The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 2, 1931, Page 4

| ; | “minimum of ¢ Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc, Aaily, except Sunday, at 80 East » Page Four. 13th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephon Algonquin 1956-7. Cable: “DATWORK.” alk vOr’. er’ i " ‘Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York. N. ¥. ab Central ~~ Party U.S.A. em aes aaaee = patel ‘THE CRISIS AND THE NEGRO WORKERS IN THE U.S. By SAM BROWN DAY, with the deepening of the economic + crisis in the United States, we find the Negro wkers the hardest hit. They are the last to be ved and the first to be fired. In the South » see the bosses organizing all sorts of fascist ‘ %anizations to scare the militant Negro work- 3. and to keep thera from organizing into the mmunist Partyand. the.revolutionary unions. yout two months .ago,.there was an organiza- m formed in -Atlanta, Ga. called the Black iirts, the purpose of which, as stated by the ‘vitalist press,;was to-see that the Negroes were “ed and the white, workers hired in their places. us was.only. to, build up, more race hatred aong the Negro and white workers and to keep am from orgenizingand'-fighting against the tten conditions that-they are -working under. * ae bosses know damn well that when the Negro sd white workers wake up and find out who sir real enemies are, they (the bosses) will have hell of a time keeping them from fighting ‘ainst. this rotten system of society. There aré about 5 to 10 thousand Negro youths alking the eets of New York today looking r work that cannot be found. While walking e streets cf Harlem, one can see many things iat have never beet seéi* before. Negro youth rgging for nickéis ‘and’ diniés”'to get a place to sep out of the cold weather. There are girls ret look as innocent as the daughters of some those dope peddiing preachers selling them- lyes for the price of a meal and place to sleep. In the National Laundry. at 141st St. and 5th ve. there are more-than 250 Negro girls work- ag for str on wages. At a time when these orkers weried to join the Trade Union Unity League, the boss got his spies and stool pigeons | to watch the workers and prevent them from joining the union. The boss found out that there was a large number of girls that wanted to join the union so he fired 25 girls to maintain his system of exploitation and oppression. The Negro workers are now beginning to rea- | lize what the Communist Party had been telling | them mionths before the elections. They realize that the capitalist class, black, or white will do nothing for the workers until they are forced by the organized might and power of the work- ing class. The boss class, seeing the crisis getting worsé ahd worse every day, especially among the Negro workers, they thought it best to put a few moré bélly-crawling Negro misleaders to shoot more poison into the minds of the Negro work- ers. The democratic and republican parties set up Négro decoys as judges to fool the Negro workers, In thé course of this setting up, there was # fellow ky the name of Hamilton Fish, who came to a Harlem church to assist the Negro decoys. Fish me told the,crowd of more than a hun- dred stoyekeepers, gangsters, and bootleggers that were présent, that the Negro people did not need social @quality, Mr. Fish deliberately said that the only thing the Negro needs is political equal- ity, ahd that have plenty of that right here! Then he pointed to the decoy sitting on the platform in back of him. The Negro workers of Harlem will not accept the lies of Mr. Fish or any of his class, but they will organize under the banner of the Commu- | nist Party and will fight like hell until the whole | system of capitalism is abolished and will set up | a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government in the | United states. The Patty Full-Time National Training School By A. MARKOFF. THE resolution on the next tasks of the Com- { munist Party, U. S. A. adopted by the welfth Pienum of the Central Committee, Noy. 4, 1930, devotes an entire section dealing with he problem of training of. cadres for the Party end the unions: The statement reads as follows: “One of ‘the most burning questions of the moment forthe ‘Party, :the revolutionary trade mions and all ‘the revolutionary mass organiza- ions; is the development of new leading forces. “eading comredes in the Party and T. U. U. L. nust give special and personal atiention to draw- ng in new and young comredes for special train- ing for leadership. A ceritre) point in the ‘solu- tion of this problem must bé the énergetic carry- ing through of the plans for a Central full-time training school to begiri easly in 1931 and last Jor three months. This school:must have a 73 student&é careftilly selected by the districts and approved by the Center, among whom et least 29 per cent must be Negroes, with eseritation of youth, Latin Ameri- iglly stlected for trade Mr ‘stematic attention must be given it in the districts to the provision of theo- retical literature forthe self-education of active members he Pa and the revolutionary ann Tye present uation in which in many ete! is)almost, complete absence of cir- oe "1 of-thesretical journals and books, must be «7 ibis come. .The Party in the dis- tricts mytctumore effectively make use of our theove’ 4 jeuvnal the Communist, as an in- t-for-develcping Party cadres.” } for a school in which so many mem- Young Communist League at ent. at the present time that ‘sary to point it out. t demonstrations on March at events in the United States in | beyond doubt that the political influence of our Party on the working masses in this country is growing from day to day. The recent state elec- tions also demonstrated that not only do the workers turn to the Party for leadership in their struggles, but that the exploited farmers are be- ginning to look upon the Party as the real leader of the exploited masses of the country. This was demonstrated by the recent election returns from North and South Dakota, where the yote for the candidates on the Communist | Party ticket was three to four times the vote of the 1928 elections. The further deepening of the crisis, which is manifested in the recent crash of many banks in the East and the West, will accentuate the strugglé on the part of the workers and exploited farmers. It is necessary for our Party to supply leadership to the masses, to translate the dis- content of the masses into organized militant ac- tion Pe the capitalist system. Our Yprces at present are insufficient; the dis- crepancy between the political influence of the Party and its organizational strength is due to the shortage of comrades capable of carrying on our work among the masses. The problem of de- veloping additional cadres of active comrades i: therefore, the central probiem before the Party. The developing of new cadres of active members is carried out primarily through the active par- ticipation in the class struggle; but theoretical training is just as equally essential. “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolution- ary movement.”—Lenin. The Naticnal Training School decided on by the Party Plenum will prepare a number of comrades for active leadership and will greatly relieve the present shortage of forces. The dis- tricts must carry on the campaign for sending students to the school, with utmost energy. This is a major problem for the districts and | the Party as a whole. Quick and energetic ac- | tion will insure the success of the school. By JOHN LITTLE. EE! United that tne of nisi League, the “Young Worker,” is “unmail- States government has decreed ficial organ of the Young Commu- able.” This atteck against the “Young Worker” is based upon the contents of the May Ist, May 1sth and the June Indi “¥ssuéS. ' Although the “Young Worker” Has “béen® it existence since 1922 this is the first, attempt of the government to ber it from the mails, The issues enumerated by the postal department were especially devoted against the present preparation for imperialist wer and against the further worsening of the living conditions of the working class. The United States, Government is preparing to attack the Soviet Union, ‘The, success of the Five Year Pian-on-the one hand, and the deep- ening ecoriohifc¢ crisis“of ‘capitatism on the other is forcing the capitalist, ‘class’ to'seek @ way.out of its difficulties. In. ‘order. for the capitalist class to attack the Soviet Union and place the burden of the economic crisis upon the backs ot the workers it seeks to drive into illegality the militant class-conscious section of the working class which is leading the tight of the workers. ‘The suppression of the “Young Worker” is part of this attack against the working class. With increasing unemployment arid ever lengthening bread lines the government finds it necessary to bar the “Young Worker’. because it. gives to and rallies the young workers for the fight against imperialist war and because it leads the stauggle for bétter living conditions. Wherever struggles for the ypung workers have taken place. the “Yor Worker” has. been in the forefront giving; guidance ond leadership for their immédiate economic demands. The “Young Worlex" has exposed to the masses of tolling syoutht c. presént. preparations for war against the Sovi nioh. ‘THe ““Xoung Worker” has been “the only youth organ’ that nas carried on a re- lentless struggle Against the lynching and jim crow policy-of, the: bosses and has rallied the working youth of all races to struggle against the system of, oppression that breeds it. It has interest of beams of ee ees vale ‘Unmailable” into the mass revolutionary trade unions of the tT. UL, The suppression of the “Young Worker” is part of the concerted action of the bosses to defeat the working class. Already the “Vida Obrera,” the “Young Pioneer” and now the “Young Worker” have been barred from the mails. Only the mass protest of the workers will guarantee the return of these papers to the working class and prevent further suppression of otifer working-class papers. By Swelling the ‘ranks of the Young Commu- nist Léague the workers wt!! give a decisive an- swer to this attack of American imperialism and its agents, the Fishes, Wolls and Thomases. Wotkers! Rally to the defense of the “Young Workét!” The defeat of the “Young Worker” wif defeat to the entire working class. Or- ga 7 Haaoayd Protest meetings! Adopt protest resolutions in your organizations. Take up the challd@fige and. rush aid to the “Young Worker,” 43 E./W25th St. New York City. L . 4 Workers! Join the Party of . Your Class! Cc Party U. S. A. 43 125th Street, Ne ork. City. ~ t wv t = ‘ 1 Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. = + Name! Address CIEY ssssscenevereeeenseceeers State. Sconengage beeen eeeneeeeneeeeeeesees sel atta ABE oosos AE Pin dbase Communist 125th ‘Bt, New York, N.X, ' | | | ANOTHER YEAR OF HUNGER SIFT WEB knee ny + By mail everywhere: of Manhattan and SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6; six montbs, $3; two months, 31: Rronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8 By BURCK | | LENIN CORNER Defeating the “Own” Gov’t . “Revolution in war time is civil war. Trans- formation of war between governments into civil war is, on the one hand, facilitated by military reverses (“defeats”) of the governments; on the other @.and, it is impossible to strive in practice towards such a transformation without at the same time working towards military defeat. The “slogan” of defeat is so vehemently repu- diated by the chauvinists (including the Organ- | ization Committee, including the Chkheidze fraction) for the very reason that this slogan | alone means a consistent appeal to revolutionary action against one’s own government in war time. Without such action, millions of the most rev- olutionary phrases concerning “war against war and conditions, etc.,” are not worth a penny. He who wishes earnestly to dispute the “slog- an” calling for the defeat of one’s own govern- ment in the imperialist war, would have.to prove one of three things: | 1914-1915 is not reactionary; or (2) that a rev- olution in connection with it is impossible, or (3) that co-ordination and mutual aid of the revolutionary movement in all belligerent coun; tries is impossible. The last reason is particularly important for Russia, because this is the most backward country, where an immediate Socialist revolution is impossible. This is why the Rus- sian Social-Democrats had to be the first to ad- vance the theory and the practice of the defeat “slogan.” The. czarist government was perfectly right when it asserted that the propaganda of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Fraction was the only example in the International of not only parliamentary opposition but of real rev- olutionary propaganda in the masses against their government, that this propaganda weakent the military power of Russia and aided its d feat. This is a fact. It is not clever to hi from it. The opponents of the defeat slogan are simply afraid of themselves when they do not wish to realize the most obvious fact of the inseparable connection between revolutionary propaganda against the government and actions leading to its defeat. Is it possible to have co-ordination and mutual aid between the Russian movement, which is revolutionary in the bourgeots democratic ‘sense of the word, and the Socialist movement in the West? This has not been doubted by any one of the Socialists who, in the last decade, expressed themselves publicly, and the movement of the Austrian proletariat after October 17, 1905, proved such a possibility by the fact of real life. “The Socialists have always condemned wars between peoples as barbarous and bestial. Our attitude towards war, however, differs in ‘princi- ple from that of the bourgeois pacifists and anarchists, We differ from the first in that we understand the inseparable connection between wars on the one hand and class struggles inside of a country on the other, we understand the impossibility of eliminating wars without elimin- ating classes and creating Socialism, and in that we fully recognize the justice, the progressivism and the necessity of civil wars, i. e., wars of an oppressed class against the oppressors, of slaves against the slave-holders, of serfs against the landowners, of wage-workers against the bour- geoisie. We, Marxists, differ,both from pacifists and anarchists in that we recognize the necessity of an historical study of each war individually, from the point of ,view of Marx's dialectical materialism.. There have been many wars jin history which, notwithstanding all the horrors, cruelties, miseries and tortures, inevitably con- nected with every war, had a progressive char- acter, i. e., they served the development of man- kind aiding in the destruction of extremely per- nicious and reactionary institutions (as for in- stance, absolutism or serfdom), or helping to re- move the most barbarous despotisms in Europe (that of Turkey and Russia). It is therefore ne- cessary to examine the historic characteristics of the present war taken by itself, ‘Socialism and ‘the War‘of:1014:15.-~ either (1) thatethe war of | By G. T. GRINKO People’s Commissar of Finance, U. S. S. R. X1r. | Arcane since the eighteentn century the pro- gressive economic thinkers of tsarist Russia persistently and stubbornly raisea the question of | connecting the lower and upper Dnieper by | means of a canal and locks'around the Dnieper Falls, so that a direct great waterway might | stretch from the Baltic to the Black Sea. It is well, known ‘that the construction of the great hydro-electric power station and the huge com- | bine of industrial and transportation plants which are now being erected by the Soviet Government at the Dnieper Falls, and which together com- pose one of the greatest construction develop- ments in the world, originatea as,an attempt to solve a transportdtion problem. For, indeed, there is nf more absurd than the situation created, by a fange of gigantic rocks forming the river ‘falls ‘which for'centuries nave severed >a splendid navigable river into@two halves. The situation is een worse ‘because the Dnicper tra- verses, to thé, north and the south of the falls agricultural and industrial Tegicns presenting the greatest opportunities for development. Russian tsarism and Russian capitalism were unable, during the long period of their existence, to solve the problem of connecting the lower and upper Dnieper. The Soviet Government, howeyer, upon the termination of the Civil War, and in the first years of its existcnce, undertook this huge construction and development work. The Dnieprostroy construction now enjoys world-wide interest. Some of the most prom- inent European and American construction con- cerns are acting as consultants in its erection. Slightly less than a billion rubles will be in- vested during the present period in the construc- tion of the Dnieprostroy hydro-electric plant and in the industrial and transportation works com- bined with it. In 1933 this powerful hydro-elec- tric station with an initial capacity of 480,000 horsepower \the total éapacity is to reach 800,- the mining region and to many new enterprises now under construction. Among these latter are 000 horse-power) wi] supply electric current toy The Five-Year Plan Conquers the Dniepr an iron and steel mill with a capacity of from 650,000 to 1.1 million tons of pig iron a plant for the production of ferrous minum plants, chemical worxs, a tractor plant with an annuol capacity of 40,000 units, ete. ‘This truly immense and impressive electro-chemical and metallurgical combine at times conceals from the public eye the transportation problem which is being solved in the process of the Dniepros- troy construction, almost as an inci Yet, by t time that the hyc tion and industrial plants cellent system of triple locks be nect t up- per and lower Dr ‘the south to the north he time is not far off whi he Berezi oper will b and Ber quently with the northern route “from the-.V: gz to the G: verted into a reality in the cour: cialist industrialization ot tne Soviet Union. | and conse- From The Five Year Plan of the S Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the ori collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of jits place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR( $8 in Manhattan and the Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rusl your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St. New York. Mention this offer. From Margaret Haller, a young worker of New York City, has come the following ment: state- a “On account of right-wing opposition and at- tending Lovestoneite, meetings, I was expelled from the Young Communist League. “Herewith I want to state that I separated my- self completely from ‘the Lovestone group as soon.as I realized that the} are not working for ‘the Party, as they say, but, as proved by their right-wing policies ‘and'their connections with the opportunist groups of other countries (Brand- ler, Talheimer, etc.) that they are counter-rey- of the working class, when jtst entering the League and while the factional fight was going on. © *“T am convinced ' ‘now, that the political line ot the C tern 1s correct, and | only fol ‘Towing ‘this ‘Tithe: the Gommibtnist ’ olutionaries and enemies of the Comintern and | | of the renega “I admit, that T was misled by their phrases | More Workers Leave the Camp _ * ot Renegades into a mass organization. I also realize that one of the first rules of the Communist Party acceptance and enforcement o: discipline. s the t proletarian “Therefore I have made a complete break with | the opportunist Lovestone group and I ask to be | readmitted, so I can prove that I am willing to | work for the Party and to fight all enemies of the Comintern.” In line with the policy of the Party which welcomes back into its ranks all sincere and honest workers who, reali: their error and revolutionary role ¢ them- solves from f 100-3 and accept the e and the discipline of the Comintern and of the Party, the application of Comrade Margaret Haller for re-admission has “been approved, des, CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION joan grow" |*aj¢) OOMMUNIST PARTY OF THE USA, t | p | baronecy | slippery tr | m excepting Boroughs siz months, $4.50 4 Sec —SS————— a Ae, een By JORGE A Parson is a Parson Reverend John Haynes Holmes is, implies, a parson, but withal ® rson, He dabbles much in civi¢ besides his pastorship of the church, the, onerous duty of pre- ties in these United States, be- of a nabob in the Civil Liberties uch, he doubtless was struck with horror at the disappearance of the Gastonia victims of a lynching bee called a “trial,” during which the ecutor rolled on the floor calling for divine vengeance inst the victims who were sus- pected of not believing in the Holy Trinity. If we recall rightly, there was some intimation from C. L. U. quarters that the Communist In- ternational was physically preventing the vie~ tims from enjoying a living death in Carolina ain gangs. Be that as it may, the N. Y. Times of Christ- mas Day told us that the Rev. Holmes is marry- ing (as the officiating parson, of course) a dam- osel called Mabelle Charlton Phillips, who 1s something produced by Wellesley and the Char- ity Organization Society of Plainfield, N. J., to none other than Baron Nicholas Cherkasoff, said to be “of Moscow and Odessa,” though we are rather convinced that he is not at present mixing in the society of those cities. It seems that the Baron—“served as a colonel of the ta brigade under General Wrangel dur- ing the revolution, being wounded sixteen timés,” | according to the story, which seems too bad to us as we are sure he must have been shot at at least seventeen times. The bride-to-be (the affair is coming off on New Year's Eve) met the defendant—we mean the Baron—while doing “reconstruction work” in Athens. It is all so romantic! And we wonder, if the Rev. Holmes,.in offi- ciating formally in this affair of a Baron whose rests upon the existence of, Czardom, isn't sort of “recognizing” the monarchy and going along with Secretary Stimson in con- tending that the Soviet Union just ain’t. This might be distressing to some readers of the Nation, but, as for us, we scoffers merely recall the fact that a person remains—a parson. The Major Suspects Major Phillip Fleming of the U. S. Army, ofi- cial West Point rep on the committee which ar- ranged the Army and Navy fothall game “for the unemployed,” has his dander up at the of the Salvation Army, which was supposed to “administer” the money raised. The Major has become deeply suspicious of the way the Salvation Screamers are handling the cash, as well he might, according to our opinion. He is so very suspicious that he says: “The committee of which I am a member will require that every cent be used immediately to relieve unemployment within the metropolitan area of New York, and that a final-accounting be made to us. If necessary, a certified public accountant will be called in.” It seems that the Major became sore when Salvation »Army officials announced that the moncy was use they ‘given them with no strings and to fit. And alongside that, the never supposed that thg ell that organizatiorg ed pe rate fund was nd were surpri > thats heir hat no pneral, fund,* fat salaries, In fact the point, for, says he: alvation Army, ‘om our game, lists ole to understand and expect to be explained. t authorized to use this the establish- n Army institutions hat agreed upon by on that you jobless and starving workers, if the soup is thin, if the coffee is weak and there is not real meat and good bread and wholesome food served you on the Salvation Army bread- rou are told to go to get “adequate” you may be just as suspicious as Major z of West Point, and demand why! Incidentally, the Salvation Army has put up a terribly costly building on West 14th Street, that reaches through to 13th Street and that must have cost enough to feed tens-of thousands of hunger men real food! Demand itl * ee Can’t Make A Dent Recently when some congressmen called o Hoover to furnish congress with a copy of the report of Mr. Wood, head of the Emergency Em- ployment (not “unemployment,” get that!) Come , it turned out that Wood “had made no report,” and Hoover added, that Wood had only submitted some “notes.” Any worker who takes Hoover's Commission ously is badly mistaken. It is clear that it was appointed just before election merely as a stall, and not to do anything. Because any fed- eral commission, supposedly active and holding sessions for turee months on unemployment in the middle of such a crisis, either has something to report or is a pure fake, Hoover's Commission had “nothing to report.” Now comes somebody “associated” with the nission, who evidently takes his job kinds serious. His name is Dr. Bryce Stewart, but he , not as an “associate”. with Hoover’s Com- ion, but as “executive secretary of the com- mittee on governmnetal labor statistics of the American Statistical Association,” Stewart spoke at Cleveland at a soctal science session of the American Association for the Ad- vancement of Science, And he said, brothers, and you should get this because Hover seems to ignore it, that employment has dropped 35.7 per cent in the last 18 months, that it is still declin- ing and even when it stops declining, it will take at least sixteen months, or up to the Spring of 1932, for industry to return to normal employ- ment. Vithout cussion on that, ver and ‘his Com- t of unemployment. A. F. of L. Figures such as 02 as is G Stewart's make nary a dent in Hoover's hypocri- of the tical hide, Only the hunger marches of the mil- lions who refuse to starve may force old Fat Face & Co, to do something more effective than fooling the unemployed with fale eomaniestens,