The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 12, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, Inc, 4aily, 18th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Address am@ mail all checks to the Daily Worker, ?age Four except Sunday, at Algonquin 1956-7. Cab! 60 East 13th Street, Telephon VENTION DANGER GROWING By BELA KUN. 1 of the sabotage, espionage and traitor organization, the trial of the Industrial Party is at an end. The proletarian state, which is conscious of its unvanquishable power, has spared the lives of the five counter-revolutionaries, who had been condemned to death. The expression of “repentance” of the representatives of the bourgeois intelligentzia, the sins of the former ruling classes of Tsarist Russia which were con- nued in the Soviet Union, have faded into insig- ¢ in face of the enthusiastic work and ph of the masses who are building up HE trial e trial of the leaders of the sabotage or- ga on, of the Industrial Party, there were revealed three of the main driving forces of capi- talist restoration of capitalism, military dictator- ship intervention, and which aimed at slaughtering the advance-guard of the proletariat not only in the Soviet Union but on an interna- tional scale. These forces are: 1. The repre- sentatives of very small sections of the bourgeois gentzia, of the town petty bourgeoisie and nd of the kulaks who are being liquidated as a class namely the Industrial Party and its brother organization. “The Party of the Working Peas- ants” (Kondratiev, Chayanov), as well as their shevist allies (Gromann, Suchaffov, Bara- 2. The remnants of the former ruling ss in Russia (the big landowners and the big capitaiists) living in emigration, headed by the Paris Trade and Industrial Committee (Torg- prom), various monarchist organizations, among which is the group of the “Democratic Repub- lic,” the Milvukov people, the social revolution- aries (Kerensky) and the emigre groups of the Menshevists (Abramovitch, Dan); 3. “French im- perialism as the leader of international imper- ialism on the European Continent, the political and military organizer of the war bloc of Poland and Rumania as well as the states of the Little Entente and the Baltic countries, supported by the socialist fascist II International. The first group of the driving forces of the counter-revolution, just as the second group, is no longer an independent force. The source of power of these two groups is international im- perialism, before all French imperialism. Those “actual privileges,” to use Lenin's expression, which the Russian bourgeoisie was able to retain for some time after the revolution, the “money,” realizable capital, etc. has for the greater part slipped from their hands in the course of the revolution. The inner connections of the Rus- sian bourgeoisie became almost completely disor- ganized in the course of the revolution. From the confessions of all the leaders of the Indus- trial Party it is quite clear that the counter- revolutionary sabotage organization was driven to the path of intervention, of preparatory es- pionage and treason, precisely owing to the lack of a social basis. in the Soviet Union itself. It was not owing-to the gtowth of its attractive power for the masses, but on the contrary, its groving isclation evén from the masses of the engineers that caused the “Union of Engineers’ organization,” on the instructions of Poincare and the French General Staff, to convert itself into a “political party,” the Industrial Party. The second group of driving forces of the counter-revolution, the remnants of the former leading classes now living in emigration together with the menshevist and social revolutionary fol- lower re still more lacking the support of any living social forces. The first and second groups of driving forces of intervertion had that which according to Lenin constitutes in the first place the force of every defeated bourgecisi ‘the force of inter- nation: ca! the strength and firmness of Tnational connections with the bour- ie viétorious building up of Sccialism in the Ynion—and ‘this is one of the most im- poriart. Ic of the trial—is seriously threat- ened b:; o7ly one counter-revolutionary for¢e; by the armed power of international imperialism which is now, under the leadership of France. organizing ‘inieryention in, the states bordering the Sovict Union, from the gulf of Finland to the mouth of the Danube. Ih. The trie! compeiled Poincare to resort to more comp‘iceted methods of lying in face of those facts which were already brought to light at the open proceedings at the trial regarding the pre- para'csy work for intervention and the direct and indirect role of Poincare in this work. Poin- ‘©, “ho most aggressive representative of belli- cose irincrialism, was compelied to defend him- aclf in face of the facts which were revealed by the sccused and the witnesses. He declared in on from the fate of the counter-revolu- tionary war of Koltschak and Dennikin and from the fate of the French and English intervention. He stated that already in 1920 he was personally opposed to’ the recognition of Wrangel by the French government and opposed to his being supported by the French government in the fight against the Soviet government. The fects, however, cannot be got rid of by complicated methods of lying any more than by the method of simple lying. facts are the following: According to the unanimous evidence of all the accused, France first fixed on the year 1928 as the date of intervention and then postponed it to the year 1930. Finally, intervention was postponed to the year 1931. The year 1928 was preceded by Doumergue’s visit to London, when a Poincare government was in power. During this time Poincare was engaged in stabilizing the franc and securing the continental hegemony of France. Doumergue gave a powerful impulse to the Anglo-French approchement. The result of his visit to London was to smooth out a whole number of differences between the two leading imperialist states, and in 1928, that is in the year for which Poincare had fixed the intervention, the Anglo-French En- tente celebrated its rebirth. This Entente was, of course, directed against the Soviet Union. The rebirth of the Anglo-French Entente was accompanied by a number of naval and military conventions. And thus France, as a result of Poincare's initiative, became the leader of in- tervention preparations against the Soviet Union. ‘The year 1928 did not see the realization of in- tervention, but in this year the preparations for in‘ervention received a powerful impetus. From the winter of 1928 onwards the prepara- tions for intervention have been systematically conducted. The Anglo-French agreement gave | France a perfectly free hand to secure its mili- tary influence in the states bordering the Soviet ‘Union while safeguarding the English influence rse that he had already in 1920 drawn | of a political bloc from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. In this year French influence was extended in all the states bordering the Soviet Union, and the military conventions with Poland and Rumania assumed a more definite shape. In this year Pilsudski visited Rumania and the Rumanian general staff officers visited Warsaw. In this year the “military cooperation between Poland and the Baltic States was further con- solidated. In this year General Le Rond again began to pay visits to Warsaw and Bucharest and General Charny visited the Baltic States. In tt year the French military attache visited Latvia and Esthonia and in the same year the visit of the chief of the Polish General Staff created a gencral sensation in Fran From the confessions it is equ this year the “Union of engin was taken over completely by 1 mission of the French General Staff and by Moscow representatives, MM. K. and R. In this year the Industrial Party began to turn i activity in a military direction, and, together with it the Kondratiev-Chayanov group and the group of the Menshevist remnants under the leadership of Gromann. In the year 1928, shortly after the stabilization ot the French currency, French capital granted to Rumania a loan of 72 million dollars for the purpose of increasing its armaments. In the year 1929, under the leadership of France, there was undertaken the provocative at- tempt on the Chinese-Eastern Railway which ended in a victory for the peaceful policy of the Soviet Union and with a miserable bankruptcy of international imperialism, In the year 1929, not only the Comintern but also far-seeing politicians of the bourgeoisie, Poincare among them, foresaw a fresh accentua - tion of the post-war crisis of capitalism, a shak- ing of the stabilization. It is true, the intervention was postponed, | thanks to the success of the Five-Year Plan, but the aggravation of the crisis of capitalism and the victory of the Five Year Plan caused a forcing of the preparations for intervention. This year, 1929, saw the speeding up of the concrete military preparations on the part of the Indus- trial Party and its brother organizations in the Soviet Union under the guidance of MM. K. and R. At the same time the French General Le Rond and Franchet d’Esperet carried through the following military-technical operations in the Western Border States of the Soviet Union: Strengthening of the Polish naval base of Gdynia, construction of a strategic railway line between Gdynia and Upper Silesia, in the financ- ing of which the French armament firm of | Schneider-Creuzot played the leading part: con- | struction of a whole number of chemical fac- | tories for military purposes in Poland; increase of the output capacity of armament factories and strengthening of the “security triangle” (the triangle of fortresses, Radom—Przemysl—Tar- now); erection of branches of the Skoda works in Poland, and finally, thé reorganization of the Rumanian army, In the military-political sphere the most im- portant event is the final strengthening of the military influence of France in Latvia, Esthonia and Finland, as well as the realization of the closest connection between the two largest arma- ment undertakings: between the French Schnei- der-Creuzot factory and the Czechoslovakian Skoda works. At the same time we sce: diplomatic endeav- ors on the part of France, aiming a German- Polish approchement in order to strengthen Po- lish influence in the Baltic States; conclusion of an agreement with Denmark regarding the straits; attempts to make use of the Scandi- navian bloc in the interest of French imperial- ism; attempts to organize points of support for French influence in Turkey. The year 1930, the second date decided on for intervention, brought an aggravation of the eco- nomic crisis of capi m, including a crisis of French capitalism, and in this year the prepara- tions for intervention were advanced from the stage of diplomatic and military preparations io the stage of preparing the mind of the general public. This year was the year of anti-Soviet campaigns under French leadership, the year of the Papal crusade, of the chase after the al- legedly missing General Kutjepoy, of the Besse- dovsky campaign, of Loucher’s journeys in order to prepare for Carol's ascent to the throne of Rumania, of the organizing of the East-European agrarian bloc in Bukharest and. Budapest, and finally the campaign against Soviet “dumping.” That which Ramzin and his colleagues con- fessed to the Soviet Court is only a pale, and in- complete reflection of that which the government | circles and the General Staff of French imper- iglism have carried out since 1927 in preparation for the war of intervention in 1930. Against the lies of Poincare the stock exchange figures speak an eloquent language showing how business circles estimated the prospect of an in- tervention in the year 1931. At the very time | when the crisis of world capitalism caused the shares of the soundest capitalist undertakings to | fall ten to twenty points (in the period from July to October, 1930), the shares of the three | largest armament coricerns of the world con- stantly rose. In the period from July Ast, 1930, to October 7th, 1930, the shares of Vickers & Co. rose from 6.6 to 7.5 Pound Sterlings, the shares | of the Hotchkis firm rose from 1980 to 1994 | Francs, and the shares of the Schneider-Creuzot | works from 1934 to 1945 Francs. Millions and millions are rendered unemployed as a result of closing down of works; the strong- holds of imperialist capitalism, the banks are shaking. Banks are collapsing, but the shares of the armament concerns are rising. They are rising because the output of the war industry is being increased at a feverish rate for the pur- pose of war of intervention against the Soviet Union. In the French Chamber it was charged against Tardieu that his announcements regarding pros- perity were a pure swindle. The French big bourgeoisie is calling for Poincare, who stabilized the French currency in order to be able to ac- celerate the preparations for intervention. Poin- care, if not elsewhere, shall at least in the war industry secure high profits for French capital at the cost of the blood of the proletariat and of the poor peasants of the Soviet Union. At Geneva, where French imperialism hardly allows any talk of disarmament, the pacifist Lord Robert Cecil, the delegate of the English Labor Government, against the motion of Count Rerns- torff that the Disarmament Conference should be convened in the year 1931, proposed that it should not meet until 1932. The rise in the quotations of the shares of the armament firms of Vickers, Hotchkis and shows that the confessions at “DAIWORK.” jew York, N. ¥, 80 Bast Dail lorker Dery USA By of mall averywhere: One ye Manhatten and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATEBt $6; stz months, $3: Foreign: One year, ‘wo months, $1: excepting Borowghe 48: siz montha, $4.50. LENIN CORNER | SPECIAL BOOK OFFER FOR LENIN DAY The International Publishers has gotten out a new set of Six Volumes of Lenin’s Works at a greatly reduced price. The following volumes are already published and ready for distribution to subscribers: Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. Reveals Lenin as a militant dialectical materialist. Con; tains the writings which appeared after 1905 to combat attempts at Marxist revisionism in terms of empirio-criticism and positivism. The Imperialist War. Contains all of Lenin’s writings during the first two years of the World War; a brilliant analysis of its causes, an at- tack on the socialist and labor elements who supported it; and a plan for turning it into a class conflict. The Iskra Perbbd. (1900-1902.) Two large volumes. The formation of the Bolshevik Party. Contains the famous pamphlet, “What Is To Be Done?” and an analysis of the agrarian problem. The Revolution of 1917. Two large volumes. The immediate background of October, 1917. From the overthrow of the Czar in March until® the first open conflict with the Provisional Gov- ernment in July. ) (The Subscription Plan. These books sell regularly in the bookstore edition at $18.50 for the set. Under the sub- scription plan, they sell at $9.25 cash for the six volumes, They can also be purchased on installments on the following terms: For an initial payment of $2, one volume will be sent, which usually sells at $3. Four more payments of $2 each can be made either weekly or bi-weekly at the discretion ot the subscriber. On receipt of these payments single volumes usually selling at $3 and $3.50 each are sent, For the last payment, two volumes having a bookstore value of $6 are sent. However, if the subscriber prefers to receive his books C. O. D., an additional 12 cents postal charge is added on each shipment. planned for 1930 was postponed to 1931, is based on exact information. It is based on in- formation coming from the best informed circles of French imperialism. Poincare and Co, have fixed 1931 as the year of war. The System of the Versailles Peace upon which French post-war capitalism was based is already shaken. The forces which are keeping this sys- tem of imperialist peace under fire, can only be paralyzed at least for a time, if they are of- fered the prospect of a redistribution of the world by intervention against the Soviet Union. The world crisis of capitalist economy is in- | creasing. ‘The capitalist solution of the world cfisis of capitalism can only take place at the | cost of the working class, and the precondition to the crushing of the working’ class is inter- vention against the Soviet Union. In a number of countries, including France, the economic crisis is developing into a political crisis. Fas- cism can bring a temporary salvation of capi- talism only if the Soviet Union, this stronghold of the revolutionary movement of the interna- tional working class, is shattered. War was an urgent necessity for capitalism already in 1928, when at the beginning of the third period the crisis first began to develop. In 1930 it became still more urgent, when with the development of the crisis Stalin pronounced the historic words: “We are entering the period of Socialism!”, when the hope that socialist con- struction could be prevented by means of the inner forces of counter-revolution without im- mediate military intervention disappeared. For capitalism it is still more urgent that war be commenced in 1931, when the general offensive against the standard of living of the working class has only resulted in an increase of the output and extension of the market of the arma- ment industry. That which the spies and diversion agents of Poincare stated at the trial has been confirmed a hundredfold by all the’ events of the world economic crisis and world politics. (To Be Continued.) ‘on Million Unemploved Work- ers! How many of them are collecting signatures for Unemployment Insurance _ mm a your city? The Twilight ot Capitalism By G. T. GRINKO People’s Commissar of Finance, U. S. S. R. XX. The leaders of the modern bourgeoisie are worried over the fate of post-war capitalism, ana they write a great deal about it. It is enough to mention the lively discussion in the German press at the 2nd of 1928, raised ty the report of Professor Schmalenbacth at the Vienna Con- gress of representatives of scientific societies and the report of Werner Sombart at the gen- eral meeting of the Social Science Association at Zurich. Both of these reports are filled with | @ spirit of deep pessimism, not to say with the decrepitude of. senility, It-is the twilight of capitalism. This is no longer only the scientific prognosis of the international revolutionary proletariat raised on the great teachings ot | Marx and Lenin: the same realization is begin- ning to dawn upon the advanced minds of the | modern European boiirgerisie. Werner Sombart, venerable proptiet of capi- talism, concluded his report with this statement: “The domination of capitalism is nearing its end. A new economic system is arising. Capi- talism is the most remarkable creation of thé human spirit. It 1's the greatest wonder in the history of mankind, a mirac’e which we never understand fully. We are merely amazed at its | colossal forms and the splendor of its tech sique. This capitalism har now entered the age of 3 man in his forties, the age when he is still in the possession of great strenzth and all his abili- ties but when he is nevertheless no longer in a Position to conceal his stolidity and the fact that he is becoming increasingly quiet and “moderate.” We may grant Sombart the privilege of old people to profess to be younger than they really are—which also belongs, apparently, to declining social institutions. It is also unnecessary to de- bate with him the grandeur of capitalism, It cannot be denied that his entire report sounds like a solemn obituary on capitalism. It is indeed of the greatest significance that the tried representatives of the European bour- geoisie are beginning to feel the approach of the twilight of capitalism. One of the oppon- ents of Sombart, Alfred Weber, had to divide | the economic system of the world into thre sectors, the pre-capitalistic, the capitalistic and the anti-capitalistic. Said Weber: “What relationship 1s there between these three spheres? We are in a state of mutual | struggle in the widest sense of the word. We are the immediate opponents of the anti- capitalist sphere (that is, apparently, of the U. S. S. R.) . . . This anti-capitalist sphere has lately attempted to exert an anti-capitalist in- fluence on the pre-capitalist sphere (apparently he was speaking of the Chinese revolution) and it is my opinion that here lies one of the fate- ful questions as to the future of capitalism.” As correctly noted by the editor of the Rus- , Sian edition of this interesting discussion, Al- | fred Weber, in his division of the world economic system into three spheres, speaks “about the yesterday, the present day and the tomorrow of the history of the world. An economic regime different in principle from the capitalist sys- tem has already been created,” he says. “To- morrow is knocking at the gates ot capitalism, which is making feverish efforts to strengthen its position.” No reformist theorist of “organ- ized capitalism” can delay the victorious course of the international proletarian revolution and the socialist order that is arising with it. The Five-Year Plan of the U.S.S.R., that pro- gram of great projects, and the developed so- cialist offensive are striking decisive blows at the foundations of international capitalism. The question: “Whither the U.S.S.R.?” may be an- | swered in the words of Comrade Stalin in the | conclusion of his characterization of the first | year of the five-year period, which is justly | designated by him as “the year of the great transformation.” He says: “We are going full steam ahead through in- dustrialization toward socialism, leaving behind the age-old Russian backwardness. We are be- coming a land of metals, of automobiles and tractors; and when we put the U.S.S.R. into a motor-car and the muzhik upon a tractor then let the reverenced capitalists who pride them- selves on their “civilization” try to catch up with us. It is still to be seen which country will then have te be considered backward and which ad- vanced.” These words reflect the proud reyolutionary self-consciousness of the peasanfs and workers | | | of the Soviet Union 150 million strong, who juave | been freed by the October Revolution from the great road of socialist construction, and who | see all oppressed humanity preparing and rising toward its own October. The mighty socialist | ship “Soviet Union” is cutting the waves of the capitalist elements on its way toward the World’s | October. . 8 8 From The Five Year Plan of. the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, on- of the original collaborators on the. Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account | of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers this $. book FREE WITH THE DAILY \.ORKER FOR ONE YEAR( $8 in Manhattan and the Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St. New York. Mention this offer. ~ The Post Office Depart iment Against “Vida Obrera” IDER date of December 15th, the Post Office Department sent a communication to “Vida Obrera” advising that this paper was “unmail- able,” which means that it is a publication with a “seditious character.” After demanding that Vida Obrera fill out an application for the second class privilege three consecutive times, and after presenting all classes of difficulties which have been met with all the requirements necessary, the Post Office Department has taken a step through which the circulation of the paper is practically suppressed. The Pretext, ‘The Post Office Department states that “Vida Obrera” has. published articles that cannot go through the mails. The contents of the Novem- ber 3rd and November 17th issues of this paper which they consider “unmailable” deal with the bloody regime of Machado in Cuba and with the campaign led by the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League for unemploy- ment insurance. Inother words, the government of the United States through ‘its post office de- partment attempts to suppress “Vida Obrera” because it is the organ of the Spanish speaking workers; because it fights for the Unemployed for the defense of the Soviet Union, This attack against “Vida Obrera” very clearly proves to the workers that the American bosses through their state apparatus are ready to use any violence against the working class; against the millions of unemployed workers who are asking for work or wages; against their demands of unemployment insurance In addition to being the organ of the Spanish speaking workers in the United States, Vida Obrera is also the link between the workers of the United States and the exploited working masses of Latin-America, Yankee imperialism which supports the bloody regimes of Machado in Cuba, Gomez in Venezuela, Ortiz Rubio in Mexico, etc., wants to cover up the crimes of its agents and tries to break the unity of the workers and farmers of the colonies with the proletariat of the United States in their joint struggle against imperialism. ‘This is not an isolated attack on one revolu- tionary paper only. The attempt to suppress the “Young Worker,” the same issue as the Vida . Obrera, is a step towards attompting to suppress all revolutionary pape:s fighting in the interest of the workers and is part of the whole attack upon the working class. (Fish Committee in- vestigation, deportations, jailings, police attacks, etc.). To defend Vida Obrera means therefore mae enol ee Sa AA i aba By JORGE The Self-Righteous “World” The morning N. ¥. “World” of Jan. 9, in an editorial commenting upon the assertion of Sen- ator Robinson of Arkansas, that the food “riot” of farmers at England, Ark., was “not the first” and that “news of the others has been supe pressed,” tries to strike a pose as champion of the truth at any cost: ' “Who has been suppressing news? Why should anyone do or attempt such suppres- sion? Are not the facts essential, to an ine formed discussion of relief? Let there be no Policy of suppression.” So wrote the editor of the N. Y. Morning World. But the same editor suppressed two As- sociated Press dispatches telling of the Hunger Marches of tens of thousands of workers im Minnesota and California, which were left lying on his desk at the identical hour he was rush? ing into print to pose as the banner-bearer of the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the ruth. Now, will the N. Y. World editor answer some of his own questions? Can a Simon Legree Supports Stimson “Red Spawks:—Seein’ as how Mistah Stimson done toox pen in hand to castigate the Niggah republick foh carryin’ on with slavery, an’ bein’ as how Mistah Firestone kum along totin a pow- ahful pretest of the same karacter, Ah done riz from the graveyahd t’ jine mah potest. “We-uns tuk a lot a’ sass frum thuh kussed Abolishunists foah we-uns found aout thet hirin’ Niggahs by the day of kontracting em foh share kroppers vuz a mighty lot cheeper than investin’ so darn much muney in theer karkasses. “Ef Ah hadn't bin so fond uv appel-jack thet hed sich moughty authority, Ah woodn’t ha chased Liza krost thuh ice, Ah’d durn site bet- | ter lit her go an’ simply brought sum stock en thuh factery whar she got a job up Noth. An’ ez foh Unkle Tom, Ah done bin kickin mahself tus think thet so mutch good money war log before we-uns got wise enuf tur kwit destroyin’ property an’ jest linchin’ free Niggahs what kosts us 1gthin’, “We-uns heah wuz a-havin’ uv @ argumint with Abe Linkum about thet: Liberia situashun. Ah done larned a powahful lot frum Abe, whuz rite ‘smart on internashunal law. An’ Abe an’ Ah wuz diskussin’ jest how thuh fokes en Wash- ingtun wuz goin’ tuh eksplain mattahs. a “Yoh see, hit’s this away: Thuh Huuver ag- ministrashun sez thet enything made en the So- viet territory ez fohced labur produkts, An’ the givermint hez tuh lay daoun an embargo on “hit. Abe he ez moughty suspishus thet England thuh Leeg uv Nashuns tuh make trubble foh, Unkle Sam en Liberia, seein’ as how Mistah Stimson kent kwite stretch thuh Munro Doktrine | akross thuh Oshun an’ tell the Leeg tuh keep hanz off thuh Firestone invessmints en rubbah plantashuns thar. | “So Mistah Stimson hed his hanz tied an’ thih : bess he ku do wuz tuh prttenr thet hit war thth fust time he evah heerd us slavery en Liberia, an’ git turribel het up abaout hit an’ giv thuh | Big Jiggah ovah-seer thar a kallin-daoun, spe- shully tellin’ em thet Leeg instruckshuns muss be kerried hout—but with fun eye shet. “Ah razed thuh pint thet ef thuh Nij Mistah Firestone bin usin’ tuh plant thuh yung trees en his plantashuns air slaves, then all thuh rubbah frum them thar trees aought tew be barred frum thuh United States jest like the producks frum th’ Bullsheviks. “Abe he sed thet thet wuz jest why Mistah peg itali: : a | Firestone spoke up at wunce en suppoht uv Mis= if , Who have | yoke of capitalism, who have started out on the | tah Stimson, tuh exhibit thuh gud inte | about England an’ thuh ress uv them Leeg uy | things skware with Stimson, sed Ah, but what abaout England an’ thuh ress us them Leeg us Nashuns? “Abe he jest chuckeled, «n sed, sez he, Simon, yoah doan no nuthin’ abaout slavery, What's gwine ter happin ez thet they'll git sum free Niggahs tuh tak sum Holy Water frum the Pope oaut tuh sprinkel on them rubbah trees an then they kin giv England thuh wurd thet Unkle Sam mought mak a fuss abaout sumthin England dus an enyhow they kin git togethah with Pope's blessin roh war on thuh danged Bullsheviks. “Ah reckun thet Ah’ll hes tuh agree thet Ah doan kno nuthin abaout slavery. Theez new fangled ovah-seers got ole Simon Legree. skined alive—Yours truly, SIMON LEGREE.” For the benefit of readers who don't know who Simon Legree was, we state that he was the prin- cipal villain of the book on American slavery before the Civil War, an over-seer on a slave plantation. ° Higher Mathematics Question; If a Tammany grafter gets $50,000 for giving a steamship company a lease on ta 500 foot pier in New York Harbor, how much should he get if the city government can per- suade the Federal Government to permit the building of 1,000 fodt piers? Answer: We give it up, as it’s a question of higher mathematics. We, suggest that it be referred to a Committee of Experts, consisting of Jimmy Walker, Profes- sor Einstein and the “socialist,” Texas Guinan, SLAC ice AEA Ma fight against the terror campaign of the ruling class. Our Answer To This Attack. The answer of the Spanish speaking workers to this attack of the government through its post office department must be to build up the un- employed councils of the T. U. U. L., organize and participate in hunger marches; for the Un- employment Insurance Bill; organization of committees for the protection of and against the deportation of foreign born workers,» organize @ more energetic support to lutionary movement in Cuba, All workers must demonstrate that they ready to support their bats? Obrera,” against all the "To the decision of the post office department must answer by intensifying the ‘campaign favor of “Vida Obrera,” multiplying our eff in securing new subscriptions, be caesar by all means our paper. Forward to the struggle for tnanipidbanag Insurance!