The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1931, Page 4

Podlished by the Comprodafly Publishing Co, Inc, dafly, Sxcepf Scnday, 13th 8 Address Yage rour @ mat! all ehecks to the Datly Worker, Algonquin 7958-7." Cabl. 60 East 13th Street, f. Telephone at 0 Fast DAIWORK." New York Nr ay of afl Gvirywhere: One year, Mashattan snd Bronx, New York City. ‘SUBSCRIPTION RATES? ~~ Foreign: One year, az, month $3; two months $1: excepting Borough# $3; siz months, $4.50. ~ LETTER FROM IMPERIAL VALLEY PRISONERS Quentin, Calif. January 19, 1931. Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. Y. Dear comrades: We want you to add the voices of the Imperial Valley group to the campaign to build our Daily into a mighty mouthpiece of the toiling masses. The goal of the drive as set for sixty thousand circulation, is but a mere minimum on the background of the deepening economic crisis that brings in its wake a tremendous up- surge of the bitterly exploited workers and poor farmers ir ops, mines, mills and fields and the countless jobless who now fight bitterly for bread. This goal must be accomplished quickly by the organized efforts of the proletarian “shock bri- gades” who must follow it up by increased efforts to double the achieved goal. In the hunger marches now surging through the breadth of the land and in which the starved jobless kened to the pit of their stomachs with the beggarly soup-bow! charity of thé bosses are striking out for bread. for the immediate passage of the Unemployment Insurance Bill and for all forms of immediate, effective relief. the Daily Worker is their powerful leader and or- ganizer. The starved Arkansas black and white farm- ers who have undertaken spontaneous revolu- tionary methods to obtain food for their starv- ing families find in the Daily their staunch sup- port The Daily must be more than that—it mus ecome the actual leader of the huge mass- es poor farmers now deeply stirred by the rob’ -rule of the banks and railroads .who, with the open connivance of the State have totally ruined the farming masses and have reduced them to the state of abject misery and starva- tion. The Daily is the constant and mighty link of solidarity between the black and white workers in their struggles against murderous lynchings, race discrimination and jim crowism. The foreign-born toilers along with their revo- lutionary language press find in the Daily their leader in the concerted struggle of all American workers against the insistent campaign of-the | bosses who hope through the suppression of for- | eign born militants to stem the upheaval of the American masses. The Daily leads the fight against the mad dogs of fascism led by Mathew Woll, h and all and sundry hundred percent trash—all servants of the boss-class. The drive for amnesty for all class war pris- oners now sweeping the country from coast to coast aims to swing open the heavy gates of hastilles which hold within their walls the Im- perial Valley militants, Mooney and Billings, Centralia and all other working class fighters, and which seeks to crush the vicious C.S. and all other anti-labor weapons of the bos These drives are linked up with the efforts to save the six Atlanta black and white workers from the electric chair and re-echo thunderously every day on the Daily's page. In the world-wide movement for the defense and support of the U.S.S.R. against imperialist jackals and their servants—the reformists, the Daily plays the role of a tireless organizer of solidarity of the American toilers with their brothers—the toilers of the U.S.S.R. In inter- national revolutionary solidarity it constantly expresses the burning need for active support of the millions of Chinese, Indians and all other colonial and semi-colonial toilers who are fight- ing to finish the yoke of world imperialism Our Daily is the American toilers’ dynamic organ which at all times generates power to the entire counter-offensive of the working class all along the front, under the militant leadership of the Communist Party U.S.A. and revolutionary trade unions. It leads the masses in theit every day struggle, it exposes the fascist labor-buro- eracy and reformist the socialist party, their hypocritic “left wing,” the Muste trash and their twin brothers in the bosses’ service. the Love- stones and Cannons and their kind. To con- tinue to remain so, to grow in revolutionary in- fluence and strength and, to be fully equipped for the coming momentous struggles of the mass- es, our Daily must have the full and incessant support of every class conscious proletarian, We. the Imperial Valley fighters, therefore add our voices from our prison and call upon the masses to make our Daily a ‘still sharper, a still more | deadly weapon against the boss-class by con- stant and vigorous support. With Comradely greetings, | Imperial Valley Prisoners. | Was It A Success? By JACK JOHNSTONE. Square Garden. while it can be registered a success from the viewpoint of numbers, had very many shortcomings that are being repeated time and time again by our Party. First on the question of speakers, we follow a very r e. The Centtal Committee as- signs cne or two leading speakers, then we must have a Negro. a woman, a Youhg Pioneer and one from the Young Communist League. While this is not incorrect, there is no relation between these speakers and the factory. The speeches are general propaganda speeches and the voice | direct from the shop is absent. In the Madison | Squere Garden meeting there was not one speak- er direct from the shop. In my opinion one leading comrade from the Central Committee is sufficient. All other speakers, Negro, women, youth, etc., as well as speakers from other in- | dustries should be workers direct from the shop. A check-up of the speakers in the Garden meeting would show that none were from the shovs. Secondly, I doubt very much whether one central meeting, charging the 50 cents admis- sion is correct. Most of the workers haven't got 50 cents and I am of the opinion that the | crowd at the Lenin Memorial meeting was minus | the unskilled and unemployed workers. While | the rule was that the unemployed workers would be admitted free, no tickets were distributed and the invitation to the unemployed was a mere gesture. The expense of a meeting in the Gar- den is so great that it requires the admission of 50 cents to pay expenses. Hence, the economic reason why the unemployed were not admitted. ‘The Party can nearly fill the Madison Square Garden with very, little effort. However, it re- | | quires more organizational ability to stage a tT Lenin Memorial meeting held in Madison | whole series of smaller but less expensive meet- | ings, involving move workers in the prepara- | den by 8 p. m. the meeting did not start until tions of the meetings. but which would be far more effective in drawing in the factory and unemployed workers into understanding the rev- | olutionary significance of Lenin Memorial meet- ings and Leninism to the every-day struggle of | the workers. 5 Thirdly, the meeting was callé@ for 7:30 and although from 10,000 to 12,000 were in the Gar- 8:45 p.m. It was dragged out until midnight. This is a demoralizing disease that permeates every activity of our Party in New York City and it is time that serious efforts be made to stop this practice. Fourthly, the speeches of all the speakers showed two things: none of the speakers were direct from the shop, and each speaker was al- lowed to choose his own subject. No speaker | was instructed on specific points which he was to bring out. At the last moment one or two speakers were called upon to bring forward the | dress strike and the T.U.U.L. This was not ‘the | fault of the speakers, but showed the mechanical | last minute method in which these” important | meetings are arranged. | There are many more shortcomings of the | meetings (for example: while every speaker em- | phasized the struggle for unemployment insur- | ance, how many signatures in support of the | Bill did we get out of the 18,000 to 20.000 pres- | ent? At the most a few hundred). But these | few weaknesses listed here will, I hope, suffice for discussion that will help to organize future meetings in the manner that will register the maximum organization results. Smash Right-Win in San Antonio! Build the Party! to hold protest demonstrations against Mexican ILE the objective possibilities for building the Communist Party and for conducting mass work in San Antonio are unprecedentedly fayorable, the Party Bureau of District Ten has found that these opportunities have been shame- fully neglected. ‘There are tens of thousands of jobless work- evs walking the streets of San Antonio. The worst forms of southern capitalist exploitation are prevalent: 10-12 hour day, $6-$10-a-week wages, unbearable speed-up and health-destroy- ing conditions. ‘ The large Mexican and Negro population are subjected to vicious discrimination, while at the same time the growing economic crisis is doing away with the meager economic advantages of the white workers, upon which their national and chauvinistic prejudices were fostered, and favorable pre-conditions for proletarian unity in the mass struggles are developing. Large numbers of workers are ready to follow the leadership of the Communist Party and of the Trade Union Unity League in the fight against starvation. but the San Antonio unit of the Party has failed in the most inexcusable manner to provide this leadership. The San Antonio unit totally failed to de- velop organized expression and action out of the growing discontent of the workers; it failed to carry on the most elementary forms of mass work; it sabotaged the line of the Communist Party, and followed a crass right wing sectarian line instead. This right wing orievtation of the San An- tonio unit rises directly from its. petty-bourgeois vomposition, every one of its six members being in “business” as a shop-keeper, or a peddler, or an insurance agent. They have confined them- selyes to their narrow Jewish circles. They have repeatedly manifested white chauvinism and a tynical contempt for the workers. _ Under the leadership of Joe Leveen, organizer of the unit, the line of the Party, which is rected toward mass work, has been system- sabotaged. When, at the beginning of gers, Renegades white terror, Leveer: suppressed these instruc- tions until it was too late to act. No effort at all was made to orjanize demonstrations, or even mass meetings, on March 6th, May Ist, or August Ist. Not a move has been made to reach the Negro workers, the Mexican workers, the unemployed, or to organize the Trade Union Unity League. When Comrade Alma Polkoff, a proletarian member ‘recently transferred into the San An- tonio unit, tried to start work, her efforts were met with determined resistance and. with at- tempts to exclude her from the meetings of the unit... The right wing degeneration of the Party unit in San Antonio gave the local Lovestone renegades, Schaeffer and Lifschutz (who are petty-bourgeois exploiters of the worst type), a favorable opportunity for their underhanded work. While Mrs, J. Schaeffer was left in the unit as an “inside connection,” the renegades busied themselves with fighting the Party and the Trade Union Unity League under the cloak of a “Workers League” into which they succeeded to mislead a number of Mexican workers, ‘The full depth of the political degeneration of the Lovestoneites is revealed by the action of Schaeffer last April, when in collaboration with the mayor of San Antonio, the democratic poli- tician Chambers, he staged a fake unemploy- ment march, ic was very much played up in the Lovestone sheet. Just prior to the parade, Schaeffer had a two-hour priyate caucus with Chambers, He got a “splendid police protection” for the march, and made a polite, apologetic speech from the same platform with Chambers, The united front of the Lovestoneites against NYTHING BUT UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE BA UNEMPLONEDY, By BURCK By WEX. fORKERS’ children! The whole revolutionary press is trying its best to improve and en- large its papers. The Daily Worker is carrying on a campaign to get out six pages ev day It is also calling its readers to come to meetings so that they can tell the Daily what is good and what can be made better. The same with all the other papers. However, the “Young Pioneer” has not- been left out in the cold. The only workers’ and farmers’ kids’ paper is also having its campaign. | And it sure will be some big one! As big as the Daily Worket campaign! The workers’ chil- dren demand that the “Young Pioneer” be made even better than the “American Boy” and “Boy’s Life” and’ all the other magazines that the bosses put out to fill the minds of the workers’ | kids with poison. And so plans were drawn up to make the “Young Pioneer” a bigger and better paper. These plans also call for a cover in colors, and a lot of pictures and cartoons inside! All this is sure ambitious’ for a paper like ours, isn’t it? You bet! And let me tell you that the “Young Pioneer” can’t be improved just out of thin air; there are no magicians to do this. / If there are any, then it must be you and you and you—every one of the workers’ and farmers’ kids reading this. Now how can yop help? Let's see. Well— there's collecting pennies, nickles and dimes from all your chums and classmates. This is the best and most important way, because the magazine needs a lot of money to come out in its new dress on May Ist. Then the other ways that you can build the | Pioneer magazine is to send in letters and draw- ings—we need a lot of them, you now. And if you can send in photos of workers’ kids and their bad conditions; or of some ball game, then you are doing one of the best things you can to improve your paper. And if you think that the name of the pxper should be changed then send in your idea of a good one. C'mon, kids, toss your pennies, pictlres, let- ters and what not into the ring! Join the game! See who wins! See if we can improve our paper before our parents can improve the Daily Worker! Write to Young Pioneers of America, 43 East 125th Street, New York City. was to be seen of the famous “irreconcilable differences” between the followers of Mr. Love- stone and Mr, Cannon. Not even when it came to the question of finances. In order to liquidate the petty-bourgeois grouping which has masqueraded as the San Antonio unit of the Communist Party, in order to isolate the Lovetsone renegades and to build @ genuine proletarian unit of the Party, the District Bureau has made the following deci- sions: porter of the Lovestone renegades. (2) To expel S. Epstein for distributing re- ligious materials among the workers and for general unfitness for membership in the Party. (3) To remove Joe Leveen as Party organizer in San Antonio, and to replace him with Com- rade Alma Polkoff. (4) To demand from Joe Leveen and the other members of the unit that they submit, within two weeks, statements outlining their at- titude towards District Bureau decisions and specifically towards the Lovestoneites and to- wards the proposals for involving the unit in mass work. (5) To begin immediately work among the Negro, Mexican and white workers*on the basis of the struggle for unemployment relief, for the day-to-day economic demands of the workers, and against white chauvinism and racial dis- crimination—with orientation towards holding a mass unemployed demonstration on February 10. (6) On the basis of every-day work and struggles to carry on a systematic exposure of the counter-reyolutionary role of the Lovestone- ites and to win every sincere worker away from their influence. (D) To send an organizer to San Antonio and the Party, not only includes the democratic politicians, but extends to the Trotskyiter as well, When recently their field organizer, Cur- tis, spent a week in San Antonio, he was wel- coméd with open arms by the Schaeffer gang, Meetings were arranged at which Curtis was smain speaker. At these meetings no trace to establish, by May Ist, a functioning Section Committee of the Party in. 'Texas. DISTRICT BUREAU OK DIST. 10, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U. 8. A, Approved by CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, © COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U. 5. A, ‘A CALL TO WORKERS’ CHILDREN; | a day; if you fall down on this quota you go (@) To expel Mrs. J. Schaeffer, as a, sup-. | harvested the men’s table never sees any of it. Those in Glass Houses Shouldn't ' Throw The twa preceeding articles exposed the lies of the propagandists against the Soviet Union and disclosed the flourishing of convict labor in the United States. ARTICLE Il. By HELEN KAY, cE after one year in the jute mill of Quentin a man hasn't got consumption he is at least pretty sure to have lost his mind.” This is the statement of a worket paroled from this hell- hole, . He described the prison. The jute mill, so dusty that one can scatcely breath. There is always an intense noise as the chuttles shoot- ing back and forth shake the old style machin- ery. This place is reserved for those for whom the keepers have the least use. You are forced to turn out 100 yards of cloth into solitary confinement or lose good time. The mill has a yearly profit of $1,000,000 or more. ie money is supposed to go for the upkeep of the prison. But it first goes to the director of the State Board of Prisons, and he uses it as he sees fit. The men work under the hot sun for hours | on the prison farms. But when the truck is This is reserved for the officers, guards, and their families. Sch is San Quentin, Bastille of California. A worker, James C. Van Horn, writes us on conditions in Camp Leeds, near Kansas City: “I have bummed about quite a bit in my time and haye heard a great many stories about | prison camps but this Leeds has them all skinned | to a frizel. The food is rotten turnips. The noon diet sometimes beans and sometimes po- tatoes. We get meat if you are lucky enough to get hold of the garbage can before someone else does. You are supposed to work 8 hours. There are plenty of shot guns to see that you do work. And I mean it’s work, breaking rock, | or unloading coal, or digging graves, paupers’ graves.” He continues: “Now while I was working on the farm, I was working for private people dig- ging cellars. I was told the county got dollar a day for our.work that we did on the outside for other people. All I got was a few stewed turnips to eat.’ \ Other prisons have nearly the same abominable | the files of my office is an affidavit of an in- conditions. There is the chain gang of the South, the quarries, and the turpentine camps where the convict workers are viciously oppressed and exploited. The amount paid for the labor of the prisoner when paid at all is a mere pittance. The pay is a measly two or three cents a day. The pris- oner has no benefit. He toils all day long under the ‘most barbaric conditions. A convict does not have the “privilege” of striking. If he does strike it means an added punishment in the form of years, in brute force, or in diet. Average earnings of prisoners in forty state penitentiaries for the fiscal year of 1927-28 was about $170 per prisoner. The earnings of Colo- rado prisoners amouted to $47.86 for that year according to the report of a survey by the Cal- ifornia Taxpayers’ Association. In the Handbook of Labor Statistics of 1923, the latest available information on this subject, out of 104 pens only 51 had any compensation whatsoever, and 53 had none at all. The pris- oner received absolutely nothing for his labor. In only one state does the prisoner receive the free labor wage rate. : States publish records saying that wages are paid to the prisoner. This is not true, For ex- ample, in the West Virginia Penitentiary a task is set for the prisoner to do. If he does. two- tasks a day he is paid for the second task. If he does no more than a day’s task he earns * nothing. >: A 5. n Tennessee on road work the convict is handed over to the contractor and the state retains enough of his earnings to pay for his maintenance, and the prisoner receives one-third of the remainder, What happens to the two- thirds? The counties of this state pay nothing prisoners, Stones In 73 institutions the prisoners work 8 hours a day and under. In 26 they work between 8 and 10 hours. In five they work from 10 to 12 hours and over. We must bear in mind that these are statistics only from the 104 leading prisons examined by the Department of Labor Statistical Bureau, and that these facts do not take in the work on the chain gangs, and the other 3700. lock-ups in this country. ‘ Injuries. In the Monthly Labor Review of March, 1929, © it was stated that “the use of convicts in prison industries has subjected prisoners to dangers that affect health, safety and even life, and in some cases to greater hazards than free labor is subject to, as the labor is forced and there is less incentive to protect the workmen against injury.” G Several cases have arisen in which convicts engaged in prison manufacture have received permanent injuries for which no relief was granted. There are only two states, Maryland, and Wisconsin that have accident compensation taws for convicts. Refuse Parole. Edgar Wallace brought ott before the Com- mittee on Labor Hearings in the House of Rep- resentatives that “cases have been known where men have been refused parole not because of any wrong they may have done but because of their value to. the contractor, that men have been refused parole because they worked so well.” Mr. Manning said at this hearing that “in mate of the penitentiary of Ga. who was cut- ting shirts. He served his full four years be- cause of his work, and that man was taken into the cutters’ union of New York City.” Such things happen only too frequently. All this is done for the sake of profit for the prison Officials or for the private contractor or for both. Falsifying of Labels. John J. Sonsteby, representative of the United Garment Workers, said that “labels of all kinds are put on shirts and overalls. For instance, ‘Custom-made shirts, made for John Brown and Co., Podunk, such and such a state.’ That shirt labeled in that way is boxed and shipped to that retail concern and sold in the local community as though it had been made especially for that particular retailer. We haye dozens of labels of that kind in Illinois and other states.” Union labels are constantly" being forged and sewed onto convict made goods. In St. Louis, union members suspected that the United Gar- ment ,Workers officials were selling the union label to the factory contractors. There was a strike sometime back in the shirt industry, most of the shops were fighting, and there was a con- tinual influx of union made products with the jocal union label. Where did they come from? Prison made shoes are put on the market by these grafters marked “U. S. Munson Army Last,” and are sold at a huge profit to Army and Navy stores as excess army goods. The warden gf the Indiana State Prison, Michigan City, Indiana, gave his permission to the Commonwealth Manufacturing Co, to mark “shoes from the factory prison as “United States Army Munson Last Work Shoes.” Convicts Used as Strike Breakers, One of the important uses of prison labor is “strike bresking.” A concern will make arrange; ments with a prison to produce articles. The By JORGE —enmeenmnemme| Break the News Gently Dr. Francis J. Tyson is Professor of Economics at the University of Pittsburgh, we learn for the first time in a N, Y, Times dispatch from that city under date of Jau. 22. But we learn something else, also, for the dispatch opens up this way: y “Women's skirt lengths, blamed for many ve held to be largely contributory to the ss depression by Dr. Francis J. ‘Tyson, Professor of Economics at the University of Pittsburgh.” More, quoting the Professor: “Unless all women get together and decide whether skirts are going to. be up or down, and permanently, the garment industry and- allied industries always will have seasonal de- pression.” ® Stillmore, and still quoting this economic “authority” “We can offer a, number of remedies to help a bad condition, but we cannot remove the con- dition completely.” Uni... Yeah, it would~be, difficult to re- move the skirts mpletely: But what we wish to remark upon, is the astonishing similarity of the professét’s profound analysis, and that of the American Trotskyist paper, given to the light of\day when the economic crisis was. yet -not very clear to the American disciples of the great “master.” Maybe it isn’t clear yet, but anyhow the following appeared in. the Trotskyist paper, the “Militant,” on Dec. 28, 1929: “The long skirt has also caused demoraliza- tion, Women are refusing to buy dresses in the new style and the entire trade is in con- fusion.” Trotsky really should have copyrighted the brilliant analysis to prevent infringement by Professors of. Economics in American. capitalist colleges. Theh he could haye forever raised the claim of having been the first discoverer of the world crisis, if any—according to whether he wished to assert there was or deny there wasn't any crisis. ¢ é Verily all great minds of opportunist leanings, cling round the petticoat theory. No sooner had the “Militant” given the above piercing com- ment on Dec. 28, 1929, than the N.Y. Sun told us on Jan. 14, 1930, that the Austro-Marxists also had taken up the slogan. The Sun of that date said, in a Vienna dispatch: “At the artists’ ball, despite the socialists’ propaganda for short dresses, everyone put on everything available, old and new, and the re- sult was the most audacious.” The cause of the world crisis is now clear. And the united front slogan of the Trotskyists and Austro-Marxists is equally clear: “Up with the short skirt!” “Natural Causes” The Buffalo “Courier” of Jan. 19, tells us thav one Alfred Mayo, 43 years old, was found dead in his room in the slum section of that city. Well, he was dead. So.Medical Examiner C. E. Long rendered the verdict that he died from “natural causes.” 4 “Natural causes,” like capitalist charity, covers a multitude of sins. In fact capitalist charity is reported to have been the “natural causes” that killed Alfred. Mayo. Our Buffalo corres- pondent says that Mayo starved to death. Workers should never permit themselves to crawl off into a room and starve to death. That is precisely what the capitalists want them to do. They have a right to life, but only if they fight for it. Not individually, but united with others like them, of their own class, they mus¢ fight for life. And while we are not addicted to poetry, the lines of Shelley come to us: “Shake your chains to earth like dew! “You are many. They are few!” igre The Meanest Man “The meanest man,” says that great authority on meanness, Mayor Jimmy Walker, “is not one who frames up innocent women.” James, you will note, was referring to the police force, And, after all, there’s something in what James said, if anything. Because if the meanest man is not one who’ frames up innocent women, may- be it is the mayor who defends such a man. Or, again, maybe it is the congressman, headed by Mr. Fish, who picked out the particular police force that is being exposed as the framers of innocent women, to recommend for a special Congressional Medal of Honor. 4 Sates “What Is a “Brownstone Front?” We've gotten sort of cross-eyed trying to keep track of which is the biggest crook, Mr. Steuer or Mr. Kressel. e But though a bit dizy from watching the things unwind a talé of piracy that would make Captain Kidd turn green with envy, we haven't forgotten that Mr. Broderick is the State ‘Super- intendent. of Banks, but that he has been—if the evidence is to be believed at all—protecting bank robbers, the kind who dg the inside job. Take, for instance that little matter—fust one among many—of Mr, Brownstone. This gent lifted out of the Bank of U. S.' the following items. . . 1. A loan made out to J; C. Brownstone, $100,000. ‘ 2, A loan made out to J. C. Brownstone and Co., $200,000. C 3. A Joan made to Daly's Style Shop, -con- trolled by Brownstone, $75,000, ‘ 4. A loan to J. C. Brownstone Company (still another firm than the “and Co,” mentioned above), $250,000. eon This makes a total of $625,000. Brownstone had about $3,000 in the bank when it closed. He workers in his “free labor factory” strike. He immediatély ships his raw materials to the prison, and the situation is solved for him. The convicts break the walk-out. There is no way to get the prisoners to support thetr fight. An example of this was seen in the District of Columbia. The workers in the National Pants organized to fight for better conditions. The boss immediately threatened to send all the material to. a prison in Virginia where he had & contfact for the labor of the inmates. The boss won. The workers realized that it was a -+-got the loans because he was @ director of the bank. The “collateral” supposedly worth $500,- “000 put up against the: $625,000 loans is worthless, And there you are. ‘ But Mr. Brownstone is hot in want. He is not living on the breadline, He is fat and well-fed and well-dressed. Mr. Brownstone was a direc- tor cf a bank. Moreover, he is not even at> rested. § . * Ps But—while writing this, our-eyes fell upon'® United Press dispatch’ dated’ at Minneapolis Minn, Jan, 17, sayings > ~ eee ‘losing fight. They could not get to the convict workers for support. (To be continued) ‘Tomorrow's article will, deal specifically’ with the vicious slave conditions of the southern chain gang, Pt aa Wr adey th we 4 * “A robbery in which he bbtained three cents aa en Sato. 21, 0 sentence of five: years in t. Cloud reformat today in District Court. Galloway tinted when heard the sentence” “Well, he may faint again when e il a ee Ae