The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 14, 1931, Page 4

. Party. tee New Page Four 4 by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., York City. N. ¥. Addrens and mati all ehecks to the Dafly Worker, fae, dally, except Sund: Algonquin 7986-7. Ci; 50 East 13th Street, New Telephone FORWARD TO THE LENIN RECRUITING DRIVE! By F. BROWN. 'HE class struggle is taking on gigantic pro- portions as manifested in the development of | daily struggles of the working class which in many cases are independent of our o! nizational influence. Onr Party has not yet succeeded in taking over leadership of the many struggles that extend all over the country, not only in ins dustry, but also in the farming territory. The reason was given in the CI Resolution of Oc- tober, which said: “The present weakness of the Party is to be found ir the tact that the Party was and re- mained a good propagandist organization, which has not understood how to mobilize the masses for struggle for their immediate de- mands aud especially for their economic de- keynote, the last Plenum went thor- ‘0 consideration of concrete work, con- g leadership of the daily , for reaching immediate aims; in other the Plenum considered methods of mak- ing our Party not only a good propagandist or- ganization, but the real organizer of the work- ing class, the real recognized vanguard of the working class In the last year, certainly the influence of the Party has become stronger among the work- ing class and in some instances, among the agrarian workers and poor farmers, as proven by the many successful demonstrations all over the country, by the results of the elections, etc. Nevertheless, we are only on the road to win- | ning broad masses to our influence, precisely be- cause the Party is not yet anchored in the in- dustrial establishments of the country, the Party base is not yet transformed into one of shop | nuclei. Our slogan of the last convention and of tke March Plenum, cretized with the necessary Bolshevik energy. The organizational strength of the Party is still | far behind the requirements of the tremendous daily tasks. The immediate principal program of our Party is to strengthen itself politically and organiza- tionally, not only in regard to the actual neces- sity of leading the daily struggles, but also in the | future perspective of the biggest class struggles of tomorrow. Last year one of our principal slogans, besides “Into the Shops,” was “Forward to a Mass Party.” And the recruiting drive that brought into our ranks 6,000 new workers was carried on with enthusiasm. Notwithstanding this enthus- iasm and due to a series of shortcomings during and after the drive, especially in regard to keep- ing new members, only 30 per cent or 40 per cent of these new members remained in the Party ranks. From that time until now, of course the Party went forward and in the light of self- criticism all our inistakes and shortcomings were discovered. Im the daiiy recruitment of new Par- ty members here and there some districts show that they have really takén itito consideration the experiences of the last recruiting drive. To- day in generai the Party Active have gained a series of experiences on how to improve the Party structure, how to bring new members into our ranks and how to keep and develop them. Today our task is not only the concretization of all tasks elaborated by the last Plenum, but on the line of the Plenum, on the line of Strengihéning the Party politically and organiza- | “Into the Shops,” was not con- | tionally, of building it into a mass Party, forward must be made. the objective situation, the class struggle. On this basis, simultaneous with the improve- ment of the Perty structure, with a more ener- getic concentration of our activity towards the factories, with the intensification of our work, @ new recruiting drive is necessary. It is nec- essary that the doors of the Party shall be open to the most conscious elements of the working class, to all workers who follow the Party and | support it in its struggles, to all workers who | are ready to fight as militarits within the Party ranks. But in order that the Lenin Drive, which be- gins on Jan 21 to last till May Ist, shall be suc- cessful, and to avoid a repetition of the short- comings which occurred in the drive of last year, it is absolutely necesSary to evaluate carefully all the previous experiences that were analyzed in the ‘Resolution on Keeping New Members” of the March-April 1930 Plenum and the 7th Con- vention, as also in a series of articles appearing in the “Party Organizer’ and “The Daily Worker.” { In the light of all our experiences in the re- cruiting of new members, in the light of the last Plenum, the tasks of the new drive must be | elaborated; the Drive Plan shall be worked out by every district in a concrete manner; assign- ing specific tasks to the shop nuclei, to the street -units, Communist fractions inside the mass organizations, etc. How Shall the Drive Be Conducted? First it is necessary that our activities in the drive shall be concentrated in the shops:and in the mass organizations on the basis of class struggle. Concrete tasks shall be assigned to the shop nuclei, to the street units, to the fractions inside the mass organizations, after a serious examination of the sphere of action of these basic organizations. The nuclei in their approach to their fellow workers shall not endeavor to embrace the whole a step This step. is dictated hy by the development of near to our movement, who are known as fight- ers, as sympathizers of our Party, and who are known as having ‘voted for our Party. The street units shall concentrate their energy on the shop assigned to them, approaching work- ers with whom they have already established connections and other workers who are known to. our connections. Sympathizers shall be ap- proached in the shops and if this is impossible because of the reactionary situation these sym- pathizers shall be approached outside the fac- tories—in their homes, or by inviting them to the homes of comrades. The Communist fraction inside the unions mass organizations and fraternal organizations, where our comrades know all the membership, shall declare before their fellow workers the importance of strengthening the Party, making clear to them that it is not enough that many of the members of these organizations claim to be for the Party, to be Communists, but that their duty is to be inside our ranks. Those Party members who have dropped out not because of political differences, but because they were tired of the factional struggle, and who still follow the line of the Party and in many cases follow with discipline all instruc- tions of the Party, shall also be approached and drawn back inside the Party. (To Be Continued.) ‘How to Organize Signature Collection tor t Jobless Insurance By JACK STACHEL. cle we are going to deal with only 2 of the fight for unemployment in- ‘he collection of signatures. Naturally zie for unemployment insurance is not y upon the collection of signatures. ‘en from the many important strug- gles that have taken place in the last few days in a number of cities. and the hunger marches and demonstrations now being carried out throughout the country. But the mass collec- tion of signatures is an important phase of this work. Our Workers Unemployment Insurance Bij}, when is to be presented to Congress on : 10% must be backed up not only by © messes whom we organize and lead zie for relief but also by signatures of st number of unemployed and employed who are ready to support our movement on this burning issue. Thus far the campaign for the collection of signatures has not assumed propor- tions 2f a real mass campaign possible. The work thus far on this front is unsystem- atic, not conscious day to day work and has not as yet involved large masses of unemployed in the actual participation in the campaign. Here we wish to lay down a model plan for the or- ganization of this drive. The fact that only about three weeks is left to continue this activity does not militate against the adoption of the plan given below. On the contrary, one of the weaknesses of the signature ‘collection drive is the fact that it has been spread out over too long a period. Masses—United Front First a few words on the approach. Some comrades approach this question almost on the same basis as the collection of a signature to place Communist candidates on the ballot. This is incorrect. Those workers who sign our peti- for candidates on the Communist ticket must already be advanced to the stage where they are actual sympathizers of the Communist On the other hand this drive to collect signatures for the Unemployment Insurance Bill must ain to enroll in this movement every un- employed and employed worker. Herein lies the * united front that we can establish with the mass- es. Here we have a concrete instance of the © united front on the basis of the immediate burn- ing demands of the workers which we champion. » We may even put the question, why should not ‘every worker whom we approach and properly explain this bill not sign and fight for this bill? The sorker, no matter what his political affil- iation, no matter how still jacking in-class cpn- « Seiousness?s can be mobilized in this struggle. V/ere we to limit ourselves merely to enrolling | - these workers already close to us we would be failing in developing the united front on this burning issue. All our shortcomings in this cam- paign therefore lie mainly in our own bad or- ganization. 1. There must be real committee in cherge Baas Ala whe tage he poms ! organized a United Front Campaign Committee of a broad character, a smaller executive com- mittee that functions, directs and controls the work daily must be set up. Without such a gen- eral staff there can be no real campaign. 2. The commiitee must establish besides its central headquarters which should be a bee-hive of activity daily, campaign headquarters in every section of the city. In the larger cities a large number of such headquarters should be estab- lished. For example in New York City at least 150 such centers can be established in the five boroughs. At least 50 such centers can be estab- lished in Chicago. Between 25 and more in such as’ Detroit, Cleveland, etc. In the smaller cities as many as possible and necessary. Each of these centers must be well decorated from the | outside as well as the inside. On the outside with banners calling upon the workers to collect signatures and to come in and get lists for the collection of signatures from other workers. On , the inside with appealing slogans and bulletins | giving the standing of the various organizations | that meet in that hall, outstanding individuals | who made a record showing, etc. | 3. Such headquarters can be established at. | headquarters of the T. U. U. L, the workers fraternal organizations, Communist Party, coop- eratives, restaurants, and even sympathetic small | storekeepers. at the various centers, among all workers organ- ized in the T.U.U.L., Councils of Unemployed, Communist Party, Young Communist League, workers’ fraternal organizations, etc. 5. At each of the halls selected as a center, committees must be in charge every day from early morning until late in the evening. These committees must be divided into 3 shifts. Morn- ing until noon, from noon until evening and from early evening until closing time. The Executive Committee in charge of the drive for the whole | ¢ity must have one of its direct representatives in charge at all of the 3 shifts. The other com- les can be selected from the organizations committees in charge must not merely wait until some one worker comes in and asks for a list but must constantly busy themselves with organ- izing the workers who frequent these halls for activity, and by sending visitors to the homes of the members of the organization in the nearby territory to come for activity. 6. Special squads must be organized as shock | troops to set the example of how to collect sig- | natures on a mass basis. 7. Other groups of unemployed workers from the Councils must be organized for daily visiting of every organization in the city. There should not be a single organization of workers, A. F. L. union, Negro organization, ete. not visited by the committees. At these organizations we must fight for the collective endorsement as 7 proicea et er a ee te al a ’ © DAIWORK." factory, but approach single workers who are | 4, The District and City Committees must at | all times have a large number of lists distributed | that meet in that particular hall or center. These . at 60 Rest York, N. ¥. Dail orker Derry USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ‘ef Manhattan and Bronx. New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; siz month $4.80. THE LITTLE RED SCHOOL HOUSE By HARRY GANNES. |ARDLY had the last faint echoes‘of Abramo- vitch’s definite prediction of the collapse of the Soviet regime in 1930 died down within the ranks of that good friend o. capitalism, the So- cialist party, than the entire party and its press were confronted with the spectacle of a turbulent discussion on the significance of the Five-Year Plan. The socialists, along with Deterding, Bri- and, Poincare, General Miller and Matthew Woll have peeni telling the American workers that the Communists in Russia were slated for an early doom. James O'Neal, editor of the official organ of the New York district of the socialist. party, went so far as to agree with Hamilton Fish on a fundamental attitude 0° hostility toward the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, The social- ists the world over have called the imperialist war preparations against the Soviet Union. But the socialist party has a function within capitalist society, and for the capitalists this is a very useful function, carefully nutured through boundless publicity in the boss press and through a thousand and.one instances of cooperation. However, when this cooperation went so far as to include organic unity with the republican party in the last elections in New York State, the younger set in the party who had learned from the British independent labor party that the sugar of left phrases is much better to entrap ! individual workers signing the petitions and be- coming active in the drive. 8 Committees must be stationed at all prin- cipal streets of the city with lists, and other lit- erature. In he main streets real recruiting sta- tions should be established. A table, a box, etc., with slogans and decorations should be provided. 9. Trucks, auto and bicycle squads with ban- ners should be organized to go through the main streets and working class residential sections.” 10. Factories should be visited in the morning, noon and evening for the collection of signatures. Unemployment exchanges, flop houses, bread lines provide some of the best means for signa- | ture collection. 11. All mass meetings must be covered for | collective endorsement and the recruiting of ac- tive workers ‘to go out with lists. 12. A real competition should be established between centers, unions, etc. 13. Special attention must be directed to drawing Negro, women and young workers as well as children into the collection of signatures. 14, All lists must be noted for contacts in | shops, unions, etc., and then sent to the National Campaign Committee. 15. All hunger marches, demonstrations, etc., | must be the occasion for the collection of signa- tures and the enrolling of workers to be active in the campaign. 16, All workers organized for activity must be- come part of the Councils of Unemployed. This also furnishes a real basis for recruitment into the respective industrial unions of the Trade Union Unity League, readers for Labor Unity, etc. Furnish Basis For Developing Struggle. The whole campaign must bear in mind the utilization of the contacts made in the drive for the building up of the Councils of Unemployed, for the raising of the whole movement to a high- | er level of struggle. For huge mass demonstra- tions on February 10th and for systematic ac- tivity for relief and unemployment. insurance. We must point to the relief measures by the municipalities, state and federal government, the efforts of the bosses, as a result of on the one hand the recognition of the ever deepening of the crisis and at the same time the result of our mass mobilization and struggle. While point- ing out the insufficiency of these measures they must be used to prove that through struggle we can compel the bosses to grant some of the most immediate demands of the workers. We must particularly point out to the workers that the bosses’ schemes all evade the real issue—unem- ployment insurance. That the schemes for so- cial insurance of the liberals and socialists either place the burden upon the workers or are a mere pittance with so much red tape attached to it that the workers will have insurance for starva- tion rather than unemployment insurance, Only. bod hie Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill championed by the Trade Union Unity ome — The Five-Year Plan Worries the Socialists the/workers with than the vinegar of too open attack on the Soviet Union, started a discussion which has deep significance for the American workers. Two Faces—One Head There are apparently two faces in the socialist varty viewpoint toward the Soviet Union, but chey are on the same head, Fundamentally here is no division. The facts of life have made ecessary a change of phraseology in order to varry out the sathe old wou of tying the yoke of capitalism mote firmly. the necks. ofthe workers, This is not always & smooth task, espe- cially when the capitalist world shakes beneath the worst crisis in its history, precisely at the moment the Communists in the Soviet Union take the lead in building.up .socialism at a rapid pace under the advancing sweep of the Five-Year Plan. When through the feverish speeding-up of the American workers, American capitalism gave an | appearance of radiant health, the socialists the’ | tion ‘sy all means! world over pointed to the United States as an ex- ample of the benefits of cooperation with the bosses. They had a measure of success along this line in England and. Germany. But this pro- paganda was so flimsy that its base collapsed with the stock market crash. Yet the socialists’ task remains: Keep the. workers from revolu- You cannot win the worker's trust by telling him -that the. Soviet Union is collapsing when even the capitalist press in off moments, is forced to admit the advance of the Five-Year Plan and the rapid building up of socialism with all its tangible benefits to the | workers. A discussion thereupon ensues in the socialist press and in the ranks of.the lawyers, doctors, small busines men and students who comprise the leading strata-of the y,,on how best to neutralize the unanswerable“acts of socialist up- building in the Soviet Union. It is a bitter pill for Hillquit, O'Neal, Gerber, Norman Thomas and the other pillars that support not only the | socialist party but lend their strength to butres- sing *apitalism as well. But they are good “sports;” they joke, with the younger set about it and are willing to refurnish their too easily smashed arguments against, the Soviet Union, Barely had thé ink dried on the resolution against the Soviet Union passed by the national executive committee of the socialist party pledg- ing aid to the overthrow. of the Soviet govern- ment and protesting “the latest acts of terror in Soviet Russia,” than the Socialist Party con- vention in New York City, held the latter part of December, got two revised resolutions on’ So- viet Russia. The resolution of the national ex- ecutive committee, which is fully supported by other resolutions and actions of the socialist party, endorses the.call for war against the So- viet Union issued by the Second International. This vicious attack against the'U.S.8.R. was writ- ten and adopted under orders of the French General Army Staff, in connection with its plans for armed ‘intervention in 1930. These facts were brought out in the Moscow trial of the wreckers. ‘The New Leader “ Revert, Maes Alclad a letters on the Soviet Union. Put On Blinders The main resolution which has the imprimatur of O'Neal repeats the adherence to the call for counter revolution issued by Second Internation- al of MacDonald, who murders Indian workers, and Otto Bauer of Germany who helps Bruen- ing cut wages and shoot down unemployed work- ers demanding bread. As to the Five-Year Plan this resolution says: “Considering that this fundamental conflict of Philosophies (Communist and socialist) 1s'to séme extent being tested by the so-called Five-Year Plan in Russia, and further considering that the ‘full practical success or failure of the Plan will not be known for some years to come, this con- ference dees not believe that the Plan calls for expression for official opinion by the Party at this time.” , .- 2 « In another article which will be printed on this the role of the “Lett Soclalist” takers et: By BURCK Poor Farmers Struggle for | Bread Will Be Supported by Unemployed Workers (Statement by the National Board of the Trade | Union Unity League.) | 'HE fight for bread of the Arkansas white and Negro impoverished farmers, 500 of whom with rifles in their hands raided the stores in demand for food is a sign of the developing movement among the poor farmers against the Hoover~ Wall Street starvation program directed against the poor farmers as well as against the | workers, ten million of whom are unemployed. The poor farmers of England, Arkansas, gave the | lead to the poor starving farmers throughout the country on what they must do in order to get relief. This condition is not limited to Ar- kansas but is the lot of million of farmers throughout the country among whom the poor Negro farmers of the South are the worst suf- ferers. The militant action in Arkansas will spread and embrace ever larger areas and num- | bers of farmers. The fact that the Arkansas farmers, Negro and white, presented a joint front against starva- tion and the Hoover-Robinson-Norris program shows that the poor farmers are becoming con- | scious of the role of the republican and demo- cratic parties as well as the so-called progres- | sives, and that they realize the policy of dividing the Negro and white toilers is part of the starva- tion program of Wall Street and its government. | The starving farmers have in their fight swept | aside the agent of finance capital and the rich | farmers in the person of the town lawyer, thus | making clear that the only ally of the poor starv- | ing farmiers is the working class, both employed | | and unemployed.” By exposing the role of | Red Cross charity program of Hoover and Woods/ | as a program of starvation, the Arkansas farmers | have helped to further the movement for imme- | diate farmers’ relief and unemployment relief as against the bosses’ program of charity and starvation, The Arkansas struggle is but a beginning. It is a sign of the developing struggles of the poor impoverished farmers. In these struggles the de- mands of the workers on the land, the agricul- tural laborers, must be put to the forefront. The farmers suffering from starvation will find in | the agricultural workers the most militant and | reliable allies in their fight for bread. ‘The poor impoverished farmers must help the agricultural workers organize into unions, just as they must | organize themselyés into the United Farmets League and jointly carry on the fight against | Wall Street >nd the rich farmers who exploit | them. In this struggle the poor Negro and white farmers will have the full support of the grow- .ing movement of the unemployed organized by the Trade Union Unity League. The unemployed workers, supported by the entire working class, will support the poor farmers’ struggle. The fight for immediate relief.and unemployment in- surance which the Trade Union Unity League is carrying on has already in the last few weeks re- sulted in big and militant struggles, hunger marches, demonstrations that are constantly grow- ing in number and militancy. The recent dem- onstrations in Youngstown, Detroit, Newark, Cleveland, New York, St. Paul, Sacramento, etc., | and the dozens of other demonstrations and hunger marches scheduled throughout the coun- try are going on side by side with the collection of signatures for the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill that is to be presented to Con- gress at Washington on Feb. 10th. The poor farmers must help in the fight for unemploy- ment insurance. They must help in the orgaf- ization of the state hunger marches to the state/ capitols. They must utilize the experiences of the workers in order to carry on and develop their struggles for relief. The poor farmers must demand relief, as against measly charity crumbs and loans, that will only further enslave them to Wall. Street bankers and the rich farmers. Poor farmers, fight for relief! Organize relief committees of the United Farm- ers’ League! Fight for the demands of the agricultural workers! Support the workers’ strugzles for unemploy- ment insurance and immediate relicf! For the united struggle of the workers and poor farmers! Against the Hoover-Robinson Red Cross starva- tion eel NATIONAL BOARD, cee oder UNITY LEAGUE. a | | about us” he vociferated. | ership, ~he became hoarse because he had to. | that it vegan a way late and strung out By JORGE We Reprint—But os We Comment A reader sends us the following excerpt’ Sein page 357 of “The Octopus,” a novel by Norris; suggesting that we print it “without baw ment:” “Ah, yes, it’s all very well for your middle chs to preach moderation. I could do it, too. You | could do it, too, if your belly. was fed, if Your. Property was safe, if your wife’ had not. been: murdered, if your children were not starving. Easy enough then to preach law-abiding méth- ods, legal redress and all such rot. But how “Ah, yes, I'm a wild-eyed striker, aint I? I’m a blood-thirsty anarchist, ain’t I? Wait til) you've seen your wife brought home to you with the tace you used to kiss smashed by, a horse's hooi—killed by the trust, av it happened to me. Then talk about moderation! And you, Dyke, blacklisted engineer, discharged employee, ruined agriculturist, wait till you see your little tad and your mother turned out of doors when,s, Behrman forecloses. Wait till you see them get- ting thin and white, and till you hear your little girl’ask you why you all don’t eat @ little more and that she wants her dinner and you ¢an’t give it to her. “Wait till you see—at the same time that your family is dying for lack of bread—a hundred thousand acres bushels of wheat—grabbed and gobbled by the railroad trust, and then talk of moderation. That talk is just what the trust wants to hear. It ain't frightened of that. ‘There's vne thing only it does listen to, one thing it is frightened of—the people with dynamite in their 1ands—six inches of plugged gaspipe. _— talks.” With Frank Norris’ characterization ormiadie class gabble about moderation there is little:to quarrel with. The misery that haunts the work- ers is hell enough to drive any worker to boil- ing anger. But with the conclusion—ah, yes, dear “reader,” with that we take exception. And preciscly because Frank Norris’ only remedy is\ typical middle class radicalism, is why we print- ed the first part to disagree with the idea that “six inches of gaspipe” with dynamite “talks” the language of the really revolutionaty workers. We see, today, in Cuba, a people quite united in hatred of Machado, the imperialist lackey sit- ting in-power. But there are workers there who disagree with the ‘Cuban bourgeoisie who want Machado's place.. This bourgeois group is in a fix. Machado holds the army pretty well. And the bourgeois opposjtion fears to call upon the masses lest the masses, guided by the Communist Party will overthrow, not only Machado, but these bourgeoisie also, along ‘with imperialism, So they resort to individual bombings, firing: of the sugar cane, and so on. We do not condemn this from any point of view, but from the viewpoint of ¥ revolutionary working class policy. The dis! in the masses in the case of Frank Norris, is same as the fear of the masses in the case of Cuban bourgeoisie, In both cases, the real moti force of revolution, the class acting en masse, : rejected, and as a substitute, there is the individual terrorism of heroes. But if we are Marxists and Leninists, we si realize that the winning of the masseé for ° lution is the absolute prerequisite without: which. no revolution is possible to through’ to-suc- cess. Therefore, if we turn away from the ‘mass and depend upon individual terror, we are not Marxists, nor Leninists, nor really revolutionary workers, but petty-bourgebis. radicals, following a theory of futile middle class anarchism which gets the working class nowhere, eee For Correction eS “Editor, Dgily Worker—Why do we fall.te take’ advantage of very favorable opportunities to. or- ganize the unemployed? “When the Downtown Unemployed ‘Courreil held a demonstration in front of ‘the Mi Lodging House on E, 25th St., we marched 4 unemployed to 16 W. 2ist St., the T.U.U.L:: quarters, and we found that the halls. were: $y adequate’ to the size of the crowd, and. also.9 had absolutely no cards to sign up the unem> ployed into the Council. y “When _we organize a ‘demonbtration: we must make adequate provision to organize it: éj Not doing that has been one of our e in the past. Everything was left’ till: the «Ig minute. We must have everything’ shipshape Bé= fore a demonstration. and everybody. should’ assigned definite tasks and fill’ this ‘task ‘pré- perly. oath, “About our Unemployed Councils, we lack lega- especially in the Downtown’ Council, which is very weak, especially in memberatiip. We should have about 50,000 members with cards and this is a very conservative number consider- ing the ‘act that we have a large army of” employed in New York City. We must tie*up all these loose ends in the Unemployed Counells and. build a tight organization. “Knother thing, comrades: We must: have Feat Bolshevik discipline especially during concerts and’meetings. Comrades must not talk or whis- per, giggle or laugh, except when booing Mr. Ham ‘Fish, Hooey Hoover and the othér 59 Bed- bugs that rule us. “For instance, comrades, at the Dally Worker’ Anniversary when Max Bedacht was bag sry ii -to- the-fact that there were no oral-comrades laughed at him, I turned criticized their actions and told -If you. think you can do any better, let us he ‘ou.make a speech,’ + ‘I bolieve in self-criticis:.., and I hope wom't. tule me for an enemy, for I a go0d:Red and if we expect to come into our we must build very strong foundations and the bricks must be very solid.—Comradely yours, —RR.” ‘We certainly do not take the comrade foram “enemy.” He is doing a service by his letter, only thing we kick about is that it setts to an extraordinary lot of criticism to get’ things corrected. Last week we published a worker's letter com+ plaining, and rightly, that meetings do not start on timeor anywhere near it.. Yet last Sunday, a worker who attended the trial of the criminals, Hoover, Green, Thomas ahd Walker, 5 i ed42 while at the Mella