The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 30, 1930, Page 4

4 Strengthen Labor’s Unity. . Ine. Aatly Telephoue Algonquin Sunday, Cable: the Comprodally Publishing Co, York City, N.Y. ey rept New _ON THE QUESTION OF PAR. | TIAL DEMANDS Ry WM. Z. FOSTER. | tical tasked in the revolutionary struggle to over- throw capitalism. YEE princip of the recent C. C. But the underestimation of the importance of Plenum cation made on the the partial demands has had even more far- uestion of wiscussion, £ the Con y, there I has led to a ser- union work alto- is clear that if one does not reaching effects than this. It ious underestimation of trade gether. For it cleai ganizations fighting for the every day demands of the workers, he does not see any real reason for their existence in general. If their tasks are only those of agitation, why build them at all, excellent resoi tly needed by usly existed much con- al matter. cussion demo; d beyond been a widespread tendency the importance of partial de- haat 1 a S$ been too much reliance on | for the Party can do that work itself, and a toad polit ns and too little concentra- | skeleton union organization is unnecessary and a on upon quest of the most immediate in- den. srest.'to”'t workers. The Party has failed ) clearly ‘understand that the politicalization of Eve os cur Party organizcd, it has been ae workers’ ‘uggle must be based upon and afflicted with a deep going underestimation of art from the the most immediate trade unionism, both in the A. F. of L. and | read and bu hours, | T. U. U. L. Even yet, only about 35 per cent orking co: etc. of our members belong to labor unions and only | here has for our a third of these are active We have repeatedly aass work the sphere of a ked this passivity, but without real success. oneral a struggle. It is only with the recent question of the partial specially harmful to demands, that we are at last beginning to ef- fectively solve the problem. Passivity towards trade union struggle also has roots in a right wing underestimation of the radicalization of the wor! . but most of it comes from an under- olutionary unions of packed full of in- red the questions of idents w aad th singly around estimation of the partial demands. + ha The recent Plenum is one that will stand out The general effect of this has been to reduce | in the history of our Party. With its clarifica- ur unions la to skeleton revolutionary pro- tion of the question of partial demands and elab- vaganda or and to hinder their | oration of the new metheds of work generally, rowth into.broad mass trade unions fighting the | it is a milestone on the way to transferring our | very day battles of the working cla: as well Party from an agitational organization into a 5 preparing the workers for their greater poli- | mass Party leading the working class. Calitornia, ‘the “Golden” State ‘ot. Militant Workers see the basic role of trade unions as or- | By mail every wher: ef Manhattan and SUBSCRIPTION RATES! One year, $6; six months, $3; Bronx, New York City, Foreign: One year, two months, $1; excepting soroughs $8; six months, $4.50. Buch same lash on huge farms that produce lettuce By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. , in January and February, canteloupes in June THE discovery of gold in California in 1848, | and guiy, watermelons in July and August, as | <= while revolutionary struggles were raging in | yell as other minor crops the year around. urope, brought this section of the United The “gold rush” | Conditions Force Strikes. | The brutalizing conditions that have force numereus strikes in “The Valley,” in 1917, 1922, 1928, and in January, February and June, of 1930, are to be found itt other sections of the | state where California produces 90 per cent of | the nation's grape crop; one-third of the toial crop of pears and peaches, and cut of its “Death Valley” comes all the borax mined in the coun- try. California is ten times as large in area although it has about the same population as Switzerland. This popule‘ion includes up tates into the world lintelieht. rew fortune hunters from every corner of the lobe. California has ever since been known as The Golden State.” Today fruit raising, the Holl, od “movies,” -roduction of cereals of ever: d, enormous hipping, lumber and en endless flood of oil, all elp pour forth riches untcld, in addition to the resent mineral production of more than half a illion dollars annually in gold, silver, copper, rad and quick: r. All this, in addition tohe k vaushroom internationally no- r orious religious ra Aimee McPherson's | Of 100.009 ece with cbout 30,000 Chinese. Four Square Gospél,” has made California The number of agricultural workers drifting in famous” in a multitvide of forms, proudly | from Mexico incres: n tretching itself along more than half of the | the growing of cotton. Exploitation increases. Working class resistan El. Centro, largest cits grows. 2 i est line of the United States. eet noe of Imperial Valley, an Workers in \ . % inferno for workers in the fields during the \ But this is also the infamous boss-ruled Cali- | tronic heat of midsummer, becomes a pleasure fornia that buries workers alive in its prison | pesort in winter for parasites from the nation les militantly to win mbs from this enor- dungeons when labor str 1 little more than mere mous wealth. For the |: been the over. Apri! 14, 1930, saw Mexican, Filipino, Ne- gro and native white workers gathered in a | mass meeting. . Speakers from c race and t 29 years especially California has | yationaiity told “of their gr their own most savage attacks On | janguage. It was a terrible story of the most augurated with the life sen- | brutal sweating of human labor that was inter- | | | | | | California is developing | | | | | | | | escd 04 John’ B. McNamara’ and | rupted as the doors crashed inwards and police, | dt in the employers’ war to | deputy and privately-hired thugs lev- | tis | elled thet at the work op in Los Angeles. iréeted by the notorious ‘ay Otis, an army general | ed from the suppression of the against Yankee imperial- editor ef the Los Angeles Times, t of all capitalist dailies. in grouys and loaded into huge trucks; 118 were thrown into the El Centro County Jail. | | Like Sacco-Vanzetti Trial. In an atmosphere reminiscent of the vengeful days when Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were placed.on trial in a Massachusetts court under guard of soldiery, to be railroaded to death, these Imperial Valley workers were also brought to trial. Protests of workers against this vicious proceeding were savagely attacked and broken up by the police. There were numerous de- portations,. especially of Mexican workers. The most extreme sentences up to 42 years in prison, were finally passed against eight of the prisoners. These “death sentences” with the refusal of freedom for Mooney and Billings reveal clearly the developing attack cf organized business against the working class. During all these 20 | years, since John B. McNamara first went to prison for life, Hiram W. Johnson, the so-called “progressive” republican, has been United States | ted its offensive to San Francisco | pied to send Tom Mooney to the gal- @cath sentence of Mooney was com- e¢ imprisonment, and the same sen- 4 out to Warren K. Billings, which rnia siate supreme court has again recently vpheld in spite of the confessions to perjury of all important witnesses. Imperial Valley Victims. Under the so-called “criminal syndicalist” laws, California in the post-war year (1819) ing hysteria, hundreds were thrown into priscn for long terms, until in recent years (1929) Yet.2 Stromberg, the 19-year-old Pioneer leader 2! Camp, was er- The fight for the freedom of the Imperial Valley prisoners, and for the liberation of all victims of capitalist class justice, grows into the | sted, co.11.c sentenced to ten years’ a4 : atic pout s of the Imperial | Senator from California. He has been the “pro- Valley Agticilt ff shave this | Stessive” mask behind which the murderous re- | year iaiteg ith railroaéed to prison up to as high | action has advanced in its attacks against labor. | | | as 42 yeor sentences, life sentences, since no prisoner survives 42 years in the black holes of Folsom and San Quentin. This was the boss class reply to the first real struggles of Amer- ica’s agrarian workers. The struggle is organized and grows for the Nberation of these Imperial Valley prisoners, Carl @klar, organizer of the Los Angeles Communist Party; Tetsuji Horiuchi, Japanese organizer of the Trade Union Unity League; Oscar Erickson, national secretary of the Agricultural Workers’ Industrie] Union: Lawrence Hinery, of the Mar- ine ‘Workers’ Industrial, Union: Frank Spector, Los Angeles organizer of the International Labor Defense; ‘Danny Roxas, Imperial Valley secre- tary of’ ‘the Agricultural Workers’ Industrial Inion; Eduardo Herrera and Braulio Orosco, both Mexican workers. ‘The slogans of this struggle are being raised by the workers of Latin America on the second _ anniversary cf the massacre of 1,500 men,, women and children of the fruit plantations of Colombia, South America, when the workers went on strike, against the United Fruit Company, an American Monopoly, but were shot down by the gendar- merie of the local puppet government. drive for the repeal of the vicious “criminal syn- | dicalist” laws, and a counter-offensive against the political regime of California’s black reaction. LABOR UNITY IN DRIVE FOR 19,000 NEW READERS Labor. Unity, the officiaMorgan of the Trade Union Unity League, is now conducting a cam- paign of 10,000 now readers and 3,000 subscribers by March 1, 1930. At this time, when over 9 million workers are unemployed, layoffs and wage cuts taking place daily, breadlines of all descriptions increasing, it is most opportune time for the Labor Unity and its, section the Unemployed Worker to reach, lead and organize the unemployed and employed workers for the fight for Workers’ Insurance and immediate relief. In this drive, New York's quota is 5,000 read- ers, 1,000 subscribers and a New York edition of Labor Unity by March first. To achieve this, the Trade Union Unity Coun- cil has already started this campaign. The New York Campaign Committee for Un- empl nt Insurance at its prelliminary con- ference December 19th adopted Labor Unity as its official organ. _ Over 6,000 delegates have pledged support and voted for a special New York edition of 25,000 or more on‘ January 13th. The TUUC is making preparations for circu- Jarizing the membership of its affiliated organi- zations on Labor Unity. S a for cry from the banana planta- In order to achieve this 100 per cent, it is ne- . soll stained red with the life's cessary that every Union, League, Unemployed the fruit and | Courcil, Workers Clubs, Fraternal Organizations “Free the Imperial (Death) Valley Prisoners!” . is an amalgam knitting the unity of both North ‘and South American workers, and building the demand for the release of Mooney and Billings, McNamara and Schmidt, the Centralia, the Port- land, the Atlanta prisoners, as well as other yictims of capitelist class jlstice, that now num- ber into the hundreds, the majority of whom are in prisons in wae three Pacific Coast states of Washington, Oregon and California, espccial- in “The Golden State,” | THD ' and put forwar | derstanding of how to reach the unemployed THE OLD METHODS STILL PERSIST By SAM DON. ‘¢ to organize and mobilize the masses 4 for struggle is reflected in our failure to mobilize the rank and file of the Party for the various 1 campaigns. The uner yment campaign {s one of the central campaigns of the Party. The recen* | Plenum of our Party has sharply raised the question of the new organizational methods to be used in developing our unemployment activity. There is no doubt that the District Committee: place this work in the forefront, but in many instances, the old methods persist and tle mob- ilization of the Party-for this campaign is stil! too often based on circular letters, and general instructions. Generalities and superficial organ- izational methods are continued. In this article discussed an actual exper- ience which bri out the problem of mobiliz- ing the bottom of the, Party for the unemploy- ment campaign. In preparation for the New , ch 7h will take place on January 9th, two local hunger marches will take place on the 8th in Bronx and Brooklyn. How is the Party being mobilized in’ one of these boroughs? The Section Committee took | up th estion for the first time on December 19th. Judging from the approach of the Section | Committee to this question, one cannot help but come to the conclusion that the District, Com- mittee did not sufficiently prepare the section | leadership for the hunger march. This reflected itself in the entire appreach of the Section Committee. The Section Bureau had no pro- posals whatsoever on how to organize the march. The section organizer did not prepare any re- port either. And the only manner in which the problem wes discussed, was by reading. a section of the weekly district bulletin which dealt with it. ‘The ~ eS bulletin, which is to be taken up by the unit bureaus, discussed the march by merely setting a date for it, without any real suggestions as to how to mobilize the masses and how to organize the march. We will quote the | entire paragraph from the weekly “Organizer” which makes this point clear: “On January 8th, a hunger march will be or- ganized in Brooklyn and Bronx. The plan of this merch will be outlined by the Section Com- mittees. The units shall mobilize not only the members of the Party, but the workers in the neighborhocd and of the mass organizations, women and chil to join the hureer.march he demands of the unem- ployed workers.” The units are told in the district communica- | tion dated December 18th, that the section will outline the program of action. The section com- mittee meets on the 19th and shows little un- workers and how technically to carry through the march. The section committee does not re- ceive a real concrete plan of action for the hunger march, and the units are told by the district to receive it from the section committee, and the section committee ‘fails to bait the units with same. $ The Section Committeg finally decided after some discussion on the methods of organizing the march, to discuss this matter at a meeting with the unit organizers that was to be held on the 21st and to take this up as the central point in the report and discussion at the meeting. At the conference, however, in the report of the section org. secretary, this is merely mentioned and no plan for the unemployment campaign is given. The unit organizers’ meeting discussed many organizational details, however, which were separated completely from th? mass activities of the Party, and specifically, from the hunger march and unemployment campaign. When finally, the discussion was turned towards the problem of unemployment and the hunger march, many of the unit organizers raised the question that they did not know where and how to reach the unemployed, and similar arguments, Also instructive is the following incident: ‘This section, “lthough both an industrial and proletarian residential one, up to about a week ago had not even made an attempt to organize, an unemployment council. In spite of, the faot organization, “elect Labor Unily Brigades :to spread and sell Labor Unity in shops and ‘terri- | torial sections. Special time set for canvassing | ‘| circumstances is'a very serious matter. .In many for subscriptions. To call special mass meetings to explain the role of Labor Unity. Let's get to work comrades and reach our goal | this time. Ratt ihe eed Micon The Peasant Under Socialism By G. T, GRINKO. People’s Commissar of Finance, U.S\S.R. ¢ X; E have now come to the most difficult and fascinating problem of these days: cialist reorganization of the Soviet village, to sc- cure the advafice of. agriculture in the Soviet Union by socialist methods. is the central idea: of the Five-Year Plan now being advanced in the Soviet Union with such remarkable perseverance and creative enthusi- asm. At the same time capitalist observers are amazed at'this task, with its boundless promise and gigantic difficulties. It is here that the bourgeois critics and opponents of the Soviet Union see. it confronting an inevitable collapse. ‘There is nothing surprising ‘in’ the keen in- terest which the whole capitalist world takes in the so- | the endeavor to carry out this program, which | overtakes our bourgeois elements in their last refuge, and leads to the complete abolition ‘of capitalism in the Soviet Union. It is only, a short time since the bourgeois elements in the’ Soviet | Union and abroad, and liberal Smendvekhovtsi of every shade and color, derived comfort from | the fanciful idea’ that economic progress was bound to bring about a- transformation of the social nature of the Soviet power and a restora- | tion of “sound” capitalism in the U. S8..S. R. The opén and extensive socialist offensive in the vilage destroys the last of these illusions and plainly demonstrates that the position of social- ism in the U. S. S, R. has been strengthened and consolidated on d new level. Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this program has sharpened class resistance on the part of the capitalist elements within tife U. S. S: R. and increased capitalist hostility to- ward the Soviet Union the world over. Only the naive “man in the street” or the philistine can ’ imagine that ‘the sharper aspect taken by the class struggle has been'due to what is termed | “incitement” on the part of the Soviet authority and the Communist Party. This'is an absurdity, born of fear. If the class struggle, and the class resistance of capitalist elements in the Soviet Union have become more acute, it is because of the inevitable logic of the very fact of socialist construction, which. is carried on on the basis: of relentless industrialization, and embraces in- creasing numbers. of petty-bourgeois peasants. Here indeed the last and decisive battle is being fought. The program of socialist reconstzuction of the village does not only cause intensifica- tion of the class struggle: at evs same time it opens the way for the complete disappearance of elasses in the Soviet Union. In the last ten or fifteen years agriculture and the peasantry in the Soviet Union have gone through transformations and upheavals of a scope and a depth never known before. At the | start of the October Re i i vi] ‘This, we may say, | volution the Russian vil- lage hed 102 million hectares of land under cul- tivation, of which a large proportion was owned by the nobility, the clergy and members of the imperial court. And within the 16 million pea- sant households there was a heavy layer of ku- | laks. This top of the peasantry had grown par- ticularly rich and prosperous as a result of the Stolypin land reform of 1907. The broad masses of poor and middle peasants groaned under the burden of feudal-capitalist exploitation; their uninterrupted waves of agrarian revolt were undermining the foundations of the Russian Empire. Tsarist Russia exported about 700 mil- | lion poods (12.6 million tons) of grain annually, at the cost of underfed masses. The agricultural technique of an overwhelming peasant majority was at a primitive level. This agrarian order was destroyed by the Oc- tober Revolution. During the historical night which spanned October 25 and 26, 1917, the Soviet‘ authority abolished private ownership in land. In the R. S. F. S. R. alone 110 million hectares of land passed into the hands of the poor and middle peasants. And of this 50 mil- lion were taken from the kulaks. In this way peasants were relieved of the weight of the 450 million rubles they had formerly paid.as rentals” on these lands alone. The hour of agrariarrrev- olution had struck. Land was nationalized and the redistribution that was the desire of cen- turies came with the end of private ownership. s 8 6 From The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- clalist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your svbscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 12th St, New York. Mention this offer. that the first meeting toward the organization of such a council was scheduled for the 22nd, at the meeting of the unit organizers which was held on the 21st,.this was not even seriously menti--ed. Another bad. feature at the con- ference of the unit organizers was the effort to blame the poor ~ ‘nposition of the membership for the. failure to carry through mass cam- paigns, instead of discussing ways: and means of overcoming the difficulties and mobilizing “even” the bad membership” for mass activities, However, one cannot put the entire blame on the section leadership’ and certainly not on the unit leadership. ‘The old method seems to per- sist. A mere setting of a date, a few general instructions and the masses»are expected to re- spond, at a time when there is no unemploy- ment council, not even: one functioning as a propaganda, organ, let alone functioning as an organ of struggle. It is clear: that under such circumstances, if we do not merely phrase- monger about -hunger; marches, it is necessary to mobilize the entire Party in the section, from top to bottom, for the most intensive work, to reach end organize the workers for this cam- paign. If we fail to organize a mass ‘hunger march, will it be due to the fact that there are no hungry workers in that neighborhood, ready to struggle? Certainly not The fault will not lie with the ©: _ , ivorkers, tut with the poor lead- ership, mere phrase-mongering, and amateurish- ness on ithe part of the Party. organi: . ‘Organidation ‘for struggles under ‘the present insta*°-s, it must ‘be put on al war footing. We must presare well fér the varicus campzigns, and particularly, for actions which will bring, us in direct clash with the police, leading to bitter struggles. Undoubtedly, 9,000,000 unémployed workers will not commit suicide but these 9,- 000,000 workers will not fight: militantiy either, . courage and gain their respect for our leader- ship and organization. The last Plenum of -ur Central Committee laid a great deal of stress on the question of organizational ~ethods, on establishing contact with \the masses and in organizing the various | campaigns, We must, therefore, in a very self- critical manner, discuss the shortcomings of the Party, as revealed in the various Party cam- paigns, in line with the Plenum resolution which stated: “Out Party will be able to guide and to organize this mass movement and lead it into revolutionary channels, only if !t makes the most drastic self-critical re-examination of every de- tail of its work and ectvity and fundamentally revises its method of work in its contact with : Today in Workers’ History DECEMBER 30, 1893—Revolutionary out- breaks in Sicily because of food shortage and high prices. 1917—Hundreds of thou- sands of workers paraded in Petrograd in world's greatest pence demonstration. 1920—General protest strike in Yugoslavia against brutal suppression of miners’ walk- out. 192i—Thirty thousand miners struck in Kailana pits, China, —1°25—Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ratified by four- teen countries at tenth All-Russian Soviet Congress in Moscow. _1928—Needle Trades | from bourgeois control. By JORGE . Not Mutualism, But Murder From Tampa, Florida, comes a letter. It tells of the death of a worker—and to us there is nothing more important than such things. He was a Spanish-born worker, Carlos Mer- cado, a tobacco worker, who, before he became a Communist (though we are not certain that he ever was a member of the Party, as, unfor- tunately our Party has ‘not reached the Latin workers of Tampa with organization), joined what was supposed to be a benevolent society, the “Centro Asturiano.” This is a “strong”, and rather popular society, but is thoroughly reac- tionary in leadership. He wished to provide against helplessness in case of sickness, and for many years paid his dues to the “Centro Asturiano” which has sani- | toria in Havana and in Tampa, where Mercado worked with many other thousands of tobacco workers. But the Centro Asturiano knew when Mercado became active as a revolutionary work er, and when, recently, under the weight.of the miseries capitalism heaped on him, like many sensitive workers, he became ill and suffered a mental breakdown, a nervous collapse, the Cen- tro Asturiano refused to admit him. More, it turned him over to the county « ficials at Tampa who promptly put him in a ju cell, dark and up to his waist in water, where he was held, suffering cold, completely naked, for a week. Under such condition it is not surpris- ing that he became worse and when remove to the Flovida asylum at Tallahassee, Comrad: Mercado died two days after being received there. Comrade workers, this is “mutualism” under capitalist direction. That is, it is murder, noth- ing less. And it occurs to us that the Latin American workers in the United States have great need for a sick and benefit society free We think that thé In- ternational Workers Order should provide this, a Spanish language section. We must stop this tragedy of murder masquerading as mutualism, Ac =e pesca soe a hare “Frequently in Acts” Pope Pius XI, says the newspapers, “urget peace and social justice” in his Christmas blah- blah, But with certain important qualifications. He wants the devout to still say a prayer now and then for the Mexican Catholics, but he wants the whole book of prayer heaved at. the Soviet Union. Also, he said: aa: ra , nor could anything contrast more sharply with the secred character of the Eternal City,” than the —“anti-Catholic proselytism carried on in Rome itself, despite the Italian law which for- bids proselytism against the Catholic Church.” We thus see how much “religious freedom” the Catholic Church really stands for. Which shows | up the hypocrisy of its attack on the Soviet Union, the only place where there is really re- —_! ligious freedom (which includes the right to be against religion and to teach others such view- points). As an example of the way the church is work. ing for war on the Soviet is seen in the leaflet put out through the schools, we are told, bear- ing what is called. the “General Intention for January, 1931,” as “recommended by His Holi- ness.” It opens up: , “The anxiety of the paternal heart of the Pope for all who are undergoing persecution in Russia has frequently been manifested in acts. By his orders the prayers recited throughout thi Catholic Church after the low masses are offered every day for Russia, and now he puts the ‘*al> vation of Russia and especially of the yout as our first Intention for the year.” So the head of the Catholic Church has, as the | “first intention” for 1931, what he calls the “sal- vation” of Russia. And he boasts of having hitherto manifasted his “anxiety,” as he terms his counter-revolutionary hatred, “frequently in acts.” ‘Well, the workers and peasants of the Sovtet Union have plenty of experience in foiling such acts. But it behooves all who understand what all these prayers are leading to in “acts,” to ' raise the question with all workers, including those still influenced by the church, as to why the aims of the church cointide with the sims — of imperialist capital, and why the “salvation of Russia” is put before, indeed it entirely obscures the welfare of the growing starvation of million: of jobless and their loved ones, including man: Catholics, throughout the capitalist world. Also, why it is that in Soviet Russia nob¢dy is star- ving, unemployment has been wiped out, and the Seven-hour five-day week is established. , “ 8 8 How to Get os ie “Socialists” Excited rae Perhaps you noticed the flurry in the shina f when King Boris of Bulgaria took unto 1 i as consort, and a right royal sort of consort, Princess Giovanna of the Italian royal house. There was a great to-do about this, because it seemed highly un-kosher, if we may take liberty with the term, for a Roman Catholic princess to be getting pushed into wedlock, holy wedlock, of course, with a king who, as head of the Greek Orthodox Church in Bulgaria, might get God all tangled up in jurisdictional disputes to” ‘ offspring and hence of the Bulgarian throne, P We are constitutionally averse to worrying our- ; selves over the pedigrees of all the royal i bish given in Burke's Peerage, and we look’ a dispute between the Greek Orthodox | Roman churches with the same enth upon a large dose of ipecac; but it as a matter worth noting that the royal riage became the most serious political qi for the so-called “socialist” party of fan ; That “socialist” party raised the banner of veolt. No, Junion, not for the emancipation the working class in Bulgaria or elsewhere. — its “socialist” rebellion was directed against. possibility of the throne of Bulgaria ever, after, in case the Italian princess bore a pon’ the Bulgarian king, the awful and soul-di ing possibility, that the Roman Catholic. not the Greek Orthodox Catholic religion 1 become the state religion of Bulgaria! 3 Naturally, not believing. in violence, except anaine! worekvr, the Bulgarian “socialists” did | not tke w> s about it, and confined their .- “rebellion” to pointing out in an inbistent py that the law or constitution or hoe Bulgaria demands an Orthodox king, and ing everybody. pig iy ee “socialists”. “sist on their d a for * of, t