The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 29, 1930, Page 4

« Published by the Comprodatly New York City. N.Y. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. 23th Street, Page Four Publishing Co. Inc, daily. Telephone Algonquin exces? Sunda 7956-7, Cable at >AIWORK,.” 50 ast Doily, alorker’ e = <= Meo T-“LEFT’ ATTACK ON aE CP. of U3.S.K, By MOISSAYE J. OLGIN. the working class is building socialism HEN amidst bourgeois encirclement the v it is isie has many fone in the U.S.S.R., the bour vays of putting ol les the path of Socialist ‘onstruction. It ma empt intervention, It It may organize the -bourgeois elements nst. the revolution ‘eak the morale. of the vanguard of the working class, the Communist Party. This is achieved not only through the hedium of consistent anti-Bolshevik propaganda so through tem on, the tered by Sociali: breaking of the workers’ morale is ¢ sable for every other atter at workers’ rule. Bourgeois inf munist Party expr the correct Party struction in the is carried out the Leninist Pa order to be. effoctive their vanguard, rwot necessa! Communist phrases. If need devil will even quote Lenin in order to corrupt the mind of the workers. For what is more clear- ly essential for the success cf the Revolution than that the working class should r ee the road sheed, trust in their own prole' ers, attack obstacles with a tremendou tration of effort, develop creative ini a,-mass basis and rally around the proven, clad leadership of the Communist Party? This is ezcctly what the bourgeoisie is an: ous to undermine. And this undermining ha‘ become the historical task of all sorts of devia- tion-pteaching and deviation practicing factions. When the individual member of a Communist Party becomes infected with the bourgeois virus ~it happens mostly to intellectual and mosily to those remote from the actual experiences of the workers, he can, gen ly speaking, develop two kinds of ideolosical-political d he become so freightened by obstacl: r thé magnitude of the tasks and so frantic with dispear that everything the Party does would em to him to be trivial, slow and full of vici- wus Corruptions; or he can become so weak-kneed & the sight of colossal tasks and superhuman lass €fforis required to maintain the onward ush of the Revolution, that he would begin, to slead in a timid voice: “For Bolshevism’s sake, flow down this break-neck tempo.” In the for- fer cisé he will biame the Party for not being decisive enough, in the latter, for being too de- give; in the form will cry about the“Party @\Beurgeoiss-ridden; in the latter, about the rty attacking the bourgeoisie too strongl). The former will be a “left” deviation; the fatter, a right deviation. That both are of the game origin and serve the same class purpose, goes without saying. That they are bound oc- easionally to combine in order jointly to attempt %o undermine the Party, is obvious from their slass characteristics and has been proven by such gvents as a Trotsky-Zinoviev or Lovestone-Can- non united front. . “The Communist Party of the U.S.S.R. has had ‘6 contend with both kinds of malady.. Trotsky ‘jas been the champion of the “left” opportunist Aeviations; Bucharin, Tomsky, Rykov have led *he right opportunist deviation. Both groups ried to undermine the unity of the Party and ‘oth have been ignominously cefeated among the ank and file Party members, and ihe workers @nerally. Trotsky is entirely out. Bucharin “Was publicly denounced his anti-Party errors. Tomisky ‘and Rykov have. lost. their standing “miong the masses. The glorious progress of the Wive-Year Plan, the unusually rapid tempo of *ndustrialization and collectivization, the Social- "36 rivalry, the energy and impetus of the work- “ag masses in leatuc with the peasants, the con- inuols and rapid improvements in every realm f workers’ life—ell this has defeated the right “n@ “left” groups, defeated them by indisputable ‘uistoric facts. “Yet the bourgeois world still persists, although “n'a very miserable shape; the bourgeoisie in- f the Com- tions from Part Communist y clothe itself ir . the bourgeois 1 pow- Chicago Is No Place for Laritzky the real ezar in the Cloth Hat, ry Workers Union, fails in Mew Yor':, Chicago becomes his resting place. "t is in Chicago he seeks to recunerate his ‘osses ‘egain his prestige and the prestige of his com- ‘any union. The stubborn resistance that the Mew York millinery workers put up against his “@w maneuvers of further sell-out forced Mr. ‘aritsky to seek a change of venue and since Mhicago is still the second largest millinery cen- ter, it is natural that he would pivk this city. Chicago may have been a good place for Zarit- oky years ago, but not today. It was just a year »go when he openly ‘betrayed the millinery w ‘rs on strike. Keeping the workers out for a “umber of months and just es the season opened ‘orcing: them to’go back (those that the bosses were willing to take), facing a ye!low dog con- ‘ract, discrimination, 50. per cent wage reduc- yn, defeated and at the common mercy of the ises. Yet he chose Chicago, it may Le either teause his memory failed him or because he ag@ not other places to go. failure in New York must have been writ- g@’én on the wall many months: invadyance. Bo- he began ‘to prepare Chicago months in He placed three paid organizers who on organization work in the manner of “J, 8. Army recruiting sergeants, appealing to (‘the workers’ patriotism, acting as red baiters. + ‘Under the personal supervision of Zaritsky his -taff of organizers, plus the officials of the de- unet capmakers’ local proceeded to organize a i meeting of millinery workers, to prove to ¥ were about a hundred present, 35 per cap makers working in uniformed shops were forced to attend) also well: wishers labor movement (Forward, etc.). the eloquence at his command failed to g any response from the workers. he millinery workers had a good taste of *s leadership and polities. They are ' to follow him again. : joining the ranks of the Needle and are making a fight | by scores of millions of peasants. | | side of the U.S.S.R. as represented by the kulaks | and “Specs” (like Ramzin and Co.) has not yet died out, although its economic base has been shattered; the influence of the bourgeoisie in of the Communist Party 1s still felt, al- though the working class has str position enormously. The right and ” devia- tions have not yet died out, either, although they are now much more anaemic than ever and have to parade under the guise of “loyalty” to ‘the line of the Party. The present groups are identified with the names of Syrtzov (right) and Lominadze (left) —and their “arguments” (properly to be called laments) are a feeble echo of the of their elders in anti-Party outcries. The two groups are combined in a bloc, the Lominadze- opportunists “accepting” the economic analysis of the Syrtzoy opportunists, and the Syrtzov op- portunists “subscribing” to the charicterization of the Party the Lominadze opportunists They “swear” loyalty, but at the same time they ntain underground connections, which, insig- yy may be, have aroused the scorn n of the largest strata of Soviet workers who call these el ents “double-hand- ed.” What are their arguments? You listen to them and you seem to hear voices of factions long dead and buried. harmony vik Moreover, there is a touching between these nents and the Men- declarations the world over. You listen to Syrtzoy and you seem to hear Abramovitch; Lominadze speaks and his voice sounds strangely like that of Kauts We are moving too fa Our tempo is not in a are threatened w collapse.” We must slow down to a moré listic tempo.” We are un- able to master the economic situation. This is proclaimed in the face of a 24 per cent increase in industrial production in 1928-29 and of 25 cent in 1929-30 as against the originally p! increase of 21.4 and 18.8 per cent respec s is proclaimed in the face of a quick erful mending of any breach that threaten the weakers spots of the dike the pr ucts). And does it medified from the say the twin brothers. ord with reality. We may ‘ont nic uction of mean and dairy prod- not repeat in a somewhat ist-Menshevik .prop- aganda about the “unreslity” and the “imminent lapse” of the Five-Year Plan? The Party line “ties up and p: s the cre- e initiative of the working m: say the twins. This is news to the Soviet workers whose unprecedented economic edvances e only been made possible by powerful mass initiative from below, by a release of the creative energies of the workers and peasants in every field of ac- tivity. in the capitalist countries who know that only the constructive self-crit: m; the Socialist ri- valry and the direct attack of the workers upon all difficulties have made it possible to reach the present economic level. But it is music to the ears of the bourgeoisie. ous bourgeois lie about the workers in the U.S. S.R. being “slaves” of an “autocratic ruler,” about their being driven like cattle. The collecsivi a mechanical way” says the right-“left” bloc, ignoring the fact that there has been a veritablé landslide in favor of collectivization, that already | in 1930 the collective farms embraced 36,000,009 hectares of land while according to the original Five-Year Plan they were to embrace 20,600,000 by 1932-33. It is ridiculous to speak of mechani- cal compulsion in a vast movement carried out But it serves he purpose of the kulaks and the foreign bour- geoisie who are interested to discredit the moye- ment. A ery of “bureaucratization” has been raised by the opportunist alliance. “Bureaucra’ cries to heaven; irresponsible behavior; isol from the masses; feudal-seigneurial attitude to- | wards the needs and interests of the workers and peasants; an ignoring and distorting of the directives of the Party, and a most brazen op- portunism.” This is how the twins characterize the Soviet State apparatus. Where have we heard similar summary accusations? Oh, yes, it was Trotsky who six years ago spoke about a “dan- gerous bureaucratic degeneration” of the Soviet apparatus. Since then Trotsky has gone down while the Soviet State, continuously improving its own organization, is marching from one So- cialist victory to the other. The workers are over-exploited! The real wages show “a very alarming situation,” chant the twin brothers, here, too, repeating the old Trot- sky lamentations. are now about 175 per cent of the pre-war wages and are continuously rising, wnile the working | day is being reduced to 7 hours and the week to five-days. The further realization of the Five Year Plan will assure further improvements in the life of the working masses. The bloc’s ac- cusation is a slanderous distortion of the truth, yet it is in unison with the bourgeois slander about the “starvation” of the Soviet workers. It is good counter-revolutionary propaganda. “We are way below the tasks advanced by life itself,” declare the double-handed predicting | that the future holds only defeats, breaches, | gloom. But even here they only echo voices long dead. Didn't the opportunist Zinoviey- Trotsky bloc in 1927 assert that the Party was “no more a Party of the working class” but a party of “Nepmen, kulaks and bureaucrats” lead- ing to Thermidore, i. e., to the defeat of the Rev- olution? Today, the Nepmen have been almost | completely wiped out; the Kulaks are being de- prived of their base; bureaucratism 4s success- fully fought against, and the Party is leading the country towards Socialism with seven-league boots. Every single utterance of the bloc gives ex- pression to bourgeois hopes, wishes, views, and is intended to divert the Party from its Communist course. The onslaught of the Party upon the last strongholds of capitalism in U.S.S.R. hes inten- sified the class struggle. The class-enemies leave no stone unturned, as revealed most clearly by the trial of the counter-revolutionary engineers. The workers’ need of unity, cohesion, faith in the Party is a guarantee of their success and is more urgent than ever. In such times, the double- handed work of the twin-brothers only plays, objectively, into the hands of the damagers and their foreign protectors and allies. The workers of the U.S.S.R. have condemned the right-“left” block, The workers of other countries must suppogt them in their struggle against right and “left” opportunism. We must rally around the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which is exterminating the double-hand- Industrial Union. They are | ed: disease. This will only increase the fighting -power of the Soviets and fasilitate Socialist con- | arguments It is news to the class-conscious workers | Is spreads the vici- | ation of the farms is done “in | The fact is that real wages | “SAVING” SLAVES FOR SLAVERY By mail everywher of Manhattan and SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, ronx, New York City, Foreign: One ye: ? $1; excepting Boroughs $8; six months, $4.60. <= By BURCK LENIN CORNER Turn the Imperialist War Into Civil War “The European War, which the governments and the bourgeois parties of all countries were preparing for decades has broken out. The growth of armaments, the sharpening of the struggle for markets in the epoch of the latest, the imperialist, stage in the development of ¢ap- italism of the foremost countries, the dynastic interests of the most backward East European monarchies, were inevitably bound to bring about, and did bring about, the present war. To seize lands and to conquer, foreign nations, to ruin competing nations, to pillage their wealth, to divert the attention of the laboring masses from the domestic political crises of Russia, Germany, England, and other countries, to disunite the ers and foc! them with nationalism, to an- e their vanguards in order to weaken the revolutionary movement of the proletariat, such is the only real essence, the significance and meaning of the present war. “Upon Social-Democracy, in the first place, devolves the duty to make clear this real mean- | ing of the war, and mercilessly to unmask the | falsehoods, the sophism and the ‘patriotic’ phrases which are spread by the ruling classes, the land- owners and the bourgeoisie, inAdefense of the war, “One of the belligerent groups of nations js headed by the German bourgeoisie. It has fooled the working class and the laboring masses by osserting that it wages the war for the de- fense of the fatherland, liberty, and civilization, for the liberation of the peoples that are op- pressed by czarism, for the destruction of reac- tionary czarism. In reality, that same bourgeoi- sie, servile in face of the Prussian Junkers with Wilhelm Iz at their head, has always been the most faithful ally of czarism and the enemy of the revolutionary movement of the workers and peasants in Russia. In reality, that bourgeoisie will, together with the Junkers, direct all its | efforts, no matter what the outcome of the war | may be, to support the czarist monarchy against | a revolution in Russia, | “In reality, the German bourgeoisie undertook | a predatory campaign against Serbia with the aim of subjecting it and throttling the national revolution of the Southern Slavs, at the same time directing the bulk of its military forces against freer countries, Belgium and France, in | order to pillage the richer competitor. The Ger- | man *-~~geoisie, ~preading the fable of a de- | fensive war on its part, in reality chose the | moment which was most propitious for its war- | fare, utilizing its latest improvements in military technique and forestalling the new armaments | that had already been mapped out and approved | of by Russia and France. “At the head of the cther group of belligerent | nations are the English and French bourgeoisie which fool the working class and the laboring | masses by asserting that this group leads a war | for the fatherland, freedom and civilization | against the militarism and despotism of Ger- ; many, In reality, this bourgeoisie has long been buying for its billions, and preparing for an attack on Germany, the armies of Russian czar- ism, the most reactionary and barbarous mon- archy of Europe. “In reality, the task of the struggle of the y English and French bourgeoisie is to seize the German colonies and to ruin a competing nation | which is distinguished by a more rapid economic | development, For this noble aim, the “advanced” democratic nations are helping ferocious czarism still more to choke Poland, the Ukraine, etc., still more to throttle the revolution in Russia. “Neither of the two groups of belligerent coun- tries is behind the other in robberies, bestialities and endless brutalities of war. But in order to fool the proletarians and detract their attention from the only war for real freedom, namely, a civil war against the bourgeoisie both of “their own” and “foreign” countries, in order to further this noble aim the bourgeoisie of each country strives, by means of patriotic phrases, to extol: the significance of “its own” national war and to assert that it strives to vanquish the adversary not for the sake of robbery and seizure of lands, but for the sake of “liberating” all the other peoples except its own. -, “But the greater the efforts of the governments and the bourgeoisie of all countries to disunite the workers and to pit them one against the other, the more ferociously they use for this lofty purpose a system of martial law and mili- tary censorship (which measures even now, in time of war, are more successful against the “enemy within” than against the enemy without), the more urgent is the duty of the class-consci- ous proletariat to defend its class solidarity, its internationalism, its Socialist convictions against, the orgy of chauvinism of the “patriotic” bour- geols cliques ofall countries. To repudiate: this task .would, on the. part of the class-consclous , ‘ae | | | | By G. T. GRINKO. People's Commissar of Finance, U.S.S.R. On the other side of the Soviet frontiers, in all capitalist States, savage pressure is exerted by capitalism in order to wipe out the eight- hour day which has been partially achieved by the proletariat. The revolutionary energies of the European working class are still spent on the struggle for the eight-hour day, i. e., the same demand that has been inscribed on the banners of the international proletariat for decades. In the capitalist countries of Europe, America and‘Asia, and in colonies, the nine, ten and even twelve-hour day still predominate; and in places we find*even more,horrible forms of labor exploitation. The evolution of the working day in the U. S. S. R. presents an entirely different picture. In 1913 the working day averaged 9 hours and 42 minutes; in 1917, when the workers took mat- ters into their own hands and introduced the eight-hour day, the average hours of labor really were 8 hours and 45 minutes, By 1924 the av- erage working day was reduced to 7 hours and 37 minutes, by 1925 to 7 hours and 25 minutes, by ; 1926 to 7 hours and 20 minutes and by 1927 to only 7 hours and 18 minutes. These figures are given according to the compilation of the trade unions themselves. On the tenth anniversary of the October ‘Revolution the historical manifesto of the Central Executive Committee of the U. S. S. R. was published, providing for the gradual introduction of the seven-hour day for all in- dustrial workers. The Five-Year Plan of econ- omic development does not merely include in its computations the carrying out of the instructions of this October manifesto, It also foresees the Possibility, at the end of the five-year period, provided the entire program of economic recon- struction is successfully realized, for the gradual introduction of the six-hour day. As compared with the pre-revolutionary past the working day of the industrial proletariat ig at present 2.18 hours‘shorter, and in 1932-1933 it will be shorter by 3.21 hours. There is no, doubt that the seven-hour day will be put into effect for all the workers in in- ; dustry and transportation of the U. S. S. R. of its economic system. ‘Hours of Work Under the Five-Year Plan before the conclusion of the five-year period. And there is nothing fantastic about the ex- pectation that by the end of the five-year period the question of inaugurating the gradual intro- duction of the six-hour day will be taken up for practical consideration and action. This sums up the most important phases of that involved complexity of questions which form the labor problem of the U. S. S. R. in the initial stage of the socialist reconstruction But one cannot ex- mine this subject from all angles without tak- ing into consideration the rapid development by the Working class of class consciousness, culture and social and political initiative which are reaching a higher level with every year of so- cialist construction. The impetuous wave of so- cialist competition, the decisive proletarianiza- tion of the Soviet apparatus, pours forth like a gusher in the real course of Soviet socialist con- struction. The fact that the Five-Year Plan, which provides that the greater part of the na- tional income be used for capital investments, involving as it does quite expressed self-denial for the cause of the great historic tasks of so- cialism, nevertheless enjoys the greatest popu- larity among the-proletarian masses of the Soy- iet Union, bears testimony to the high degree of class maturity of the Soviet proletariat as well as to the genuine socialist nature of the econ- omic construction that is carried on in the U. 8. S.R. From The Five Year Plan of tke Seviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special, arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE WITH SHE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $¢ outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York. Mention this offer. ‘TO"what despicable under-handed schemes the Lovestone renegades will stoop in their counter- revolutionary | fight against the Communist Party, and how they are cutting their own’ throats in‘ doing so, is shown by the following statement received by the Central Control Com- mission from eorge Papcun, of San Antonio, Texas: 4 “As the question of my re-entering the Party is before the Central Control Commission at this time, I consider it very important that I make & truthful statement on my present and past attitude towards the Party and the Cominern. “First I committed a very shameful act when I joined the army. There can be only one ex- ‘planation for this act; namely, that I was not a Marxist and a Leninist, that I was somewhat workers, mean to renounce all their striving to- wards freedom and democracy, not to speak of Socialism. . . . “Turning the present imperialist war into civil war is the only correct proletarian slogan. It is indic*-* by the experience of the Commune, it was outlined by the Basle resolution (1912) and it follows from all the conditions of an imperial- ist war among ‘highly developéd bourgeois coun- tries. However difficult such transformation may appear at one time or another, Socialists will never relinquish systematic, insistent, unflinching preparatory work in this direction once the war has become a fact. * “Only along this road will the proletariat be able to break away from under the influence of the chauvinist bourgeoisie, and sooner or later, in one form or another, will it take decisive steps on the road to rec! “-¢edom of peoples, and om the road to “*cialism. “Long live the internaticnal brotherhood of the workers united against the chauvinism and patriotism of + -e bourgeoisie of all couz‘zies! “Long live a proletarian International, free from opportunism! CENTRAL COMMITTEE Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party. ‘Written October, 1914. Sotsial-Demokrat (Social-Democrat),.No., 33, . Lovestone Renegades" Lose in a Conspiracy Against the Party’ of an adventurist, and that ever since, I joined the Party I had been utilized for factionalism by the Lovestoné group, which then was in con- trol of the Party. “Second, when in May and June of this year I made an appeal for re-admission into the Par- ty, I was not sincere. At that time I still be- lieved that the right-wing Lovestone renegades were correct, and I made my application under their direction and with the understanding that, when re-admitted, I was to fight for their line and, if necessary, to issue a statement against the Party and its leadership, “They also helped me to get my purchase out of the army, “During the time when I made my appeal to the Central Control Commission I was in direct contact with the right-wing renegades. When T got’ out of the army and started to be active, I began to understand the incorrect anti-Party line, of the Lovestone renegades, and their role | of misleading the workers and utilizing them for their attacks against the Party in San Antonio, “About a week after { had been active I made complete break from the Lovestone group and at the first meeting of the Party unit that I at- tended I proposeed the following motions: 1.) That we immediately combat Lovestonism by organizing mass activity, by carrying mass ac- tivity, by carrying on mass work, by taking lead- ership through organizing the Trade Union Unity eague, Unemployed Councils, etc, 2.) That we organize the Unemployed Coun- cils, and conferences under the Trade Union Unity League with a view toward an unem- ployed demonstration in the near future. 3.) That, to start this work, mass meeting be organized around the issues of Unemployed In- surance Bill, reports on Red International of Labor Unions, ete. “The only reason for my not making the pre- sent statement to the Party at that time was my desire, realizing the strength of the Love- stone group in this locality, first. to draw the attention of the Party to the situation here. “I am making it now, fully realizing the con- Sequences as re-admission into the Party. Fae By JORGE , See What Santa Left Us! Not to make the story too long, we start right off by quoting a resolution adopted by the Poli- tical Bureau: “In the Daily Worker of December 17, Jorge wrote in Red Sparks in answer to a Section Or- ganizer’s letter regarding attendance at unit meetings and payment of dues, in which a wrong approach is made to this question. One of the healthiest signs in the Party today, is precisely this, that the units of the Party are systemati- cally checking up on the activity of every mem- ber, and tightening up on dues payments. .It is the sign of a more serious, more proletarian Party. It is a sign of bolshevization. But Com- rade Jorge, under the pressure of his many duties on the Daily, forgot'this, and allowed him- self to write in such a manner (claiming the sup- port of the Central Committee in this) as to hinder this development of the lower units of the Party. The Central Committee in no way supports any resistance to unjt and section dis- cipline, and Central Committee members; and staff are subject to it, in exactly the «same measure as every other member of the Party. Insofar as special assignments of work prevent attendance at unit meetings, this must be ex- plained to the unit, and in case the explanation | is not acceptable to the unit, then the matter must be adjusted by the next higher committee, | The right of unit and section to call any mem- | ber to account can never be questioned. What | is said about attendance applies also to dueg, The life of the Party units and sections.must become the first concern of every Party member and also of the Daily Worker. The danger of bureaucratic tendencies in the Party does not arise from efforts of units and sections to con- trol the activities of the members. The Central Committee does not support the expressions of Comrade Jorge in the Dec. 17 issue of the Daily Worker.” : And what have we got to say about this? Firstly, that we had it coming to us, and that we agree completely with the line above given. | As in other cases where our foot slipped and where we corrected ourselves, we meant to do the same with this matter, but since the Polit- | Bureau beat us to it, we welcome it. As to show- | ing that we mean it, we have attended the unit, adjusted all matters amicably, and in addition reported on the recent Plenum Resolution, tak- ing the opportunity to defend the Central Com- mittee against the wrong point of view expressed by us on Dec, 17. Secondly, we did not intend our comment on | the Section Org.Sec’y’s letter, to controvert the unquestioned right of the unit to demand ac- countability and we admitted our shortcomings as preliminary to correcting them and not to boast about them—an astonishing interpreta- tion to the Keeper of the Crocodiles, Where we erred was on two points: 1, Merely because the letter of the Sec. Org.- Secy. was couched in uncalled for terms, we made a fuss over that, forgetting that the sub- | stance of what was said was quite correct, and hence our comment as the Polit-Bureau says, ‘ unit activity. The campaign to tighten up on this activity is certainly the important’ thing, and our dwelling upon inconsequential points was decidedly bad. To raise an objection to the manner in which a policy is presented justifies a suspicion that the objection is really. directed against the policy, which would put us in the | same position as those comrades who claim that they don’t object the substance of Red Sparks criticism, but merely object to its manner or form or phraseology. 2, The matter of claiming Central Committee authority was due to our submitting our writings for alteration, approval or rejection, as in other cases, to the comrade whose position as Secre- | tariat member and acting editor is supposed to insure that the matter approved contains the line of the C. C. But it wag our hard luck that the very villain was himself in a worse fix than ourselves as regards unit affairs and hence liable to bias. But this comrade also, as a result of our case being aired, is being checked up and will soon be hung, drawn and quartered, So all’s well that ends well. But there's another slight point we mention here for any—and they are rather numerous— who may not understand what they read: We positively agree that the Central Committee “does not support the expressions of Comrade Jorge in the Dec. 17 issue of the Daily Worker.” But that, dear)comrades, does not mean that the Central Committee is condemning what ap- peared before or after Dec. 17. If we had our wish in the matter it would, and thus we would be relieved of the unpleasant and frequently per- ilous job as Keeper of the Crocodiles. We could dedicate the ugly animal to the Bronx Zoo and find more. time for the first duty of all Party members, attendance at unit meetings. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! : Communist Party U. S. A. 7 43 East 125th Street, New York City. ; Please send me more information on the Gum mynist Party. . State .... : Q < Occupation . Age -Mail this to the Central OMce, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St, New York, N. ¥. under the Party’s direction and to show to the ‘working class that I am now sincere ant, will fight at all times fro the line of the Party and the Comintern.” —Signed —George Papeun,, Dec. 7,:1930, Thus the plot hatched by the Lovestone*rene egades against the Party came to grief, and turned out against themselves, ee As to Papcun’s re-admission into the \Party, the Central Control Commission has deci to postpone finel action until such time when, by protracted work and real tests in the struggles he will have proved that he has stabilized .hime self and has lived down his black record of ire responsibility and under-handed dealings with the Party; in the meantime, while given oppore tunities to work in organizations sympathetic to the Party, he cannot be placed in any posts of responsibilty. a NOR | Central Control | ‘ Communit Partyofthe U8) = * hindered the development of the Party line on _