The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 20, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodefty Publishing Co, Ine, defy, exeapt Sunday, at 50 Best 18th Street. New Tork City, N. T. a6 fall all eheeks to the Dally Worker, Addresé MORE SYSTEMATIC EFFORTS| Telephone Algonquin 1956-7, Cable: “D. 40 East 13th Street, New Y; FOR BUILDING THE “DAILY” By H, PURO. ON= of the encouraging things is that the chief organ of our Party, Worker, has made constant progress during the past yea>, both as far as the content of the paper and the circulatién is concerned. In its content, the Daily Worker has made great™im- provement. It is now mote tinderstandable and résdable to the average worker than it has been in the past. It does not containJong theoretical atticlés, but. news items and shott articles on the struggles of the workers. ‘This change in the content of the Daily Work- er has had steady reflection in the cireulation. ‘The gain made. in thé circulation. during the pastiyear wag so ndtabif that thé Central Com- mittee Plenum in thé end of Noveniber wat able to ‘record the, following: “The fact that in’ spite of the absolutely in- adequate attention giten ‘to the Daily Worker bythe district’ organizatiqks, our paper has almost doubled its cifculatién in thé past year, is a proof-of th. favorable situation generally for building the moyemént and. espedially provés‘the enormous pogsibilities of extending the-Daily Worker circulation by energétie and systematic. work,” It is teally a big achievement for our, Party that the Daily Worker circulation incréasec from 17,000: to yell .over 30,000 within the past year. This means. that to the extént the Daily Worker cireulation has grown, tothe same extent the ig for the growth of our’ Party has been widened Work Is Not Yet Sygtematic Although the circulation of the Daily Worker has grown steadily, the work of increasing the circilation has not yet béen systematical. This can be noted in the following daily circulation reports that have been published in the Daily Worker. For instante; in these. citculation ‘ré- ports, Satramento, California, has-been often pointed out ds dn examplé how the Daily, Worker circulation cari be built up by systematir efforts of two or three comrades. Now, why cannot we point out hundreds of examples like Sacramento, Calif.?. The only reason for this-is that there have not bee nsystématic efforts on.the part of our Party organizations to make .concréte plans to build up the circulation of the Daily. Worker. Red Builders Clubs Should be Organized : Everywhere. .' Recently, Red Builders Clubs have been-or- ganized ior circulation of the Daily. Worker in a humber of places. A particularly good feature about these. Red Builders Clubs:is.that) unem- ployed workers have been drawn: in to.sell the Dafly Worker. oundle copies and to take sub- scriptions. This method should be copied. every- where and permanent Red Buildors’ Clubg should be organized. However, it is nog sufficient that only unémployed Party members should be ac- tive in these Red Builders Citibs,, but. non-Party workers must be mede active participants in = sores - 's Ch ts the duty of Noe in:our Party life | the Daily | | Party organizationg to initiate these organiza- tions and to guide their activities. ie The main shortcoming in the present circula- tion drive is that our Party district organiza- tions still have not extended the drive to embrace all localities, Only a few cities and towns in each district ate active—others have not done afiything. The Daily Worker circulation must be taken up in every city, town'and village. If thig ‘is"done; then it, is comparatively easy, not only to reach 60,000 circulation, which is the @oal of the present drive, but to reach 100,000 circulation, ‘The Datly Worker: circulation is also still de- pending too much on the occasional bundle orr defs: The bundle‘ orders must be steadily sold, evéry‘ day and’ every-effort should be made to inéréase thése bundle orders gystematically. A still better System is to work constantly for the inérease of thé individual mail subscriptions. Now that the Daily Worker circulation drive has beer @xterided over January, every district miust tak¢ up the quegtion of Daily Worker circulation a$ orie’of the most important ques- tions of Party work and systematically build Daily Worker circulation. And what is most important, the’ preseht circulation drive nrust leave per- manent ‘ofganization for steadily building up thé circulation of the aDily thfough Red Builders ers Clubs. “The present .income of the Daily Worker is yet farm from meeting the exxpenses of even the four page paper. This is so because Party or- ganizations and !mdividual comrades too often forget to pay their bills to the Daily Worker. This financial irresponsibility towards the Daily Worker must come to an end. No Party organ- ization or individual comrade is allowed from now on to withhold payment of their bills to the Daily Worker. If we allow the past practices to continue, this would constantly threaten the very existence of the Daily Worker. ‘The purpose of the present $30,000 financial drive is to hélp the Daily Worker to meet its past déficits and the debts that are long over- due. But in. this financial drive, also, the dis- trict organizationg have. responded very slowly Only one-third of the quota’has been achieved | sq far, For this reason, the financial drive has also, been extended. During the remaining weeks of the financial drive, every Party organization, every revolution- ary mass organization, individual Party members and sympathetic workers must do their utmost to help the Daily Worker fulfill its financial quota. It is the revolutionary duty of ‘every Party comrade and every sympathetic worker to do hic share in building the chief.organ of the Amer- ican revolutionary working. class movement for solid foundation and to help circulate it to hun- dreds of thousands of workers and oppressed By building the Daily Worker. we a powerful rcvolutionary workers movement m ths 0 ee Stetes. od Lenin On Work Among Women By MARGARET NEAL. ' IRE history of the Russian Communist Party 1s filled with examples of woren revolutionists Who took equal part with men in the great strug- gies that led to the victo%y of the first workers’ nd peasents’ state. Hardly an important con- ference, an important deliberation, a strike of any proportions, that did not include among its foremost workers, women. Equally important was the tremendous role played by the millions of working-class and peasant women in all the ‘Patties of Russian labor, the extent to which these women were co-workers and co-fighters with men. And this was due in no small measure to the correct, clear-sighted policy: towards wo- men, workéd out, under the direction of Com- rade Lenin. = It was Lenin who clearly formulated the Com- munist attitude towards the probléms of the nan worker, which had so greatly puzzled many of the revolutionists. To ‘what extent is the participation of. women.in industry a per- manent affair; do. we Communists encourage this. participation, or shall we. try t® restore, the old order of. things, in which women remained at.home; how does our position differ from that of the feminists; by what methods can working women b+.brought into the general stream of the struggle—to all these questions Lenin gave cleér-cut answers, that still hold good today. Thirty and more years ago, when. the.develop- ment of capitalism in Russia was drawing women ints industry by the thousands, the capitalists and many of the liberals, asserted that women Ante industry only temporaliy. that some work re pin-money, others only until they are mar- rieé,. .fte.,;and that eventually capitalism would -eréate @ paradise in which women, would, be free ‘from industrial labor. As early as. 1900, Lenin effectively. nailed this lie of the bourgeoisié, «proving that: working women are driven into in- +dustry by “bitter economie necessity, that. for ‘mtost of them. wage-labor is a life-long slavery, and that the simplification of the production ‘processes cothing with the development: of capi- talism will draw more and more of them into the factories. How this analysis has been justi- ‘fied we 'can see today. particularly in the United States, where the: number of working wonten, and, uiemployed working women, has been con- stantly on the increase, i | Rt ‘How 1s the revo:utionary working?class to view * this: fact? Even today, there are -voices to say that ‘woman's place is not in the féctory; some muddled liberals ask for an arrangement whereby women can remain at home; the bosses and the of L, try to make the workers believe that Women weré withdrawn from industry, unem- it would be materially decreased—thus Ml ig to set working men against working i nt Lenin sald: “The entrance of puts the workers thereby tn 2 ‘cane ves Th Order to alleviate this, st ts 1 regulation: of ight e wire - ” oe But the desire to forbid all particine - women in industry and to reveret: toa J. form of living which excludés such be sseranet?, bi eee He to de- into | -nq@ the attitude of the feminists and liberal: want to revert back to handicraft and women's domestic work. We want to go forward throagi: the trusts and onward towards socialism.” Lenin took pains to point out the difference hetween a Communist class policy on the ques- tion of women, which considers the working woman as part and parcel of the working clas*. who demand merely small reforms under the ing capitalist system, and whose apparently policy is at bottom the policy of the bourgeoisie, “(We must) clearly point out that real freedom for women is possible only through Communism. The inseparable connection between the socia) end human position of the woman, and private property in the means of production, must be strongly brought out. That will draw a@ clear and ineradicable line of distinction between our nolicy and feminism. And it will also supply the basis for régarding the woman question as a part of the’social question, of the workers’ prob- ; lem, and so bind it firmly to the proletarian cless struggle and the revolution.” Lenin always took the greatest interest in the every-day struggle-to win over the working wo- men. It was at his urging that the first edition of the paper “The Working Woman” was put out"in 1914 in Petrograd. Leni emphasized the necessity of puttipe forward immediate demands tom the working women, in order to win them. . It-is right for us to put forward demands favorable to women ... not a minimum of re- form, a reform, program,-not an attempt to ap- pease women by:reforms and to divert them from the path of revolutionary struggle. . Our demands are practical conclusions, which we have drawn from the burning needs of women.” It is in this spirit that the Communist Party of the. United States ‘today puts forward its, de- mands for equal pay for equal work,. for.ma- ternity insurance, for Abolition of night. work; it is in this. spirit. that we try to draw thé work- ing women. into the; strugglés for the all-impor- tant demand of-today, unemployment, insurance. The wrongnéss of the attitude that work among women if thé job’ only of women workers, the tendency. to ni t_ such. work by the Party as a whole, a tendency. which persists. today—Lenin long ago characterized in biting/words: “Agita- tion and propaganda among women is regarded as an intidéntal matter, as an affair which con- cerns only the women comrades. They-alone dre réproached when the work in that diréction does not proceed more quickly. That ig wrong, quite wrong! What is at the. basis of this incorrect attitude of our national sections?. In the final analysis it is nothing but an underestimation of woman and her work.” Workers! Join the Party of - Your Class! | Communist Party 0: wa 43 Bast 126th Street, New York City. Please’ send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. ~ é Name Address see eeenaseecaabeoeees CHY ...ssceerecsevesesecses.. State . AIWORK." fork. Ne E, s Sa v i 4 “we t) . : OM RATES: Dail forker a i Contd r. USA ef Msnhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: One fear, 88; six montha $4.50. rane Sosa Tee Sos ——== eceee eee Seen a cern —==—> By BURCK By JORGE Morgan, Young and‘ Mellon to the Rescue of German Capitalism By HARRY GANNES S the German economic crisis grows into a political crisis with revolutionary aspects, she leading finance-capitalists in the United States prepare to come to the rescue of the Ger- man. Tuling class. The Bruening goyernment | with the aid of the socialists is paving the way for a fascist dictatorship. It has opened a na- tion-wide attack on the entire working-class, be- ginhing with a ‘wage cut of 8 per cent for the PARTY LIFE Resolution of the District. Buro, Dist. No 15, on the New Haven. Shirt Strike at Lesnow Bros. 'HE strike of over 300 girls and women at the , tually. took the initiative in rejecting the ofter Lesnow shirt-factory against a 15 to 30 per | metal workers and 6 percent for the 300,000 Ruhr | | coal. miners. There. are more than four | million registered unemployed workers in Ger- | many. Bloody clashes between the Communists | and fascists occur daily. ‘The American | capitalist press repeatedly admits that revolu- tionary struggles are in the offing in Germany. | German capitalism is hard-pressed, as the work- ing masses feeling the weight of the Young Plan yoke; made a thousandfold heavier in the present | severe crisis, are fighting back under revolu- | tionary leadership, When, Bruening toured Upper Silesia he was greeted by a-hostile demonstration @f 10,000 workers. Crie§ of “Down with the Hunger Dic- tator!” were heard everywhere. In Breslau the masses threw stonés at Bruening’s cortege. This ngered Bruening, and in one of his Silesian jcent wage-cut is convincing proof of the correct- ness of the slogan “Organize and Strike Against Wage-Cuts,” and shows the possibilities of de- veloping militant struggles among ‘hitherto un- organized workers and of building our new unions in the midst of these struggles. The fact that | this strike is the first one of any consequence in neeches he said that the German nation “had | ‘ost its reason,” and it must be restored by ap- lications of. blood and iron—Fascism. Referring to the resistance of the Ruhr mines, nder Gommunist leadership, ‘against the wage cut law of the Bruening government, a New ork Evening Post dispatch from Berlin (Jan. *3) declared: “It is more than an economic vattle; it is a political fight (on behalf of Bruen- ing, et al) to avert a revolution.” These revolu- ionary struggles are not confined to the Ruhr, *s the same dispatch tells us that the cut in niners’ pay “is taken to indicate that all new wage Scales will be lowered.” To strengthen the hand of the German cap- “slists and their agents against the working- lass, the leading Wall Street bankers are coming out for a “revision” of; the reparations debt or a noratorium. This is intended to give the Ger- man bosses a breathing space to combat the rey- olutionary upsurge of the working masses. When Albert H. Wiggin, chairman of the Chase National Bank, a Morgan institution on January 12th, came out with a statement favoring a re- vision ‘of the war debts to save Europe, and es- pecially Germany, from economic collapse and revolution, the entire capitalist press gave it | great prominence. Wiggin was not expressing/ his individual opinion, but was stating the con- | clusions of the leading Wall Street bankers ‘as the result of many conferences held in Berlin, London, Washington and» New York. The first feeler for revision of the Young Plan, came from Owen D. Young, originator of the plan ina _speech on Dec. 3, 1930, before the Lotus Club. Previous to that time. Governor Harrison, head of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York made a special trip to Berlin to take the matter up “with the German financiers and industrialists. When Hai returned he went to Washington where a conference was held between McGarrah, the Wall Street head of the Bank of Interna- tional Settlements, Hoover, Mellon and Eugene Meyer, head of the Federal Reserve Board. The main question taken up was the revision of the Young Plan to bolster up German capitalism against the growing revolutionary wave. In commenting on the debt devision, the Jour- nal of Commerce (Jan. 13, 1931) approvingly pointed out that if it went through the German bourgeoisie would be instructed to “repudiate, fictitious, meretricious schemes of doles to the » unemplo: From the above itis very clear that should any gan, Mellon, Young, McGarrah and Wiggin, it would be with a proviso for an increased attack against the standard of living of the German working-class and for a drastic cut in unemploy- ment insurance. The German finance minister has already asked for an end to the unemploy- ment insurance payménts. A great deg) of conflict among the various sec- tions of the American capitalists is arising over the proposal for war debt revisions. Clarence L. Linz, Washington corresponéent of the Journal of Commerce points out (Dec. 8, 1930) that the United States government faces a “deficit” ex- ceeding $40,000,000 for this fiscal year and is “counting on future foreign debt. repayments to help out in the next year’s financing.” He goes revision take place under the leadership or Mor- | | strike and the formation of the union. New Haven since 1922 gives: greater importance to it than the actual numbers involved indicate. The most significant feature is that we succeeded in stepping into the developing situation in time to take over undisputed leadership of the strike, in spite of our lack of insidé contacts in the shop before the strike took place. (We issued the leaflet-calling for a strike, after one of our mem- bers canvassing for unemployment signatures found out that a wage-cut had taken place in a factory, and that a strike sentiment was spreading among the girls. A leaflet was issued the same night, and distributed the following morning, and the workers immediately went on | Strike.) Our leadership of this strike has placed us in a favorable situation to develop. organizational | work, not only’in the needle trades shops, but in other factories and industries in New Haven, in many of which the workers showed an intense interest in the conduct. and outcome of the strike. The Chamber of Commerce is also aware of the repercussions of he strike, and it used all pos- sible pressure to prevent the Lesnow bosses from settling, when they were prepared to negotiate. The U. S. Department of Labor "conciliator” played the role of open strike-breaker,.by con- ferring with the bosses, refusing to have any- thing to do with the strikers, and giving @he boss the. open support of the government. The role of the A’ F. of L. was also against the strike; though forced by ‘the mass sympathy for the strikers to make hyprocritical statements of sympathy, their refusal to permit strikers’ com- mittees to appear on the floor of the A. F. of L. Jocal unions; shows their true strike-breaking role Because of the composition of the strikers (extreme youth, ignorance of organization. re- ligious influence, influence of parents, etc.) new and flexible methods of work had to be intro- duced into the conduct and leadership of the a) We succeeded in combatting the issue of “Commu- nism” when it arose, by completely winning the confidence of the strikers in leading the picket- line, facing arrests and beatings, and organizing the day-to-day activity so as to. kéep'the morale high, (2) The strikers’ initial opposition and suspicion about joining the union was overcome by not forcing the issue, but as the strike con- tinued carrying on a constant and careful edu- cational campaign, and: by aetual personal con- tact with the parents of the strikers. It was cor- rect to place as one strikers’ demands “recogni- tion of the shop-comntittee,” when the strikers did not yet understand the role of the union and were not yet ready to support the demand of recognition of the union. (3) The eaflier fail- ure of the. strikers themselves to picket was partly overcome as the strike developed. We selected our youth comrades and the most Amer- icanized elements to develop personal contacts with the strikers,and through them system- atically pushed into leadership and activity the most militant and promisjhg elements from among the strikers themselves, (4) ‘The re- ligious issue was successfully side-tracked and the interference of the Catholic priest ‘averted by the use of a flexible approach to the- tion, through which the girls themselves even- f ati on to say that “Politicians who have their finger on the pulse of the nation believe that legislative’ action would prove most unpopular, if not poli- tical suicide for those sponsoring measures. to: relieve Europe of its indebtedness to the United States.” As the revolutionary crisis increases in Ger- many, the pressure of Morgan, Mellon. Young and the other leading Wall Street bankers will predominate. As in 1923, the American financiers under the guise of revision of the Young Plan are girding for a drive against, the German working-class so that the '$9,000,000,000 debt fastened on the backs ‘the German masses may be ultimately saved with German copitelign 5) ques-" | | } | | tain their morale. of the priest. (5) The introduction of lighter features into the strike meetings helped to main- (6). The mass sentiment in sympathy with the strike, particularly in the Italian section of the city, was successfully capi- talized, and we succeeded in getting the active participation of workers from Italian clubs, re- ligious societies and even fascist organizations,sin raising funds and in circulating protest petitions | against-the brutality of the police and the ar- rests. We have for the first time penetrated the largest. and most important forgign-born group in New Haven, the Italian workers. The strike revealed a, number of serious short- | the ¥. ©. L. | comings on the part of the Party, and the T. U. U. L.; 1, Although, a number of Party and League members ook active part in the conduct of the strike, on the whole the Party membership was not mobilized and almost jcompletely failed to participate in an organized fashion in any phase of activity. 2. With few ‘exceptions, we failed to mobilize the non-Party sympathetic organizations and their membership to support the strike. 3. The T, U. U. L,, as such, was almost com- | pletely out of the picture, and its role was not sufficiently brought forward in the strike: the strike sharply brought forward the immediate necessity of removing Comrade Heder as T. U. | U. L. organizer and from active participation in the strike leadership, due to his gross incom- petency, and the necessity of demanding that | there be no further delay in sending us a capable T. U. U L. organizer immediately. Thr Party apparatus was seriously crippled for the duration of the strike, because leading Party function- aries had to drop all their duties to take over the leadership and conduct of the strike. 4. Although on the whole the Y. C. League ‘membership took part, ‘they were slow in mob- ilizing their full forces, and they failed to take a sufficiently leading role. sThey failed in par- |. ticular to utilize to the fullest extent the splen- | did opportunities for youth contacts’and for build- ing the youth club and the union; on a APE | of occasions some of the Y. C. L. members showed irresponsibility in carrying out instruc- | tions for picketing, visiting and other routine duties in connection with the strike. 5. The I. L. D. was not sufficiently mobilized | to develop a defense campaign around the ar- rests and was too slow in getting started. In the, conduct of the strike itself, the chiet Weaknesses were: (1) The failure to involye enough of the strikers in active duties such ds picketing, etc; (2) the failure to give out relict. which was one of the decisive factors; (3) in- sufficient attempts to prevent scabs from work- | ing: (4) insufficient visiting of all the strikers at their homes; (5) lack of systematic recruiting of members into a union and foilure to fully utilize the favorable ovportunity directly after the first group joined the union in a body; (6) - slowness in attempting to involve other shops in the strike and prepare them to fight the an- nounced wage-cuts; (7) failure to prepare in ad- vance for an organized retreat, when it became evident that the Chamber of Commerce would refuse to permit the Lesnow bosses to negotiate with the Strike Committee; (8) slowness in fol- Towing up the strike-with energetic campaign to build the union and reach the other shops. ‘The ending of the strike, although it failed.in | its immediate objective of withdrawing the wate- cut, cannot be termed a defeat, in that the work- ers learned the value of organization, and went back to work with a sub-tantial part of them as membets of the union. A number of the:strik- ers having found jobs in other shops, giving us @ foothold with which to build the Needle Trades ‘Workers’ Industrial Union in those shops as well. The has placed bef~~s us the following immediate tasks, for which we must mobilize the membership of the units: 1, An immediate organization campaign in the shirt and dress shops in New Haven, to build the union and to prepare for a strike in the com- ing.season; to organize immediate strikes in those Shops were wage-cuts are occurring, if the situa- tion appears favorable as to “amount of work in the shop, and other factors. A capable comrade pon rgeces: Apri Mie ints permanent 2 Bhd "p tp favorable sentiment, par- Making Too Much Money. From the official report of the die public accountants, Ernst and Ernst, to’ Mayor Mackey of that city of Brotherly B. &., we are mogt reliably. informed that from No- vember 2 over 30 days if it ain't making a mistake on the :alendar, the 2,600 “unemployed apple sel-_ lers” of Philadelphia, mate a profit of exactly $54,334.48. Now You don’t have to be any Einstein on. mathematics to figure out that the average, “un- employed apple seller” of Philly,.raked in as the net result of over a month's work hawking apples, the magnificent, the magnificent, the. al- together “American-plan’ wage of,a few.'\cents over $20! We recommend that, PI lelphia workers ask the mayor if he’s living on that— and if he isn’t, why he. thinks they ought: to . Incidentally, the mayor's’ committee . bossinig the apple business, has made and is ‘holding a profit of $078.15 on it. It’s a temptation worse than a aan APS Eden apple to keep the capitaligt ' polftiela: from ‘stealing that, it seems; because’ tlé ac- | countants express surprise that the’ committee “serves without remuneration.” But of; course, they, don’t have to live on $20 a month. “*Phough it appears that $20 a’ month is now. “reckoned | by capitalists to be a “living wage” for workers, PS eee Laok Out Below! If Mr. Fish thinks that 1,100 banks went bust | during 1930 because Communists “whispered” ‘ about ‘em, then what does he think would hap- pen if we began talking right out loud about the government? “God forbid that I should discuss such filth ag birth control,” says Gilbert K. Chesterton, the upholder of Catholicism, reactionary culture and lots of cannon-fodder. Which also makes it painful “ut necessary for us to declare that if | Gilbert’s maw and paw had only, discussed mat- ters, we wouldn't have had to discuss guch filth | | | as Gilbert K. | iene } | On Saying Tt Straight’ Ofttimes some timid soul thinks that we bear | down too hard on the enemies of the workers when we up and say right out in meeting that | they are “scoundrels,” “crooks,” “fakerg” and so on. “he word “prostitute” as applied to capital- ist editors, they think, might give offense, even though thoroughly deserved. ‘Well, naturally, proof of the specific cussed- ness of the enemy in question certainly ought to be given firgt or alongside.’ But if we draw back from facts, however rudely stated, on the ground of mere rudeness, we are likely to be of the timber that shrinks from about the Tudest of all facts—revolution. We were pondering over this, when a clipping from the Portland “Oregonian? dropped on our desk, informing us that somebody in. Sitka, Alassa, had taken much pains to let Senator Steiwer of Oregon know that scme “Soviet pa» ner” had characterized the Senator ag a some~ | thing-or-other’ that would be banned in polite society if it could be translated. And it was spelleé right out in bold type, too. Then we noticed that in Blackjack Pershing’s story of the world imperialist war, he relates how His Majesty, King George the Fifth of England, talking to Pershing about the King’s cousin, the Kaiser of Germany, pointede to the statue of Queen Victoria the the grandmother of both King and Kaiser, and blurted out: “The Kaiser, Got damn him, has even tried to destroy the statue of his own granmother.” nd Pershing goes on to say: “For a moment I was surprised at his words, but I quickly realized that it wag a solemn ex- pression of profund indignation and not pro- fanity.” Of course, we have dur doubts about many things. We think that British imperialism was more concerned over German trade compeétition than over stone statues of a déad queen. But if | & king is entitled to get up indignation over such a picayune matter. as that, it seemg to us that worlers who are robbed, starved and op- pressed by capitalists are entitled once in a while to “solemnly express ‘pratound indignation.” ‘Some Consideration Needed: 4 comrade brings us”in a letter, the perce of which is: “Party members, particularly those’ otit kU a job, Haye more duties to perform ‘than fore, and some are continuously ‘busy, p Pan work, “Comrades out of work ar: short a funds; some have no car fare, and for‘that. mn it difficult to carry out ‘assignments units and sections place upon them. Yet little hag been done to remedy the situation. “At che of our meetings in a unit, a comrade stated that she would be Unable’ to Carry. out | the work asked because she had no money, and yet is was passed up; no. one spoke of it fur-, ther, nothing, was dorle about it; yet later when she did not carry out ihe assignment, they be- gan to complain why she had not done it. “While not many comrades have extra money, yet I am sure that at every meeting, the question of carfare of those who are out of work are asked to do work requiring: this, can well taken care of. “At. the bazaar! last week I overtieard two. | comrades: ‘What have you done?” wae one of the other. ‘How can I do anything?’ ee the other, ‘when I have not even a nickel to go where I was assigned, and haven't eaten yesterday?’ 4 “Comrades, wake up!” Fy cele ticularly in Sargents, where @ recent, ie occurred, to recruit workers the T. U.,U. L. A leaflet to wo bnrpents, so mnt issued immediately. 3. To utilize the foothold we have established among the Italian workers to build the T. U. U. L. and the Unemployed Council, and through them the Party and Y. C. L. 4. To organize a thorough discussion in the units of the Party, the ¥. C. L. and the T..U, U. L groups on the lessons of the strike and these lessons can be applied to each city in the e'etrict. A sharp criticism must be of these members who by their actions have tnagh an underestimation of the importance of tho strike, end of the trade union work in gqn- eral and the necessary steps to be taken to mob- iline the forces of the Party to build the T. U. U. Li; and the Unemployed Councils, — , ‘4 5. The lessons of the strike and how they ban be applied, must be incorporated in the program | i eee ee Ro it, as as for the T. U. U. and the ‘2 LD se be to December 27, which is something .. 4 f. ‘ ' \ LJ