The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 1, 1931, Page 4

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6: n and Bronx, Publishe@ by the Comprodatly Publishing Co, Ine. atly, excep Sunday, at 60 East Azth Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 1956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address aud mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Boroughs $4.50. siz months, $3: New York City. Foreign: two months, $1; One year, $8; excepting siz months, rimil everywhere: Man. By HARRY fekonc the predictio *"and their economist and viewing w fie same. feelin © Pyyn-your throat “gre than 1,100 ban ““acéiduring the 5 Volved. Hoover's state ge) delivered on Dec. 2 She whole lot A leading bosses ining of finger of the taken illion dollars al mes- 1929, i jpairment Af-is no “imp: ‘mk Wailures are bre 400,000 worker Weir sweat-covered An. Abidi Hoover surpassed eegall See. The gu Wanings from tt lists, bankers ar mary lyinc. _ records for en about have ors ad promises of *pundant as ev tig: “Reco v > expected ‘ aportant, os te progress has wwn-swines cf You see Green w covery but he p’ ’ Friday, Catchings, Wa zz economists who Jo! ad of economic We will turn ove. vars newspapers ar Foster and other decreed the “WHAT THEY SAID AND WHAT HAPPENED burea business major importance is ts now known. unemployed, shivering the stinking soup given after reading these pinch themselves to forecast in the streets or eating them on the year would be too small to include the rest of the quotations, all along the same line. Just a sentence more, from S of the Chicago Board of Trade (the grain pit) on the agrarian situation: “Generally speaking, the whole agricultu outlook is bright.” Hoover Gets the Prize. The prize, of course, easily goes to Hoover. On March 7th he said “All the evidence indicates that the worst ef- | fect of the crash (stock market) upon employ- ment will have been passed during the next 60 days.” Finding this incantation insufficient to | the crisis, early in May, when the death sen- tence was supposed to have been carried out, Hoover stated: “I am convinced we have now passed the worst, and with the continued unity shall rapidly recover.” s one thread that is brightly woven y one of these whole-cloth lies that Hoover fabricated. Here is the way he put $t on different ‘occasions; “We have had” no substantial reductions in wages.” ‘The un. dertakings to maintain wages have been held.” several How Wages Were Maintained. So far as wages were concerned, the Standard stics Co., in the latter part of Oct., said: of wage cuts and part-time employ- ggregate wages have declined from $44,- ar to $35,754,000,000—a loss of In other words they dropped near- dollars! ment 607.000,090 a 20 per cent.” ly nine billion which was so boun- we find that the latest index of business activity, published by the Annailist, shows that busin ity has dropped to the lowest point since 1908. The Annalist index is at 76 compared to 110, the high point of 1929. In order to get an idea of just how low this is nace for the entire next uel P. Arnot, president | for this type of essay, DNA “EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM” By BURCK | Dail | else would be there who might. | there.” By JORGE qemeeeeenee A Hard Struggle A correspondent writes in from right here in New York City, asking how he can find the Communist Party. “I sent a worker,” he says, “ 50 East 13th St., but he said he couldn't get in, though that’s the address I got from the There's another address on 125th St., but it doesn’t say if meetings are held there. How does a worker ever get into your Party?” Well, it is apparently difficult. We have more than one kick about how people are received even when they manage to get the combination and discover that the present entrance is on 12th Street, at No. 35 East. Right here in the editorial room we have an illustration of how difficult it is to break into the Party. Way back in September before we moved from Union Square, Comrade Ryan Walker applied for membership. Months went by. Inquiries were made. Finally about three weeks and a half ago, he got a letter one evening when he went home at 7 p. m., telling him to be at 27 East Fourth St. that day at 6 p.m. and get his card. Joyfully and with trusting heart he rushed down, but found no Sec. Org. there as promised in the letter tentatively. He though that was his fault, so he tried again; then again; and still again, fearful that he might be expelled for non-attendance before he could get joined. Never could he find anyone there who could tell him how to get his card or when anyone The Section Organizer says that there is “always somebody But Comrade Walker can’t seem to find anybody so far. A friend for years of his was in our office, also telling of the hard struggle to join the Party. A food worker, he had applied eight months before. As months went by, he felt that, since he was no longer young, he would like to be a Party member before he died. So he came down to the District Office a couple of: times to find out what about it, Yes, his application was located in the files. | Workers Center Must re bosses’ estimation of ill see what st | we must conrary the same index at the lowest But it “hadn’t been acted on.” At last reports s in the United States since | it is still reposing peacefully in the files and the Be | The Worker-Peasant Block ees PAUL WILLIA: wr of the N. Y. Even: ill be a definice tur ining to_an ¢€: LEWIS E. PIE ving Trust Co.: sad into th { the natio: 329. iy PRONG FI gent vi of con- business ion. 1g bourgeois economist atter is that a careful s nothing fundamentally jtuation (Love- this situation any re- tivity must be ‘short- vice-pre nd- By F. ele y differentiated devlat the past, not only cret> ems that were on the ico In the character of the discus- methods of work that were dis- d, It is precisely this characteristic that fave this. Plenum its unusual importance. In rad’ to the practical program for the con- tion of the Party's work this Plenum ‘marked a turning point. t Plenvm approached directly the immedi- sks of the Party, pointed out the most | ae concrete® organizational of the experiences Seven n National Convention, and pointed out the : t must be applied in or- der to strengthen the Party Organization and put ‘the Party into the leadership of the daily is les of the working class. The analysis of he economic and political situation, and the ] l line of the Party which stressed the ity of turning to the masses, concentrat- the shops, leading the everyday struggles working class on the basis of concrete immediate demands, were already laid down at > the last convention. The development of the objective situation since the convention, shows cleatly the correctness of the analysis of the Party. Tm this situation, f E ate @ repetition of the political sis made at the Plenum, would be only a of precious time.’ The!'situation shows us tly that our task is to strengthen our efforts the line of leading the daily struggles of the ng class, of winning the great masses of | s to the revolutionary movement. It is | respect, on the basis of the experiences | the convention, that our work must be- 6 more concrete, that we must double our in concentrating our activity in the shops, | , mines and mills, applying vigorously the methods of work that were already discussed | at the Cleveland and New York confer- which were in harmony with the line of | ECCI, and wherever applied in a correct . Gave good results, as proven especially election campaign. ns, stated very clearly the fundamental pro- m of our Party when he said, “In America, hhaye now a very peculiar phenomenon, so to Ay.—an irreproachable Communist Party, a Communist Party, but one very well pre- for battle. On the other hand, we have masses also ready for battle, but the two S have apparently not found each other. unist leadership is ready for battle, are there, but the chemical union .” This is exactly the fundamental jum discussed, f this ight we | cuts, i ae ene ch | 29. a ln wins Sree var on 82 81 16 November, 1896 18 ne, 1894 72 February, 1885 1 In other words, the pr has only one more record to beat n the lowest in order to att of the y S, June, 1394, This 76 does represent something ract It means that all indus’ is at the lowest ebb since 1908. It means workers are starving to death by the millions. On the other hand the Daily Worker at the beginning of the cr! pginted out what it would mean for the wor! When the boss economists were shrieking their loudest about “recovery” the Daily Worker by a M: ist-Leninist analysis of the facts predicted the of the cri calling on the workers to fi: acainst the wa: and for unemployment urance. The Importance of the Last Party Plenum | the necessity of building the revolutionary unions, of jeeding the unemployed, the development of the Negro movement, the building of the Daily Wo! into a mass organizer of the working cl ete. The Plenum also gave the line to be followed in the discussion in the District Plenums, in the lower units of the Party. No general discussion, no agitation amongst ourselves, no flowery speeches, phrases, but concrete discussion, severe self-criticism of the mistakes in applying the Party line, of the organizational weaknesses on | a district, on a unit scale, pointing out on the basis of the resolutions, situation in the c how to improve the rete sphere-of activity of the districts, sections, and units. Not the gen- eral discussion of the past, repetition of the Plenum discussion, but a critical discussion of the situation in the units, in the light of the resolutions of the Plenum, with the aim of dis- covering the weaknesses, the mistakes of the recent past, and taking the necessary measures of correction, concretizing the tasks of the units, especially in regard to the major task before | the Party, the building of shop committees of the revolutionary unions, rooting ourselves in-the masses of workers in the shops and factories. The resolutions of the Plenum must be discussed in a practical manner, based on the concrete experiences of the districts, as applied to the It is only on this basis, on the basis of self- district, section, and unit, and units tasks. criticism, in the correctness of our methods of work in the concrete situation in the districts, that the district committees, the section commi- | tees, union bureaus, every member of the Party, will become thoroughly conscious of the neces- sity of doubling our efforts in the line of strength- ening the whole apparatus, in the line of be- coming the real leader of the everyday struggles of the working class. It is on this line, that the district committees will prepare the monthly plans of work, will learn to check up on all activities, so that the Party will succeed in bring- ing about the chemical union of which Comrade | Kuusinen spoke, and assume its logical position as the leader of the entire working class, Workers! Join the Party of ; Your Class! Communist Party U. 8. Am 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name ..., Address ...... City . seeeees Occupation ..... -Mail éhis to the Central Office, Communist. Built Up! By I. AMTER, HE class struggle becomes keener and keener. Breadlines multiply, flophouses become more crowded. The number of unemployed is now close to 10,000,000, and the number of part-time worke: Wage cut follows wage cut, for the bosses think that the workers will not resist their determination to lower the standard of living of the entire American working class. Breadlines of children, bank crashes, suicides, cases of insanity, ord of capitalism in the United States where “the situation is perfectly sound.” is growing. The workers want to struggle. The unorgan- ized want organization. The workers suffering wage cuts wan! to strike. The unemployed are ready to fight for relief and insurance. The workers robbed of their last funds in the crim- | inally mismanaged banks show a fighting spirit. Capitalism in the United States is cracking and—Hoover, Ambassador Edge, Lamont, Green, Thomas, Lovestone may all talk about a “slight maladjustrnent”—but the capitalists know better. They know that their system is in danger and therefore they are contemplating vigorous meas- ures against the Communist and revolutionary workers, For the Communists are organizing the work- ers to fight against the fearful conditions of unemployment wage cuts and part-time employ- They cro organizing against starvation— the starvation that the capitalists are forcing upon the workers and poor farmers through their cracking capitalist system, ment. It is necessary for the Communist Party to consolidate all its forces for the tremendous work in hand. It means the bringing closer together all the revolutionary forces for the mighty at- tack that the working class must make in order to resist the further degradation, to meet the growing danger of war. This the Communist Party is doing on all fronts—ideologically, or- | ganizationally, This it must do in building up | the Workers Center. | ‘The Workers Center at 50 East 13th Street | was taken in order to provide more space for | the expanding work of the Party and the Party | press. The funds available for the essential ex- | pansion were not on hand and are not yet available, and therefore the work suffers. This, | the revolutionary workers must not allow to con- tinue. It must be remedied at once. In order that all revolutionary workers may assist in making the Workers Center the live, pulsating Center, from which the work of pre- paring and organizing the workers for action may be accomplished, in order to make it pos- sible for the Central Committee of the Commu- nist Party to move into its new home, an 8 day Bazaar has been arranged by the New York Workers Center. This bazaar will open with a banquet on Sun- day, sanuary 11, 1931, at the Workers Center, 35 East 12th Street, at 8 p.m. All organizations are asked to send 2 or more delegates to the banquet with donations and contributions to build up the Workers Center, Leading members of the Central Committee will address the banquet. During the week of January 11th to 18th a Bazaar will be held at 35 East 12th Street, at which articles and com- modities of various kinds will be on sale. The | Food Workers’ Industrial Union will have charge | of the Lunch Counter and various kinds of en- tertainment will be provided, All units and sections of the Party, all work- ers and workers’ organfzations must support this campaign to build the Workers Center. Set aside Sunday, January 11, at 7:30 p,)m. and the be seb eed sc oR following, filling of jails, this is the rec- | | parably higher level. By G. T. GRINKO People’s Commissaz of Finance, U. S. R. XI 'HE farmers of America face a catastrophe within the immediate future, one that will possibly equal.that which befell the peasants of England at the dawn of capitalism, when the landlords wanted their lands for the develop- ment of sheep raising on a large scale. The prospects for the growth of the socialist sector in Soviet agriculture open to the village and the masses of peasants, are altogether differ- ent. The state farms, the machine and tractor stations, and the collective farms, are only the vanguard on the glorious road to the technical and socialist \reconstruction of the great bulk | of small and middle peasant farms in the So- viet Union. In the U.S.S.R., and there only, will the transition toward large-scale mechanical mechanized agriculture, which is everywhere dic- tated by modern technical progress, be effected not as a result of wholesale ruin of the peas- antry, but of an accord between the interests of the poor and middle peasants and the ob- jectives of socialist development; and it will bring about an unparalleled advance, in the economic and cultural standards of the 180 mil- lion people who now constitute the national economy of the Soviet Union. It is, therefore, a | glaring absurdity to maintain that the develop- ment of the socialized agricultural sector is an attempt to draw a line against the peasasntry, | violating the union of the proletariat with the poor and middle groups. Far from weakening | the worker-peasant bloc, the development of the socialized sector in agriculture marks the be- ginning of its transition to a new and incom- The class division between the proletariat and the peasantry begins now to be effaced; and the great process of overcoming the historical opposition ‘between city and coun- try is definitely inaugurated, ~ Here appears, in all its magnitude and full mo- mentousness, a new and a truly historical mis- sion of the proletariat. It led the peasantry in the struggle against czarism and the feudal- bourgeois order in pre-revolutionary Russia. In alliance with the poor peasants, it accomplished the expropriation of the capitalist top of the vil- lage and it exerted endless efforts in order, first, to secure the neutrality of the middle peasant groups in that struggle, and then to enlist their | support and lead them on the road of socialist | | reconstruction. The idea of the leadership of the socialist city | | in regard to the village in the process of recon- | struction; the idea of extensive aid given by the proletariat to the millions of peasants in the reconstruction of their economic and cultural life | is the outstanding feature of the Five-Year Plan and of the process of economic reconstruction as it develops in actual practice. “labor brigades” into the village to help the peas- ants in their efforts toward collectivization, which have developed on such a larg ale this year, are among the many manifestations of the growth of active leadership of the proletariat in the socialist reorganization of the village. eo ler From The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR( $8 in Marhattan and the Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St. New York, Mention this offer. - The expeditions of | | diplomats are everything they’re not. Electrical Workers Begin to . Organize By D. G IN Greater New York there are thousands of unorganized electrical workers who are en- gaged in alteration work, in finished apartment. ; houses, hotels, factories, stores, office buildings, subways, and-on small new buildings under con- | struction in Brooklyn, Long Island, and other places. This is also true of the other trades in the building and construction industry. The unorganized electrical workers by far out- number those that are organized in the company unionized Local 3 of the International Brother- hood of Electrical Workers, affiliated to the A. F. of L, This union’s membership is chiefly em- ployed on new large building projects. In New York, as well as in other large cities, the company union has never interested itself in organizing the electrical workers outside of large building construction. ¢ ‘The union's initiation fee is prohibitive, ran- ging from $150 up. In most cases“the books are closed and new members are not admitted at all During periods of building boom, if there is a temporary “shortage” of electrical workers in the company union, new members are not ad- mitted but the “extra” men are to work under the permit system, which they must pay $1 up per day for the privilege of working. In other words, the dues for these “extra” work- ers are about $25 a month. It is known that in Chicago at one time there were 1800 permit men working. Of course, the thousands of dollars collected on permits are very seldom turned into the union treasury. This money is pocketed by the business agents, and this is but a fraction of their total graft. During .the ast, 15 years, : the | policy to admit them to membership—with the result | that today they are still unorganized. The last effort was made in 1926. At that time the Electrical Workers Association of Greater New York was established and in ten weeks time some 2,000 members were recruited. The organi- zation was under left wing leadership. Just as the Passaic textile workers, who were organized by the revolutionary wing of the labor movement were delivered to the A. F. L., so the same wrong yas persued in the Electrical Workers As- sociation. An agreement was made with Broach of the company union that the members of the association come into local 3 as individuals, pay- them, and kept the other 1700 out, and the asso- ciation was destroyed. With the organization of the new trade union center, the Trade Union Unity League, the Build- ing and Construction Workers Industrial League was organized, and sanctions the organization of | the unorganized electrical wor’ rs, not this time into a craft union to affiliate if it can with the A. F. L., but as a part of tne Building and Con- struction Workers Industrial League and affili- ated with the T.U.U.L. ‘The unorganized electrical workers are compel- | led to work for wages as low as $3 a day, and not above $6 a day. makes the conditions much worse. The unorganized electrical workers are disil- lusioned with Local 3. They are ready to or- ganize as a branch of an industrial union with’ | the 7-hour day, 5-day | a policy of struggle for week, increase in wages, unemployment insurance demands, etc, At the same time a revolutionary opposition must be organized in the company union Local $ say eoes. boon tee rani see THA. Toe ' counter-revolt in the Cuban legation, Tremendous unemployment | jones" | strike-breaker. * worker is still outside the Party. This, of course, could be “acted on.” But when we ventured to speak in jest about the District Bureau “girding up its loins” one day, the whole building shook with indignation and a lot ‘of time was devoted to acting upon Red Sparks. Yet it still remains one of the most difficult | things for workers to crash through what seems to be “red” tape necessary to join the Commu. nist Party. ° Diplomatic Duplicity Every time someone brings up the question ‘of relations between the Soviet Government. anid | the bunch of bandits at Washington, all the ner- | triots raise their hands in horror, claiming. that a Soviet legation would be “simply terrible, sim- ply a center of red propaganda.” Yet what the capitalist governments do in their legations, even against each other, is a marvel to the uninitiated who think that “our “Com- mercial attaches” in Shanghai, go out from the U. S. legation with bags of tooth paste, hair-gil and sample sewing machines to convince the “modern” Chinese to trade with American firms, rather than “those blankety-blank British.” Military attaches go about with a brazenness derived from diplomatic immunity, carefully col- lecting all military information useful for this country in case of a possible armed clash with the country where they are, ‘The habit simply has no limits when a Yankee diplomat is giving orders to servile dictators of Latin American countries. In Nicaragua the U. S. minister gives “President” Moncada his orders in detail by phone. In Cuba, Ambas- sador Guggenheim attends the cabinet meetings of the thing that passes for a government, just like he was the most important Cuban official present, which, in fact, he is. “When General Cerro in Peru led the militarist revolt which overthrew the equally bad dictator. ship of Leguia, one of Wall Street’s pet lacke} the U. S. minister was accidentally on a vaca- tion. But Yankee imperialism was not without friends at court. One Yankee army officer went out in a plane to bombard the rebels for Leguia, but got captured, and the U. S. minister had to “bring pressure” to get him turned loose, “But while the minister was away, the Ouban minister took up the good work, organizing a in - the safety of diplomatic immunity, to overthrow the new rebel government before it could get full control.. The N. ¥. Times of Dec. 26 says that: “The plan to resist was discovered, by. Dr. Jesus Salazar, who informed Colonel Sanchez Cerro of the Cuban minister's activities against him and that Dr. Roura was using the Cuban Legation as a place of gathering for frienda of former President Leguia.” Dr. Roura, the Cuban minister, tries out a great alibi when Peru tells Cuba to take him | back where he came from, He says that he only ing $150 initiation, and passing an examination. | The result was that Broach let in about 300 of | ; taking advantage of his hospitality in the lega- offered refuge to Salazar, but that Salazar was the one who plotted, all unknown to him, while tion. It sounds kind of thin, but diplomats must say something. Anyhow, it only illustrates | the fact that all capitalist legations are hotbeds of plotting and imperialist intrigue. * 8 «© Hoover and Casey Jones ~ ‘That's a mean crack which Senator Pat Hat~ rison of Mississippi got off about Hoover .the other day. It seems that the senator has been picking up Wobbly songs, as he sald, concerning the claim that Hoover was a great “engineer,” that he was “the greatest engineer since Casey And, we may add, even worse ase Stage Censorship From the trade journal “Vaudeville,” published for the professionals and those who just hang around, we see that under the list of which the management of the R-K-O theatres has ordered cut out of acts, is the following: —< “All referenton i hard times and, President ( UW h