The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 22, 1931, Page 4

ith 8 Published by the Comprodaily et, New York City, Address and mail all ehecks (o the Dally Worker, Publishing Co, Ine, atly, except Sunda: N. . Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cabie: 60 Rest 13th Street, New fork. N. Y. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: One year, By mall everywhere: One year, $6: etz montba $2, two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ef Manhattan an@ Bronx, New York City. $8; six months $4.50, TWO FAKE INSURANCE BILLS “He! Her” BEFORE N.Y. LEGISLATURE By I. AMTER. | OVERNOR ROOSEVELT of New York has the reputation of being a “progressive,” a “lib- eral.” He is reported to be in favor of unem- ployment insurance—but the plan t he sup- ports is that of the Gener: ectric Company, which has already been adopted. This is a com- plicated form of voluntary insurance on the part of the employer, part of the burden being put on the workers themselves, who insure them- selves through the company. Should the num- ber and amount of insurance exceed the amount in the insurance fund, a special tax is put on the workers. This is a smug way of making the workers pay for rance for unemploy- ment forced on them by the employ Two bills are now before the State Legislature, which must be exposed. This is particularly necessary, for one resem»! in many perticu- lars that of the socialist party, and because the other has the support of the State Federation of Labor. which did not dare through its dele- gates at the convention of the American Fed- eration of Labor in Boston to stand even for this treacherous piece of business. Senator Hastings of New York has introduced a bill with the following provistions. The State shall collect data and statistics. Every em- ployer of more than ten workers shall be obliged to insure his workers either in a state or a private insurance fund. Employers of farm labor are exempt from this obligation. Those “in the service cf the United States. state or municipal governments” and actors shall not be insured. Seasonal workers shall not be protected by in- surance. Insurance shall run for twenty-six weeks only and shall amount to no more than two-thirds of the wages of the workers and not less than $8 a week. The shameful and discriminating provisions. of the bill are to be noted in the following: Only those workers shall be insured who have been continuously employed for six months by the particular employer; who “did not lose em- ployment through their own misconduct; who did not leave employment voluntarily; who did not leave or lose their employment due to stop- page of work due to a strike or lockouf.” No premium shall be payable until Jan. 1, 1932 and no claims for compensation shall accrue until July 1, 1932. Here we have the damnable provisions of the Hastings bill, which agrese in many points with the socialist party bill. Thus certain categories of workers are completely eliminated from in- surance, such as farm Jabor, state, municipal and: | government employes, actors and seasonal work- ers. They shall receive a maximum of 26 weeks of insurance, provided they have worked for the employer for six months, have not struck against. miserable conditions or been discharged for | “misconduct,” that is organizing the workers in the shop, or even been locked Otit! This is a bill directed against the militant workers, the purpose being tO prevent strikes against wage cuts, speed-up arid rotten condi- tions. It is a bill to establish peohage in the state, on the basis of a bribe in the form of unemployment insurance covering a period of 26 weeks! And/ it will not go into effect until July, 1932. In the meantiié the workers may starve! Thus the socialists and the capitalist Hastings! Another bill has been introduced in the State Assembly, sponsored by Steingut and represents the point of view of Roosevelt. This bill pro- vides for “at least two days’ work. per weck to be performed in the interest of the state at a minimum (read maximum) wage of five dollars per day.” This is work on public works, the ad- | ~ vertising, awarding and performance of the work | - being granted according to the usual conditions. | The following are covered by this insurance | scheme: “Any person who has attained the age of twenty-one years; who is unable to sup- port himself and his family because of forced idleness; is a citizen of the United States and of the State of New York for at least three con- tinuous years immediately preceding his appli- cation for relief; is not at the time an inmate of apy public institution” ‘Thus the great bulk of young workers—below 21 years of age, whose number is tremendous and whose wages are miserable; the unnaturalized foreign-born and the large number of migratory and seasonal workers, who are not able to re- main in the state or locality for a period, but must move from place to place looking for a job—these workers are barred from insurance. But this is not the worst feature. Those who will receive insurance will get it in the form of work on public works for two days a weck at the rate of $5 a day. The purpose of this pro- vision is to lower the condition of the building trades workers and all workers generally, for the further provision is made that awards shall be made as hitherto, except as to the scale of wages. This bill is supported by the State Fed- eration of Labor. Thus these two bills are directed against the bulk of the working class, against the seasonal, migratory and young workers, against the mili- tant workers, against the foreign-born workers. Against these two bills representing the so- called progressives. the socialists and the Amer- ican Federation of Labor, the workers put the Workers Insurance Bill, which is to go into effect at once, to cover the workers from the first week of unemployment, without discrim- ination as to race, age, color, sex, nationality, and to prevail during the entire period of un- employment. In addition, contrary to the above two bills, the workers’ unemployment insurance fund is to be administered by a Workers Com- | mission of workers in the shops and unemployed workers so that no discrimniation will take place. The purpose of introducing the above two bills is to offset the fight for the Workers’ Un- employment Insurance Bill. The date for put- ting into effect is such that the 1.300,000 un- empioyed workers in New York will starve to death before obtaining any insurance. In the meantime, according to Steingut, Roosevelt and Hastings, they will have to be content with salvation army, police line and bread line char- ity. The workers will not accept these conditions, by the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, which will be placed before the United States Congress on February 10, backed up by a mil- lion signatures and by the militant struggles of the unemployed and employed workers all over | the country for immediate unemployment re- lief and insurance, Sign the Workers’ Bill! Become a collector of s Bill! Fight against evictions! Demand immed- iate relief from the cities! Organize in the fight for Unemployment Insurance! Roosevelt, the socialist party, State Federa- tion of Labor, Steingut and Hastings, repre- sentatives of the capitalists, are carrying on a vicious campaign against the workers who are fighting for relief and insurance. Expose their fraud, as enemies of the workers in the shops and on the land—enemies of the militant, for- eign-born and young workers—enemies of the entire working class! Join the Unemployed Councils! Employed workers, join the unions of the Trade Union Unity League! Together fighf for unemploy- ment insurance, against wage cui speed-up, worse conditions! ‘ Together we wilf put through our demands! Unemployment Insurance matures for the Dollar Imperialism Means Deport- -__ ation for 100,000 Workers By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. its desperate éfforts to overcome what Wall Street's “Commercial and Financial Chron- fele” of January 3, calls, “The most dismal year in the mercantile and financial history of the te United States,” the Washington government an- _Rounces immediate plans for the deportation of “100,000 aliens. { ‘This is the spearhead of the attack against | -militant labor inspired by the notorious Fish | Committee of the United States Congress that has secretly developed its own “political police” . for spying out foreign-born workers active in the growingly desperate struggles of the Amer- ican working class. The announcement of the wholesale deporta- tions constituted the first public declaration of the new secretary of labor in the Hoover cabinet, William Doak, formerly legislative rep- Tesentative or “lobbyist” of the Brotherhood of - Railroad Trainmen. Doak Just Like Davis The Hoover administration, driven frantic by the results of the November elections, ahd? the growing crisis, put forward Doak as the succes- sor to James J. Davis, the Pittsburgh steel baron, banker and mine owner, as an effort to hoodwink Tabor. Doak, the official of the railroad train- men already proves himself in action to be of the same fascist breed as the Pittsburgh multi- millionaire, who for years paraded as “secretary of labor” while leading in the campaign for the registration, finger-printing and deportation of _. foreign-born workers. Davis has now been pro- ‘moted and became senator from Pennsylvania, Det where workers rot in prisons, serving up to five year sentences, for struggling against the steel _ and coal interests. : the year 1931 the deportation pro- et at extended, since Secretary of ge informs the United States Senate “it appear a fair estimate that there 26 400,000 aliens illegally.in the United States. 100,000 are deportable under exiMing laws. “The congress now in session plans to strengthen - these Jaws, with the special objective of reach- ‘ing every foreign-born worker affiliated with a working cless organization. It is the special ition of the Fish Committce that has the ament of Secretary of Labor Doak, to Party and the Trade Union Unity League its affiliated revolutionary trade unions out Deportations by Wholesale the year 1930, there were 16,631 de- for all causes. Needless to say those were practically all workers. Last August there was the wholesale deportation of 6,500 jobless Mexicans, who had been sweated in the South- western states of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California, until they were needed no longer. Then they were herded back across the Rio Grande to old Mexico, to become victims of the economic depression in this Wall Street colony. In 1930, deportations that will be duplicated many times in 1931, included workers from the Oriental countries of China and Japan, as well as Latin-American countries, in addition to Eu- ropeans. : Ellis Island, the prison for aliens in the shadow of the so-called “Statue of Liberty” in New ‘York Harbor is always crowded with an endless stream of exiles. At frequent intervals a “de- portation special,” an “alien prison train” cross- es the nation from Seattle to New York with its human cargo of deportable “undesirables.” Recently, such a train carried 1,150 victims. In order to speed up this process the Secretary of Labor, Doak, asks congress for power io au- thorize his police agents over the land to sign warrants of arrest. This means that foreign- born strike leaders, all foreign-born workers ac- itve in unemployment demonstrations or hunger marches, in fact foreign born workers active in any working class activities, may be picked up on sight, thrown into prison, and started on their way out of the country before help can reach them from the International Labor Defense American section of the International Red Aid.) For Right of Asylum It is difficult to tell just’how many workers have already been deported in this manner. While fighting for the right of political asylum in the United States, the International Labor Defense struggles through every resources. to save workers already doomed by Dollar Imper- jalism to death at the hands of the bloody fas- cisms of Italy, Jugo-Slavia, Hungary, China, Spain, Venezuela and many other centers of black reaction. Denial of jury trial, secret hear- ings, framed-up evidence, deliberately falsified translations of testimony given by prisoners in foreign langiages, these are some of the methods used to secure quick deportations of “undesirable aliens.” It is exactly in this period that labor in the United States on an increasing scale, irrespective of color or nationality, native and.foreign-born, Negro and white, unite for the struggle against deportations, for the right of political asylum, against lynchings, for the right of legal exist- ence of revolutionary class organizations, for amnesty for all class war prisoners, as By BURCK | THE ROLE OF MISSIONARIES IN THE COLONIES HARRY By GANNES. Me SSIONARIES are just as important to* the imperialist masters in the colonies as their armies and labor ministers, and the exposure of the actioh of the British government, condoned by Ramsay MacDonald, in the case of the mis- sionary Keithan in Madura, south India, China, Africa, Indo-China and the Philippines to help | keep the masses shackled. but are fighting for the real insurance provided | The Rev. Ralph R. Keithahn was sent to India as a missionary by the American Board of Com- missioners for Foreign Missions in the Madura district. Naturally, being an American mission- ary his interests lay with Wall Street and not with its competitor British imperialism. When the Gandhist agitation began, Keithan, good missionary that he was, made contacts with friends of Gandhi, because this was good bus | ness for those who financed the American mis- | sionaries. y | and he was ordered deported. Before Keithahn This angered the British in July, 1930, was deported a British magistrate, J. F. Hall, wrote lim a letter, telling him what the imper- ialist government expects of its missionaries. Nowhere is there .a more glaring example of the hand between the sky-pilots and the finance-cap- italists in their common action in . clamping down the yoke on the colonial masses than this document. It is not peculiarly British. It is the basic policy of all imperialist powers and it is followed implicitly by 99 9-10ths percent of the hoard of religious opium venders in the colonial countries. Keithan was told that the duties of missionaries in India were as follows: “It is the duty not only of every servant of the government, no matter in what department he may serve, but also of every person what- ever his nationality may be, who belongs to one of those non-official organizations which are permitted by the government to participate in any educational, medical or other public work in India to show his disapproval of the (nationalist) movement.” Of course, the “disapproval” demanded by the imperialists was not to be carried out in a nega- tive form; and the degree of “disapproval” of workers and peasants revolutionary movements erquired can well be imagined. Keithan, to- gether with all other missionaries, was told that their duty was to combat “by informal talks”, all revolutionary activity and to encourage “loy- alty to the government’—that is, to the imper- ialist government whether ruled by MacDonald or Baldwin. The instructions—the same given to missionaries the world oyer—go on to say: “The government expects this service to be faithfully performed and looks to you as a member of such (missionary) organization to see that effect is given to this expectation. Any advice that you may require as to the particu- lar methods to be followed will be willingly supplied by me on application.” The advice on methods which the magistrate volunteered to give in secret was detailed in- structions on how to ae: spy work against revo- Jutionaries. The same work is carried on by Roman Catho- lic and other missionaries in the Dutch East Indies, the French colonies, African colonies, China, Indo-China—in every colony of the im- perialist powers. The Standard Oil Co. has its missionaries in China who do the same work, Each missionary from the imperialist country follows out the policy of “loyalty to the govern- ment” of his finance-capitalist masters. That is why millions are shelled out to them. The China Century, a missionary magazine, published in China, in its issue of October 22nd, admits that the American missionaries had gone so far in their open imperialist activities in China that the “St. John’s university, once the most important mission college in China, now is mere- ly a shell, due to the conviction of the Chinese that, in a time of test, the college authorities showed themselves out of sympathy with Chi- nese aspirations.” And we may add, too clearly showed their imperialist dirty work. Missionaries are the poison gas carriers of the imperialist butchers in the colonies. Fill Your Signature AList for Unemployment Insurance, Send It in ‘at Once. Get An- other and Fill That. We Need Thousands of Ad- ditional Signatures j ‘ id The Program ot the Indian Revolution ARTICLE I. HE Draft Platform of Action of the Indid Comnfunist Party, published last week in these columns, is a document of first rate importance to the whole international Communist movement. to the broadest masses, it sets forth the devas- tating results of imperialist domination in India with all its concomittants: Landlordism, usury, debt slavery, perpetuation of the abominable caste system, etc. and formulates the immed- iate objects of the Indian revolution. These are: 1. The complete indépendence of India by the violent overthrow of British rule. The cancel- lation of all debts. The confiscation and na- tionalization of all British factories, banks, rail- ways, sea and river transport and plantations. 2, Establishment of a Soviet government. The realization ef the right of national minorities to self-determination including separation. Abol- ition of the native states. The creation of an Indian Federal Workers’ and Peasants’ Soviet Republic. 3. The confiscation without compensation of all the lands, forests and other property of the | landlords, ruling princes, churches, the British | Government, officials and moneylenders, and handing over for tise to t toiling peasantry. Cancellation of slave agreements and all the in- debtedness of the peasantry to moneylenders and banks. 4. The eight-hour working day and the rad- ical improyement of conditions of labor. In- crease in wages and, state maintenance for the unemployed. The Indian National Congress and Independence. The first and fore most object of the Indian revolution is the overthrow of British domina- tion and the complete liberation of the country. British imperialism dominates India not only through its political (including military) ma- chine, All the key positions in the economic life of the country are in the hands of British im- perialists. Can a country be free, when all its railways, its mining industry, the power stations, the banking system, the overwhelming majority of its factories, etc., remain in the possession of foreign imperialists? The answer is obvious. Yet in the Constitution, prepared by the National Congress (the so-called Nehru Constitution) the British capitalists were accorded full protection for their “vested interests” in' India. The Com- munist Party of India has no use for such a freedom, which is the freedom of a Nicaragua— slavery in disguise. Real independence of India can be assured only through the cancellation of all debts and the confiscation of all enterprises of the British imperialists and their Dignan to the Indian people. The Way To Independence. But what is the way.to achieve this inde- pendence?, Gandhi answers: through a non- violent revolution, _ However, the history of man- kind does not know of such a miracle as the vic- tory of a non-violent revolution. On the con- trary, history knows many cases, when the de- feat of a revolution was wholly due to the in- decisiveness of the revolutionary forces, to the absence of a resolute attack on the forces. of counter-revolution. But what are the lessons of history to a Mahatma? Gandhi himself actively helped the British im- perialists to swallow up the small Dutch Boer republics in South Africa, to quell the Negro re- bellions there, to fight the Germans in the world war, in which hundreds of thousands of Indian lives were lost for the glory of British trade. In all of these events the gun andthe rifle played rather a conspicuous part. But then, you see, these were wars of the exploiters against the exploited (as was the case in South Africa) or of one group of robbers against afiother group of robbers (as it happened during the world war). In India at the present time the case is cer- tainly different. Here is a war of an oppressed People against its oppressors, a war in which the British imperialist butchers. massacre whole vil- Jages by air bombardments, and shoot, hang, beat to death, jail and torture the flower of the Indian people. No, says Gandhi, to the Indian workers and peasants, to the revolutionaty In- dian youth. in such a war you. cannot answer wih violetce; why, you should not even hurt the feelings of your enemies! : How does Gandhi ex- niain this monstrous betrayal? Well. in his writ- ings he just glesses it over with a self-forgiving Va, J, my/ small incersistenciés, you know, you will forgive your Saint! | The Indian Communists are pledged to explain, patiently and persistently, to the Indian masses, that, in the words of Lenin, the only really holy war history has ever known has been and is the war of slaves against the slave owners, of the serfs against the land barons, of’ the workers against the capitalists, of the oppressed nations’ against their imperialist oppressors, of all ex- ploited against the exploiters. That in this Holy War, which the Indian masses ave now engaged in, Gandhi's revolution. That the reason for Gandhi’s non- In clear and simple language, comprehensible | Vidlence is that Gandhi together with the Na- tional Congress tremble for the interests of the Indian landlords and capitalists, whose power will be wiped out by the real, i. ¢., violent revo- lution. That behind Gandhi's sermons on self- sacrifice is the desire to sacrifice the freedom of 300,000,000 people in order to preserve the power and the “right” of 20,000,000 exploiters to bleed “them white. The independence, preached by the National Congress, to be achieved by non-violent means, is a fraud. As stated in the Platform of Action, the complete independence of India can be achieved only through the violent overthrowal of British rule, i. ¢., through the armed uprising of the Indian masses. Land to the Peasants! Bread to the Workers! Power to the Masses! Seventy-three per cent of the Indian popula- tion is engaged in agriculture. The overwhelm- ing majority of the peasants have no land of their own. They sow and till, they water the land by the sweat of their brow only to see the landlord, the money lender, the trader, the tax collector reap the harvest when the crops are ripe. Their “normal” state is one of starvation, in a drought or with excessive rain they die in millions like flies, What is national liberation to the starving peasant if it does not liberate him from the clutches of the landlord and the usurer? The National Congress guarantees the jandlords their landed property, and yet dares to speak of national liberation! How can the peasant get the land he tills? Without a revdlution, without the overthrow of British imperialist rule this is impossible. The Indian landlords and the so-called native Princes, who are the biggest and worst landlords, derive their power from the British bayonets. Thus the liberation of the Indian peagant from ‘the landlord (agrarian revolution) and the lib- eration of the Indian nation from imperialist \ domination (ational revolution) are imsepara- bly bound together. This is recognized in the Platform of Action in which the Indian Commu- nist Party demands the confiscc‘ion of all the lands, belonging to the landlords and other para- sites, without compensation and transfer of same ‘to the toiling peasantry. The Indian worker fares no better than the Indian peasant. His “normal” house is a slum, $10 a month is high wages to him. He works ten, twelve and fowteen heurs a day without a compulsory day of rest. The abuses of child labor and woman labor in the Indian factories, mines and plantations are without parallel in any capitalist country. Unemployment is down- right death to bim, yet the civilized British In- dian government never attempted even to esti- mate the number of unemplvyed in India, which including agricultural workers, must now run into millions. The Indian working class, which is the vanguard and will eventually become the leader of the Indian revolution, will not tolerate this wretched state of affairs to continue. If the Indian revolution is to give anything to the Indian workers, it must guarantee them an 8- hour day, decent conditions of labor and bread in case of unemployment. How are the Indian workers and peasants to assure the realization of these demands after the revolution? Aren't there instances when the masses had won the victory of the revolution by their blood and afterwards were robbed of their achievements, deceived in their most legitimate hopes by the landlords and the capitalists? Take an example nearest to us, Mexico. Was not the Mexican revolution carried out by the Mexican workers and peasants? The peasants were prom- ised land. But after many years of the revolu- tion how much of it have they actually got? Now the counter-revolutionary government of Ortiz Rubio has completely stopped even that meagre distribution of land to the peasants. A Labor Code is being enacted, which makes short shrift of all the promises the Mexican workers heard about decent wages and better labor con- ditions. There is only one way to guarantee the real fulfillment of the objects of the revolution—the masses who actually win the power, must keep it in their own hands afior the revolution, The only form of government which makes the masses the masters of their country is a Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic based on Soviets, Under such |. nationality by another. a government there can be no exploitation of one I Every nationality has ‘the right to build its national life in its own way. This is what the Indian Communist Party stands for to assure the fruits of the revolution non-violence means suicide for the | } meeting. But Is It Party Work? By JOSEPH NORTH. PARTY MEMBER engrossed in Trade Union Unity League rank and file activittes:it’many parts of the country labors under a cloud. « “Neg- lecting unit work” is a charge blasted at him from zealous unit organizers. Charges in:some cases are brought against the worker. And there is perpetual wrangle between the party end the TUUL in most districts over the pacsb B such a worker. In ,Cleveland district for instance, a comrade placed in charge of organizing a-plan to raise finances for the TUUL, was unable«after two weeks to accomplish any work for the. TUUL. She said she was too busy with “party. activity.” ” Jn Chicago a unit organizer demanded. to know of the district Labor Unity agent in what capac- ity was she to attend an unemployment confer- ence, instead of going out for signatures in the local election campaign, He did not know, ap- parently, that Labor Unity, and its supplement, the Unemployed Worker, is the official organ of the TUUL and of the Unemployed Councils. It was very difficult to get the unit organizer to agree that the Labor Unity agerit_for thé entire Chicago district should attend thé Unemploy- ment Conference and organize the apparatus for building up the official organ of the TUUL and Unemployed Councils, rather than to be out col- lecting signatures that particular-day: TUUL Work and Party Work. True, the pariy member functioning™in the TUUL should be responsible to his party unit. Reports must be made to the unit-organizer as to his activities in the TUUL. The PUUL secre- tary must obtain the comrade’s release from the majority of unit activity, to work-in the TUUL. So far thiseis not done. As a resulf, the unit organizer is ignorant of the work of the com- rade in the trade unions, and he skeptically eyes the vacant chair of the comrade during the unit meetings. Words of blame may come: from the organi And yet at that particular time, that party member may!be trying to speak before an A. F. of L. local, in danger of assault, or even of murder as the comrade who was killed recently in Chicago distributing leaflets at an-A.’F. of L. He may get a fractured skullor may crash the gate and get his message-to the AF.L. membership—but he’s not doing “party work.” The fault is in the organization of party and TUUL co-operation. The failure to check up on comrades in TUUL work: That is, comrades who are engaged in TUUL work+a job that requires more than every evening of his time—must be excused, formally, from regular unit activity. It would be a-good idea if he could arrange his activities. so as to. leave the two hours open during the week when his unit meets. But the A. F. of “L. unfortunately does not recognize party unit meetings, nor does | a pke-strike situation But speaking in general, the party member must attend his unit meet- ings despite his work in TUUL. But that he be required in addition to engage in the multitudinous activities of the party, as such, aside from his TUUL work, is piling up too big a burden on any one comrade’s shoulders, In fact a far greater numbew of ‘party: members must be drafted to concrete TUUL mativity. Fractions, In most districts, Party functions in“ TUUL groups, in Unemployed Councils, are unknown. They don’t ‘exist. As a result many reformist illusions are broadcast by well-meaning but un- developed leaders in Unemployed Councils, often acting as a brake upon the militancy of the un- employed, rather than spurring-them on to greater and more organized activity. ~ In most TUUL groups likewise. The fraction is non-existént. The Party member ‘busy in the fraternal organizations, or perhaps in his singing society (Chicago can attest to the latter) to participate in the fraction of the union. Or even, as in most cases, to even oats to the union. “ And in most cases the \eeeiaies of Party members enrolled and active in the TUUL is disgraceful. Here is the kernel of the situation. In Detroii, for instance, only 15 per cent of Party members, are active in the unions.Fifteen per- cent of the Party strength behind the TUUL movement, which all “recognize and agree” must be pushed in this period to the: shi epeiseng to achieve mass status. But at this rate, comrades, at the 15 pér cent, rate; it will never be achieved. “Thé“bossés are travelling 100 per cent speed. We Will be lag- ging along at the tail of the movements of the working class. The enrollment of Party mem- bers into the TUUL is of absolute and funda- mental importance. The TUUL ‘secretary in each district should compile a list. of comrades to be placed into 100 per cent aetive in the different unions and leagues. i “i There are many Party comrades. who have yet to be introduced to the TUUL. To. picture of the proposition. And. the woeful ig- norance of details of organization and the strug- gle for partial demands is widespinenatn the Party. This can be clearly mirrored Perera for instance, of the Party ei oe TUUL literature—Labor Unity,fe its supplement, the Unemployed Worker, the ei cial organ of the TUUL and. the Unemployed Councils. To the great majority of-Party mem- bers, Labor Unity is a publication “suitable only for rank and file workers outside the movement. It's too “elementary, too simple”. for the Party member. The mere fact that~ ers tr worker correspondence section refets biiantiy the conditions of the Gerace ing. The fact that between 75 : peers from as many sections of the countty come weekly to Labor Unity, is nothing.’ No. ice publication in the country gives. accus” rate picture of the status of the, work er. But too many a Party member goes on the assumption that “he knows it all,” -AS-@ result too many a Party member-comes to the rank and file unorganized worker, and te-the A. F. of L. rank and filer, in a language that-might as well be Korean, we te epee As a result of this attitude of the Party mem- bershin, Labor Unity is being built-almost en- lirely by non-Party elements. Which. {s good. The paper is growing at a rate. considered im- possible eight months! ago. Fifteen per cent Party membership “active in the TUUL—as in Detroit—is something-to think about. And it's not necessary to. ponder. about it at any length, but to get to TUUL activities, and break 2 pe ee RS a ee ee ie