The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 13, 1931, Page 4

| | | i . ‘ Page Four g 13th Street. N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: TT RR waplished ty the Comprodaliy Publishing Co, Tne. daily, Sxcept sinaay, at 60 East New York City, 4 “< Address and mail all checks to the Datly Worker, ‘DAIWORK.” 50 East 13th Street, New York. N. ¥, THE TRIAL IS ENDED--INTER- VENTION DANGER GROWING i; By BELA KUN. \;, mI. : The trial has shown the working class of all countries how the tactics of class against class must be employed in world politics. The prep- aration of intervention and of counter-revolu- tionary class war e preceeded according to “the following tactics: In the Soviet Union Poin- care and his colleagues formed the united front of the remnants of the urban and rural bour- geoisie, from Paltchinsky to Ramzin, including Kontratjew, Gromann and Suchanoy, with the help of the Torgprom, the Miljukovs, Kerenskys and Dans. In the Western Border States from Finland via| Poland and Rumania, the whole forces of the bourgeoisie have been set in motion in order to bring about the victory of fascism. In the countries behind the Border States. French influence placed itself behind every fas- @at formation in order to secure the unhindered transport of intervention troops. The attempt at a Franco-German approchement on a fas- cist basis is a classical proof of this. The Papal crusade aimed at stirring up the petty bourgeois clerical masses to take their place in the armed class front. The anti-Soviet agrar- ian bloc, again, aimed at drawing the rich and middle peasantry into this class front. For the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie of the op- pressed nations the bait was Briand’s slogan ot + “United States of Europe.” Tast but not least, the IT. International also ex* ie forward in the interest of creating an in- te “ational united class front of the bourgeoisie in order to secure the success of intervention. It was precisely at this juncture that it issued its infamous “Manifesto to the Workers of Rus- sia,” which uhder the slogan of “saving the Revolution” called upon the workers of the So- yiet Union to liquidate the proletarian dictator- ship and clear the path for capitalist restoration. Miljukov did not at all exaggerate when he assured the Kondratjev Ministerial candidate Yurovsky, that the leaders of the French social- ists would support the war of intervention. The French socialists have no need to cite the “the- oretical” authority of Kautsky to justify their support of imperialist intervention. Their own past, their support of the notorious Paul Boncour law. which renders the whole nation liable for Military service, give them a sufficient justifi- cation, when they wish to enroll the working class in that international class front of the bourgeoisie which is being organized by Poincare against the international proletariat and its fath- erland, the Soviet Union. The social democracy of the other countries zre als» engaged in creating pacifist smoke- screens in order to conceal the preparations for intervention, or they repeat again and again that war threatens from the East, from the side of the Bolsheviki. Matiy of them even openly proclaim that intervention cgainst the Soviet Union is the “sacred diity” of Humanity. iv. From the revelations at the trial and from a comparison of the events of world policy, and in particular of French policy, since 1927 the in- ternational proletariat must immediately draw . the following chief lessons: 1. The inner relations of the class forces of the Soviet Union—thanks to the general line of the C. P. S. U. together with the successes of | socialist construction—“are a final security against any inner counter-revolutionary efforts. 2. The danger which threatens the building up of Socialism, and at the same time the stand- ard of living, the daily bread of the international working class, is the dangér of intervention. The main seat of this danger is France. . Its outposts are: Poland, Rumania, the Baltic States and the States of the Little Entente (Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia), 3. The concrete, tangible revelation of the preparation for a war of intervention against the Soviet Union during the course of the trial has not done away with the danger of war of intervention against the Soviet Union, ‘The ac- centuation of the crisis of capitalism, the de- velopment of the economic crisis into a politi- cal crisis only increases the danger of interven- tion, only accelerates its tempo. The interven- tion fixed for 1931 can be postponed only by the reyolutionary will and the revolutionary ac- tion of the international proletariat 4. French imperialism has already brought about the broadest class front on an interna- tional scale in preparation for intervention. The formation of the international class front of the proletariat, which shall include the broadest masses of the peasantry and of the petty bour- geoisie, against the driving forces of interven- tion—from the international financial oligarchy to the II. International—, in the first place, against the organizers of this front, against French imperialism, is necessary. In every coun- try the fight must be waged by the working class inst their own imperialism—fight against the center of imperialism—French imperialism! The trial is ended. The danger of intervention is growing. The proletariat of the Soviet Union, through the meuth of its leader and the leader of the international proletariat, Comrade Stalin, already at the XVI Party Congress, gave the reply to the intervention plans: “Our policy is the policy of peace and the de- velopment of trade relations with all countries. The result of this policy is the improvement of our relations with a number of countries and the conclusion of a number of trade agreements, of agreements for technical aid, etc. A further result is our joining in the Kellogg Pact with Poland, Rumania, Lithuania, etc., the signing of the Protocol on the prolongation of the treaty of neutrality and friendship with Turkey. And the final result of this policy is the fact that we have succeeded in keeping the peace and that we have not allowed ourselves to be involved in any conflict by our foes, in spite of the many provocative actions and the adventur- ous assaults of the war mongers. We shall con- tinue to pursue this policy of peace to the ut- most of our power and with all the means at our disposal. We do not want one hand’s breadth of foreign soil, but we shall not yield one inch | of land to anyone.” Behin these words there stands the power ct 150 million toilers, there stands the determiner revolutionary proletarian will to build up So- cialism. The matter now rests with the workers and poor peasants of the capitalist and colonial coun- tries, with the Communist Parties of the whole world, a egeamgpys after the open letter of the Comintern, the Party took serious steps to be- come a real Bolshevik Party. Nevertheless, we are still on the road to anchoring the Party in the industrial establishments of the country, tc transform the Party base into one of shop nuclic to lead the daily struggles of the working clas- to “transform our correct general slogans in concrete immediate demands of the masses i their daily life” as pointed out by the “Resolu- \. Hon on the Next Tasks” of the last Party Plen- The reason for our organizational weaknes’ was given in the C.I. Resolution of October, 1930: “The principal weakness of the Party is to be found in the fact that the Party was and re- mained a good propagandist organization, which has not understood how to mobilize the masses for struggle for their immediate demands and | especially for their economic demands.” In order to build the Party into the real van- guard of the working class, into its real leader and organizer, we must still more improve the | organizational structure, discipline, forms of ac- tivity and new methods of work. For this reason it is necessary that the experiences of the Dis- tricts in their organizational activity shall be ex- ehanged, that the good experiences shall become _ gollective property, Party property. It is on this pasis that “The Daily Worker” (twice a week) will open its columns to the Party Organizer, ‘and this besides the separate magazine, in order that the comrades shall bring forward their ex- periences, have the posibility of making practical guggestions, shall contribute to the improvement of the Party organization. ‘The functionaries of the 2arty as well as rank and file members must write for the Part Or- ganizer so that it may really reflect the inner fe of the Party, our general activities and the gteady process of Bolshevization that is visibly \ twansforming our Party into the serious leader ‘and organizer of mass struggles. What to Write ‘The most vital weaknesses of our Party and Party activity is organization. We don’t know how to effectively utilize our forces. Our Party must be able to respond to instructions with mili- tary precision and efficiency. In order to achieve pWorker Join the Party of } Your Class! Gommunist Party U. 8. A. 43 East 125th Street, ‘York City. send me more information on the Cum- Ae eee eneeseeneseresenesearseeeeseeeees sevecesevessereeees State .., to the Central Omcp, - eeeeeeeeeseeeeserecereees ABO cevees | this hign standard of Bolshevik efficiency we must analyze the entire organizational structure from top to bottom and devise ways and mea’ f improving it. Below are some of the topis rat require special attention: 1. How to conduct meetings of District ad retion committees. 2. How to organize departments amd establish Sem. 3. Tasks of departments. 4. Division of responsibilities in the depart- mts. 5. Control of decisions of leading committees nd departments. 6. Planned work and calendar plans. 7. Relations of leading Party committees to jiower units. 8. Tasks and work of shop nucleus. 9. Tasks and work of street nucleus. How to concentrate on a factory. Improvement of inner life of Party units. ‘Tasks of unit buros. Division of work in the units. Tasks and activities of shock brigades. Improvement of mobility of Party. Control and check-up of activities in units. How to work in a shop. Sov to talk to workers. Development of active comrades. How to recruit new members. Where to recruit new members. How to develop and train new members. What is bureaucracy How to fight bureaucracy in the Party. What is wrong with the Org. Letter. What is wrong with the Party Organizer. How to safeguard the Party apparatus. How to fight financial irresponsibility. Development of new methods of work, How to raise local issues. ‘What are the main shortcomings of our 30. 31. work, _ 32, How to fight for the worker depositors in a bank-crash. 33. How to organize a hunger-march. 34. How to organize a shop committee. 35. How to work in mass organizations. 36. How to improve the work of the Commu- nist fractions. 37. How to work among the unemployed. 38. How to fight evictions. _ 39. Methods of work and issues to be raised on bread lines and in flop houses. The above are a few of the questions that arise daily in our inner Party life and general mass activity. Rich and valuable experiences have been gathered in our Districts, Sections and lower units of the Party. The entire Party must share these experiences. The articles on these subjects should be brief and to the point. The articles should be mailed to the Org. Dept. of the Central Committee. The Org. Dept. shall furtner add to these ex- periences the valuable experiences of our brother Parties. ‘4 CENTRAL ‘COMMITTEE, C.P.U.S.A, ee workers ~ Daily, Contre orker Derty US.A ‘i: @UBSCRIPTION RATES! ~. t One year, $6; ix months, $3; two months, $1; of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.5¢. excepting Borougha “COME ON! LYNCH THE REDS!” THE METAL WORKERS INDUSTRIAL LEAGUE By ANDREW. OVERGAARD ‘THE steel corporations in the Mahoning Valley are preparing sweeping wage cuts in all mills in January and Febrary according to the an- | nouncements in the capitalist press of Youngs- town. This cut is announced immediately after an agreement was reached by the Western Sheet Manufacturers Association and the fakers of the Amalgamated Association of Iron. Steel and Tin workers ied by Mike Tighe and Co. for a reduc- tion of tonnage rates. While the steel corporations made millions of profits and while the government refunds mi'- lions of dollars in tax the workers are presented with another wage cut. Steel workers who are only, working two or three days a week receive another slap in thr face by the bosses in the steel industry. Steel in Youngstown, Warren, Niles, New Castle and other centers are up in arms agains, this attempt to further reduce their standarc of living. While the millionaire owners of the steel in- Custry build steam heated castles for their pr dogs, workers see their children go hungry to school and watch their babies die for lack of milk. While these parasites enjoy themselves in Florida, the steel workers walk the streets night and day suffering pangs of hunger. While ware- houses are full of food, these workers are looking | for garbage cans to satisfy their hunger. | to all working class organizations to immediately Gomez analyses the class forces, showing how ‘Yankee imperialism has established “Dollar” rule The steel ‘workers will not accept this wage cut in spite of agreements, signed by Mike Tighe and Co., but are preparing to struggle. The Metal Workers League is issuing 50,000 leaflets calling upon the workers to organize and struggle against the wage cuts, and on the basis of unity of all workers, of members of our or- ganization, of rank nad file members of the Amalgamated Association of Tin, Steel and Iron Workers, of Negro and white workers, prepare for the struggle. Meetings of department groups, shop groups, and language groups will be called for this week | to acquaint all the workers with our program of struggle. More organizers are being sent into | Youngstown to give maximum support for the coming fight. The Metal Workers League in its National Committee meeting correctly analyzed the im- pending struggle and predicted sweeping wage cuts in the entire industry. The League is appealing to all steel workers, automobile workers, metal workers in general and come to our assistance with the necessary funds to organize this struggle. Send all funds to the National Office, 611 Penn Ave., room 518 Pittsburgh, Pa. Help smash the wage cuts in the steel industry. Forward to a new powerful industrial union. YANKEE IMPERIALISM IN CUBA Cuban workers have been and are suffering terrifically as a result of the crisis and the op- pression of imperialism. Machado manitains his regime by blood-shed and terror and the tasks of the Communist Party of Cuba become more intricate and difficult. The workers in the United States, suffering under Yankee imperialism at home, are bound to do their Bolshevik duty by helping the Cuban toilers in every way they can. ‘The Central Committee of the C.P.U.S.A. in a letter of fraternal counsel to the Central Com- mittee of the C.P. of Cuba, discusses some of the fundamental problems facing the Cuban workers. ‘This letter is of such importance for our Party members and revolutionary workers at home, that it has been printed in the January COMMU- NIST. In this same issue of the COMMUNIST, R. By BURCK By MICHAEL, KOLTSOV (Moscow). DER this long title I should like to say a few words. One of the most influential personalities in the history of the human race, in my opinion, is George Deviatkin. Maybe his name is not so popular as Confuzius and Mary Pickford. But the influence of these two notables on their contemporaries was ab- solutely negligible compared with the infallible uthority possessed by George Deviatkin among the disciples and believers who surrounded him. George—the very name makes me tremble vith humility and respect! George was a nine ear old boy with knobby knees and his face hiekly covered with freckles up to the very eyes. t the end of George's nose there was always a neck of moisture. But of what importance are sternal appearance! All the prophets and great ‘inkers had a forbidding exterior. George was preparing to enter the preparatory class of the high school. He was filled with ientific knowledge of the highest quality. And e sevyen-year-olds greedily drank in the truths hich were condescendingly vouchsafed to us by re great George. “You hear thunder,” explained George, “when hey are moving the furniture in heaven. God 5 always moving from one house to another.” You can imagine what a noise there must be when the angel furniture removers drop’a piano or a flower pot of aspidestras! “Doctors are devils,” George taught us. “With my own eyes I saw a tail on papa’s doctor. They vet castor oil from hell specially to torture little boys.” “The Caucasus,” George informed us, “is ex- actly opposite China; and at the South Pole it is so hot that everybody walks about naked, boys and girls, and no one is the slightest em- barrassed.” But the crowning point of all the popular scientific stories of the marvels of the world was George’s information of the awful Blue Jimmy. The aforesaid Jim was not a human but a spirit, He lived in the brick works and drank the blood of chance passersby who incautiously walked out at nights. George was the only per- son with whom this evil spirit was on good terms, and it even obeyed George’s commands, We believed it. How could we, how dared we refuse to believe the iron logic of our freckled leader and teacher! But once, not so much gnawed by doubt as by curiosity, we school boys asked him to show us Blue Jimmy, however ter- rible it might be. “All right,” indifferently answered George. “AS many times as you like. Tonight if you like. If only the moon does not come out. Blue Jimmy cannot bear moonlight. It gives him rheumatism. Late in the evening we crept to the brick works. It was cold and fearful. “In a minute we will talk to Blue Jimmy,” said George carelessly. “I have a lot of things to settle with him. If only there were no moon. ‘These spirits cannot bear the moon.” ‘We sat on the grass by the brick works till morning. Blue Jimmy did not appear. And how could he appear when the moon was shin- ing brightly all the time? i With chattering teeth we all crept home. And Geofge gave us his triumphant word: “Well, what did I tell you! Who was right?” ‘We did not answer, devastated by the infallible logic of the Great George. The moon was shin- ing and Blue Jimmy had not appeared. That means that if there had been no moon. That proved everything! George Deviatkin’s authority was for ever firmly established. Where are you now my freckled seer with the dew drop at the end of your nose? I lost your traces long ago. But who is this who has sud- denly appeared 25 years afterwards, not in a quiet little Russian town but in the hurry and bustle of New York, in a wide brimmed black hat, with the gown of a Catholic priest covering his knobby knees? The newspapers of the world inform us & Jesuit priest. Edmond Welsh, has appeared ba| ° , George Deviatkin and the Priest of the Order of Idiots , of the new witness. gating the Soviet question. Moreover, he has al- ready spoken several times inthis commission. Father Walsh gave fresh testimony after his visit to Europe, where he personally studied the wiles of the Bolsheviks. And in reality his visit gave devastating results. The commission was astounded at the evidence All America is gasping under the terrific eco- nomic financial and industrial crisis. What are the causes of this catastrophe? The holy man had discovered the cause and explained it to the c mmission. “Do you want to know where the crisis came fom? With God’s help I have discovered this | secret. I can give you an exact and unerring reply.” All was quiet in the commission. The excited . ticking of the gold watch in Mr. Fish’s pocket could be heard. The representative of the holy order of Jesuits was outwardly calm, but obviously was excited himself. | “The crisis was organized by no other. than the Comintern and here’—Father Edmund Walsh thrust his hands into his pocket— “and here are the documenta! proofs.” The priest shook a little book over the heads of the excited listeners, “Here is the proof. The report of the Execu- | tive Committee of the Comintern, published 14 | months before the Wall Street crash in October. In this report it gives you all the details, how a | crisis will develop in America, what it will lead to, and what will be its effects. The Bolsheviks | knew in advance that we should have a Stock Exchange crash. That proves that they prepared it themselves. The business depre~~‘on in the United States is the work of Communist hands.” At last the Bolsheviks have been caught red- har?-*. i Old and stern in his monkish garb, George De- viatkin stood before the commission, crushing all around him by the weight of his infallible logic. What can we say to confute Father Walsh? Nothing. We can only add a few words to con- firm his statement. When the outlook for Anierican business de- velopment was being discussed in the Comintern, not everyone agreed with the estimate which ap- pears in the official resolution. There were such gentlemen as Lovestone and Pepper who refused to believe in the coming crisis in America. To- | gether With President Hoover, they prophesied | “prosperity” in the United States. But the blood- thirsty Comintern drove out Mr. Lovestone and Mr. Pepper from its ranks as right oprortunists, | As they disbelieved in the coming crisis, it gave them the right to await American prosperity in the same camp as President Hoover. Do we need any further proof that it was the Comintern which undermined the business of the USA with its own hands and brought about the catastrophe on the New York Stock Exchange. Father Walsh, oh, Reverend Father Edmund of | the Jesuit Order! Please inform us if you know of the fate of George Deviatkin. I beg of you not to be shy, but tell the whole truth. Even from here, far away, avvoss the ocean, I know that quarrelsome authoritative voice, I feel the force of that iron 'ogic, I see the dew drop at the end | holes. of your nose, Build a United Front of thou- sands of Workers to collect signatures for Unemploy- ment Insurance. How many did you collect y Geete ais i Pie ae pe HG A By JORGE True (?) Story “Capital has at last gotten itself definitely married to wage-earning America,” is the first line of a whole page advertisement published in the N. Y. Times of the “True Story” maga- zine, than which no more rubbish can be col- lected under the guise of literature. The advertisement, entitled “No Companion- ate Marriage” goes on in ludicrous language: “It is no longer a trial marriage. That period is past. Because a child named Prosperity has already been born.” Yeah! and it seems to have perished in its infancy! But the True Story lunatic proceeds: “Now let us see how far the metaphor can go. First, we know that it was capital that proposed and labor that accepted. We know | this definitely, because labor was very shy dw ing the courship. A rather excited and flute tered girl was being wooed by a man in top-hat.” To picture Mattie Woll and the hard-faced crooks of the A. F. of L. us “shy and flustered girls,” is, brother, passing beyond bounds. It is true that the workers in the A. F. of L. were shy—and have learned since that they had reason to be shy. The man in top-hat had no “honor- able intentions.” But’ the lunatic gabbles on: “Next we know that the marriagé was a happy one. There have been no quarrels of any im- portance since it occurred. No major strikes nor lockouts. And that is tremendously important.” Yeah! It is important in more ways than one! The marriage was a happy one for the whole tribe of capitalists and their pals, the Greens, Doaks, Wolls, and so on. But you just ask the boys who ring the time-clocks under the B. gpd” O. speed-up plan! But there’s more: “We also know that it offered a happy sim tion to the economic problems of both. Capital has been {nterested in the marriage. hag main- tained the home, and has been deeply concerned when its helpmate was under the weather.” Oh, has it! It was “interested” in see¢ing Mag the recent “bride” was blackjacked, tear-gasuad, jailed and kicked in the ribs before being evieted from the “home” for not paying the-rent. And it is our opinion that: The “helpmate” has been helping too much, and is beginning to bust the dishes over the head of the man in the top-hat who lured the inno- cent girl into class collaboration, went through a mock marriage with her, got her in an em~- barrassing condition and now refuses to support her. May the dishes she busts on his head be good heavy ones, and may she soon get oy of them Soviet divorces we hear of. Doughnut Holes It may be a chestnut to some folks, but we heard a story once about a fellow visiting an in- sane asylum, and when passing by the cell of a particularly violent inmate, inquired of. the keeper how the poor man got that way. “Well,” said the keeper. “This fellow was a baker, and tried to invent a doughnut with a larger hole. so as to cheapen production. But he found that the larger the hole, the mote dough was needed to go round it, and the impossibility of making the hole larger without using a cor- respondingly larger amount of dough, caused the poor'man to lose his mind.” We are reminded of the above, when reading an editorial in a San Francisco capitalist paper about Doughnut Holes, which, in turn is a com- ment about the interest shown in said holes by several leading newspapers in the East.” It seems that after Woodrow Wilson’s reported habit of playing with his toes, trying to count up Fourteen Points on ten digits; and Cal Cool- idge’s pastime of riding a hobby-horse in the White House, we can’t expect too much of the upper class. But with current events being .what they are, it does appear that capitalist editors are plump dippy to devote space to argument about holes in doughnuts. But then there may be another reason besides the presence of Professor Einstein, It may be, and very likely is, a fact, that capitalist editors are finding it dangerous to talk about naything more important than doughnut The least said about capitalism, these days, the better for the capitalists. . The Trial Is Over “Which,” asks a reader, “is the better; the Gosplan or the Guess Plan? Both are on trial.” Answer: The comrade is mistaken. The love of alliteration should not carry one into mistakes. The Guess Plan’s “trial” is over and the de- fendant is judged guilty by the working class— the basic and decisive class. The same class has judged the “Gosplan” and already decided that it is a success. Cannibalism From Lawrence, Mass., we get a little note, the | gist of which follows: “Let me teli you of a couple of things that happened up here in this textile town. One of these has to do with the old trouble a comrade encounters while organizing for a union. You know, I guess. You work like hell to get some workers into one of the unions of the Trade Union Unity League. And the minute you have something established, a little office fixed up, the mimeograph grinding out leaflets, some Mill Committecs built—presto! Lo and behold, every other working class organization for miles around falls on you and the green workers in the union like a ton of bricks, It's the L.L.D., the W.LIE., the F.S.U,, the Councils for Protection of Fer- eign Born, etc. etc, Of course, the CP.U.S.A. and the \.C.L.U.S.A. are also present. The C,) is not so hard for the workers to see They’ pretty clear about a union and a political pari But the other organizations! Shades of tl! Organization Department!” ‘The comrade’s protest has validity. As ay! other comrade says, these organizations are tq' much exciting by doing ons another's and not getting out to ring doorbells no one does. Another comrade compared it to cannix F z E 5 4 In general, specific task, should address to all who might be intererted in working, raelize that task specifically, not excluding those specific task, te as | already organized for anotner not seeking to, in a sense, gobble them