, the Last Supper and the Unemployed apple vendors in the Gar- den of Eden; and what’s more, that the royal monopely is a “holdover from a period long since past.” This last excuse has roused British respecta- bility to a sort of polite frenzy. It may be all right to get around the copyrighy of the British throne by printing pictures of well-fed angels and carousing disciples, but to question the divine authority of the British ‘crown—ah, that indeed is, in the language of the British cor- resy dent to the N. Y. Post, “unseemly and unprecedented.” And if anything is “unseemly and unprecedented” to British bourgeois society —it is doomed. Counsel For Both Sides Tt is news to us if there is any shortage of lawyers. In fact we were laboring under the impression that there is over-production of at- tornsy.. But gpparently monopolist tendencies are at work in this-field, also. ~ W> are convinced of as much by observing that Map Max Steuer, known as “Dear Max”. to Mayor Walker, has cornered about all the jobs possible of both sides in. regard to crooked bankers, It was not enough that he was the lawyer de- fending Mr, Warder, predecessor of Mr. Brod- erick as State Superintendent of Banks, who is now living,up at Sing Sing because he was bribed by officials of the Tammany bank known ‘as the City Trust. It was not enough, and Steuer added to“his business by acting as attorney for and against certain officials of the Banks of U. 8. before it finally went bust. Whereupon he suddenly blos- somed qut as the-attorney defending the ‘de- positors. Then he and most of his male rela- tives acquired new dignity by appointment of the N. Y. Attorney General, Steuer himself, to “robe” the Bank of U. 8. But if anybody thinks that the list of attor- neyships in bank robbing cases is exhausted they federal government.release from durance vile one Arthur J. Klein, And who is Klein? Be. silent my children! Ee is wanted in London, England, in connection with a stock fraud operation that cleaned up the savings of many small-investors to the ag- Bregate sum of $1,150,000, which the wily Klein lifted from the blooming Limeys and safely de- posited in the good old U. 8. A. i ‘We must render compliments to Attorney Max J. Steuer. Having cornered tfie American fraud market he is branching out &s a sort of inter- national cartel. en: Si Whether you are a defrauder or a defraudee, he will take your ease, “Tideed he will take both cases at once and act™as both prosecutor an counsel for the defense. “This is what we call versatility. eS fant ine But then, so long-@s-he gets paid by Iboth he should worry