The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 25, 1930, Page 4

Published by the 13th Street Page Four Comprodatly New York City, N.Y. Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, Publishing Co, [ne Aafly, excag® Sunday, Telephone Algunguin 7956-7 60 Hast 13th Street, at 50 East DAIWORK. New York, N. ¥, Cable: —mase By JORGE Jown With Santa Claus This will introd you to a special plenipo- + of the Pioneers, who appeared before us n full powers to act, and delivered the following ultim- atum: “Dear Red Sparks: Say, I bet you think your column is funny! Well, if you want to see and hear something that will make even you old fogies on the Daily Worker staff laugh, coms to the Pioneer << Anti-Ganta Claus this Thyrs- in Central Opera House, at 2 m.” ui that was be- Commissioner Mulrooney and Car- fore 1al Hayes ho is a sort of duplicate mayor of »w Yor! eived that a vast plot to over- is Was ing capitalism to ndations. Some of his myrmidons hich is highbrow for cops”) were sent to stop e Pioneers from getting the hall. And at this iting just what ‘will come off is uncertain. Look ne news columns for the latest war rrespon how a couple of hundred oneers are holding the barricades against 20,- ed to the teeth, who have sworn tution (when not paid to h of Santa Claus 2 police, ¢ uphold dlate it) 2 Jutlawing Laughter While we fail to find anything about labor in The Labi an A.F.L. paper published . we did find the following item, of reminds us of a few comrades S d as indecent, a conspiracy atiributes— ous of all A new religious sect has come to The cult of the re encouraged ey attended ser- er and 1 with: mirth when ces. Unfortunately, the excellent t values : this new ‘religion failed to find favor with ze police, and the sect was dissolved for 2verence and general lack of seriousness.” >» roar ir- 2ollyana Accountancy According to the trade j Fe Year,” of Dec. 23, lectured nerica the oth short- ession and hasten business light on the duty of vn the period of dey ecovery The principal duty of accounts, the venerable old skinflint said, To preach the doctrine of the vpward trend. We have oiten heard it said that while fig- ures don’t lie, s figure, but this is the first ime we have heard it formulated as the main concept of duty of accoun’ And jus: to practice, what .he preached, ap- darently, the profescdr—speakine of the Bank af the United States—‘“emphasized that the in- stitution ld undoubtedly not shave been per- mitted to close its doors unless the responsible financial pow of the State and nation felt that basic cond: could withstand the shock.” Then the profe went on: “Thus, ri interpreted, the closing d ‘States, sad in it: eidedly hereful and opt'mistic sign, You sll der ors, you who fh you had revb-cd your bellies to s this cold comfo-t a “stand tho sign.” and Good Will Just to show the ‘scornful Bolsheviks of the Peace -Soviet Union what they are missing. the merry the conference in Paris in Octobe: Yuletide began with esscult and battery for | Michael Kamaiken, pastor of the Russian Or- thodox Church in Elizabeth, New Jersey. The N. Y. Times of Tuesday tells us that the reverend mtilcman was “badly beaten by two unidentificd m d_his automobile | here early gced him from the Machine After attacking him him lying in the road “Father Kamaiken has been the storm center of a controversy between two factions in the Elizabeth church for six months. On several occasions disturbances preceded services and the Police were called to the church. Members of his family expressed the opinion that his css: ants were’ membeYs of the faction opposing him. But far from turning the other cheek and for- giving them for they know not what they do, His Shepherd .got his dander up and swore out two John Doe. warrants. After-which he went home io write his Christmas sermon entitled: “Peace on Earth; Good Will Toward Men.” Keeping Up a Reputation News from Genoa, Haly, tells us that the Italian fascist government has launched a 5,000 ton cruisér, a new one, under the name of the “Bartolomeo Colleoni.” A comrade in the office who is a sort of a complete compendium. of universal knowledge revealed his prowess in that direction by point- ing out that the namet belongs in Italian his- tory to an ructious old free-booter born in 1400, who hai the reputation of changing sides in the Ttalian wars of that epoch oftener than a Chin- ese general who is shot with a “silyer bullet.” He fought with the Venetian. republic, but got a better bid from the Milanese. Then the Venetians raised the ante and: he changed back. And so on and ‘round about until’ he changed sides about seven times. Not to be defeated When peace was declared, he started a war on his own account, Quite a fitting figure for Tl] Duce to venerate by naming.a cruiser, for. Italy had an agree- thent with Gerttany! but when war came she old it out and went with the allies. Mow Mus- solini says Italy~dtan't get enough and is bor- ing holes in the allies most secret agreement, “efhe Versailles Treaty and is flirting with Ger- “my again. In fact Benito himself has some- “ot a record of treachery, so all in all it “sper that he should name a cruiser “ “AT YOUR SERVICE” Dail of SUBSCRIPTION RATES: New York City, Foreign: One year, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughe Manhattan and Bronx, $8; six months, $4.50. VERDICT OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE SOVIET UNION IN THE ‘PECIAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE CASE OF THE COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATION, “THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY” (Continued) The special investigation revealed the fact that during his stay in Parts in i227 and 1936, the 1 Ramzin was put into touch wich agents of the French service in known as Mr. K. and Mr. R. The con- nection between the In ¥ ty in the persons of Ramzin, and then Laritchev, Kalinnikoy and Otclikin with the agents of the French Service mentioned continued right throughout the followiziz period and up to the me of the errest of the accused in the present case in the summer of 1930. This connection was used for the transmission of various instruc- tions in connection with the preparations of the Industrial Party for in- tervention, and also for the transmission ot espionage material collected by the Industrial Party to be sent abroad. vestigation of the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union ce of the criminal activity of the accused in closed vealcd facts concerning Mr. K. and Mr. R. which complete- mfirmed the statem made by the accused, has decided to place this matter before the Sovist government. In accordance with the agr it concluded with the Torgprom at 1928, the Industrial Party began from this moment to force its work to bring about an “artificial deterioration of the economic life of the country,” whereby it adopted sabotage methods on a wide and matized scale. The systematic sabotage work was carried out chiefly with the assistance of the following methods: 1, The method of the drawing up of minimal plans, with which was connected the question of the diminution of the tempo of the indus- trialization and of the growth of the whole economic system, As the ac- d Fyedotev declared hefore the court, the Industrial Party operated ith these methods with the support of the ideas of the right wing deviation. He declared: “Thes2 idezs proved us2ful and seemed to ofier such high hopes of 2 development of the N. E. P. and the development of ideas of a basically bourcecis character that the support of these ‘deas Was nesessary and d: ” This method was connected with the strug- gle for a minimal Five Year Plan. 2. The method of bringing about disproportions between the indi- vidual branches of the economic system, and between individual parts of the same branches of economy. 3. The method of “paralyzing” capital investments by causing them to be made in unnecessary undertakings, or by an irrational utilization of the invested capital, with the aim of diminishing the tempo of the industrialization, lowering the use value of the industrialization and diminishing the successes of the socialist constructive work. Ramzin declared before the court: “These three methods were applied as the fundamental methods for the systematic sabotage work.” The facis revealed by the Special Investigation of the Supreme Court concerning the sebotage offcrcd a complet2 picture of this side of the | criminal activity of the Industrial Party which was thus able to damage our social economic system, but was quite unable to destroy our Five Year Plan or prevent our continued advance. The sabotage activity of the Industrial Party was effectively countered by the tremendous labor im- pulse of the working masses, their great labor enthusiasm and their per- sistent struggle to carry out the industrial and finance plans and even to exceed them. The shock group movement and the social competitive scheme which took on a mass character, the increase of the class watch- fulness of the proletariat and the counter-plans of the masses in industry and finance guaranteed the success of the work of socialist construction to such an extent that the minimal Five Year Plan set up by the Indus- trial Party was proved to be inadequate and was exceeded in the first two years. In its development to systematic sabotage the Industrial Party con- centrated its criminal activities on the most important branches of in- dusry and transport. It delivered its blows against the metallurgical in- dustry, the fuel supply, the power supply, the chemical and textile indus- tries and transport with a view to producing losses in production, dispro- portions and a crisis. With regard to the fuel supply, the Industrial Party reckoned on producing a crisis by guiding the development of this branch of our eco- nomic system in a direction intended to facilitate as far as possible the task of the intervention. With this end in view the Industrial Party did everything pessible in order to prevent the exploitation of local fuel re- sources, in particular with the coal and peat resources of the Moscow district. ard the coel resources cf the Kusnetzk Basin. The Industrial Party also prepared the conditions under which such districts as the cen- tral industrial district, the north-west district and great centers like Moscow and Leningrad would come into a precarious situation. This was to be done by delivering the main blow against the railway communica- tions connecting these districts with the Don Basin and thus cutting off the supply of fuel from the Don Basin. At the same time the Industrial Party carried on a struggle against all forms of atjonal pi ve é. methods in the fuel supply industry, and in particular it tried 'to prevent the use of special cutting-machines for the production of peat fuel. It also tried to prevent the cheapening and the rational usage of peat fuel. The Special Investigation of the Supreme Court revealed the fact that the Industrial Party not only conducted its sebotage activity through the practical work of its members who held various official positions in the various branches of the economic system, but also that it misused the activity of scientific institutions such as the Thermal-Technical Institute under Ramzin’s leadership, and the Peat Fuel Institute under the leader- The chief methods of sabotage in the fuel supply industry were the drawing up of plans: 1. Containing deliberately low co-efficients and tempi far below the real potentialities. 2. Containing discrepancies between the carrying out of the pre- paratory work and the ope! ive plans of production. 3. Giving the production of less valuabie products preference over the production of more valuable products. The sabotagers paid particular attention to such important fuel sup- ply districts as the Don Basin, the Kusnetzk Basin, the Kisel Basin and others and directed their main blow against the supply of these districts with electric current. In order to sabotage the power supply, the Indus- trial Party worked through its branches and individual members to adopt measures for the slowing down of the building or extension of electric power stations (Tver, Bobrikov, Shter, Suyevo and others) and for ihe supply of these stations with unsuitable equipment. With regard to the power supply, the Industrial Party directed its sabotage activity to bringing about a critical situation at the most im- portant power generating poin‘s, arranging that the crisis should *nake itself particularly felt in the ycer 1920, i. e., in the year fixed for the intervention. Ramzin summed up the results of this criminal activity of the Indus- trial Party with regard, to the power supply as follows in his statement before the court: “The current was interrupted in the Don Basin, in the Moscow district, in the Leningrad district, in the Kusnetzk Basin and in the Kisel Basin, and a critical situation brought about, so that at the be- ginning of military operations a catastrophe would take place.” It must be pointed out, however, that here also the efforts of the In- dustrial Party suffered a complete lack of success. ‘With regard to the supply of metals the Industrial Party worked for he increese of the deficit by the creation of disproportions between the production and consumption of metals. This was done by deliberately holding down the plan proposals and the economic co-efficients with ve- gard to the possibilities of production (for instance, 7 million tons instead of 17 million tons); by a wrong utilization of the metals produced in Soviet Union (in particular with regard to. boiler-meking): by the creas tion of disproportions between the metallurgical and the foundry indus* tries (disproportions between the various departments); and by a delib- erate slowing down of the development of the engineering industry, etc. With regard to transport the sabotagers aimed at reducing the rol]- ing material in the waggon parks, and in particular the number of loco- motives by disorganizing the fuel supply of the carriage and locomotive building works, etc. i The Special Investigation of the Supreme Court revealed the fact through the examination of the accused Ramzin, the statements of the witness Krassovski and the material in the protocol, that the sabotage in this respect was conducted in one. fundamental direction whose aim was: 1. To weaken the capacity of the repair works and to reduce the efficiency of the railway ‘service. 2. To put forward false figures for the mobilization plans with crim- inal motives. 3. To secure a criminal reduction of the credits for the railways in the front line network. 4. To apply “the method of the low co-efficient,” in other words, to place the co-efficients or index figures too low with the result that in the building of apparatuses for the railway service figures would be set which were not in accord with the real demands with regard to quantity and nomenclature, whereby a “paralysing” of capital would .be obtained. The aim of all these criminal acts was to disorganize transport by causing a critical situation at a moment of a military atteck on the Soviet Union, particularly on the western frontiers, end further. to cut off communications with the Donetz Basin and isolate this district from the center. With regard to the chemical industry, the sabotage work was chiefly expressed in an attempt to install a series of great undertakings at de- Itberately unfavorable points, and in an attempt to hold back apparatuses needed for the industry, ae | ship of W. Kirpitchnikov, who was also a member of the Industrial Party. | | rule of the Soviet apparatus ov In an article bearing the above title the “Pravda” writes: The Syrzov-Lominadse-Shatzkin bloc was founded tor the struggle against the general line of the Party and its Leninist leadership. Whilst, however, the participants in this bloc conducted illegal fraction work, they posed before the Party and the country as 100 per cent adherents of the Party line. It was only thanks to this deception of the Party that the Sixteenth Party Congress elected them as members of the C.C. and of the C.C.C. We are here confronted with an instance of double-facedness which fully confirms the reso- lutions of the Sixteentn Party Congress regard- ing the new maneuvers of the opportunists of all tendencies, in the first place the Rights. Out- wardly they proclaim their formal solidarity with the general line of the Party, and in reality they fight against it. Here there is revealed the isolation from the Party and from the working class of a handful of intellectuals who owe their whole, even if small, influence solely to the fact that the Pa placed them in responsible positions because they declared their agreement with the ger lin declared their agreement with the general line a once revealed as soon as the Party exposed their fraud. The unprincipled two-faced bloc of Syr Lominadse and Shatzkin was based on the plat- from of the Right opportunists under the slozar of the “radical alteration of the Party line” (Syrzov), of the contraction of the front of capi- tal investments” (Lominadse), etc. After the Sixteenth Party Con Syrzov propagated with energy the demand for an in- crease of prices, borrowed from the old Trotsxy- ist arsenal and now used by the Right oppor- tunists. This demand would have led to a limit- ation of tne rate of industrialization, to the joy not only of the Right opportunists but of all counter-revolutionaries and wreck The representatives of the “Left” tendenc Lominadze, Shatzkin, in the past comn takes of a Trotckyist and semi-Trotzkyist char- acter (the League of the village poo: ent revolution in China, charac: State apparatus as alien and bour exaggerations in sclf-criticism resulting fi this). Therefore it is not surprising that they. had dropped their Trotz! they adopied the standpoint of Right capitulators and renegades in the most important questions of Party policy. It is not so long ago that Lominadze, Shatz and their adherents criticized the Party on ac- count of-an allegedly not sufficiently determined struggle against the Rights. Sten, who belongs to their group, even went so far as ccuse the Leninist Party leadership of cen‘ Now they have ther s mand for “contrecting the front of c2piial vestment,” i. e., adaptation to the “weak spots; at Bukharin’s “Remarks of an Economist.” Lom- inadze and Shatzkin allied themselves with Syr- zov on the basis of the Menshevist-Trotzkyist criticism of the Party and on the platform of Right opportunism. Just like the Mensheviki and the Trotzkyists, just like the Ri: tunist leaders, they talk about a wo the position of the working class, of a feudalis the ma (this formulation was used by Lov letter to the district committe: g ard the disintegration of the Comi: And they were unable to pror rty | _»=*! «AGAINST THE TWO-FACED POLICY OF CAPITULATERS” the Party except to capitulate in face of the dif- ficulties, to retreat in face of the resistance of the capitalist elements. They were in despair when faced with the task of liquidating the kulak as a class, a task which confronts the Party. The bloc of the Right “Leftists” Synzov-Lom= inadze arrived at the platform of Right oppor- tunism But all the participants in this bloc, ; them being Syrzov, who are up to their in the Right opportunist bog, attempted even when they were exposed to pose as true “Lefts.” The same Syrzov, who repeated in 1927 Bukha- rin’s slogan: “Enrich yourselves!” who already before the enth Party Congress converted the struggle against the exaggerations in the col- lective farms openly into a struggle against the hundred per cent, collectivization and the liqui- dation of the kulak as a class, who after the Sixteenth Party Congress was finally seized by a panicky mood which found expression in his confused anti-Bolshevist pamphlet onthe control figures—this same Syrzov not only in words dis- sociated himself from the Right, but also gath- ered round himself a group of Left people, with whom he joined the Shatzkin-Lominadze bloc. The enhanced struggle of the Party against Right opportunism led the genuine Right ele- ments to side with the “Lefts” in order to mask their opportunist character. But this is of no wail! The Pa is increasing its watchfulness ast the “Left” phrase: the Party knows how to unmask all opportunigm. The Party will con- the most determined struggle on two fronts tt the opportunists and capitulaters, no matter how they may mask themselves, against Right opportunism as the main danger and s “Left” allies. nple of Lominadze and Shatzkin shows again and again how even small vacillations and can lead the comrades far away from y if they do not overcome in @ Bolshevist ner the petty bourgeois toleration of devi- ations, are infected .with the smallest ism or Right opportunism. This es especially in the present situation of ac- struggle. Hence there follows: ruggle not only against any deviation Leninist line, but also against any kind of conciliatory attitude towards deviations and any ki of vacillations. The “newest” opposition of Syrzov and Lom- inadze did not openly oppose the general line of the Party, which had only recently been approved Sixteenth Party Congress, which is sup- d by millions of workers, collective farm anis and toiling peasants and which is be- d out by the Party, under the leader- ship cf its Leninist Central Committee in spite of all difficulties and all hostile forces. But in te of its numerical, political and moral weak- s this “opposition” tried to disintegrate the st line and the Leninist leadership of the Pariy, the Party unity; it spread panic, and dis- belief in socialist construction and in the forces of the working class, and that at a time when international imperialism is preparaing for inter- vention against the Soviet Union, at a time when the kulaks are offering obstinate resistance to our socialist attack. By its joint decision the C. C. and the C. C. C. of the Party have dealt a severe blow to the doublo-faced capitulaters. The Party is still more Socialist Rationalization and the Worker Vi. IOVIET economic policy makes it not merely legitimate but obligatory to consider the place of the working masses in sociali tion. ‘so be sure, the workers of the Union, in their capacity as the directing political power and organizers of the socialist co: wealth, are alslo the orzar ficent construction in which the program of s: cialist industriglization is erabodicd. Yet it i essential t oconsider from cvery possi! those questions which compos? the labor problem —the position of the w The consideration of this problen light on the enormous and bas’e diff from workers’ viewpoint, distinguish scci dustrialization and rationalization from capital- st rationalization in particular. revival in a number of capitalist countries is the manner in which this new staze of capital tionalization is connected with a most v: offensive against the working class. In thi fensive, which is conduct on a very front, the methods of fs.scism and social-fa: are employed on «. very larze s' The p tical cbolition of the eight-hour day which gained by the working class after many 5 wade 1 | gles during the Imperialist War and especially during the post-war revolutionary period, the continuous vicious campaign to lower the level of real wages, the growth of unemployment, now assuming a mass character, and the dispropor- tionate intensification of the exploitation of the proletariat—such are the obvious results of capi- talist rationalization during the last decade. The degeneration of bourgeois democracy into fas- cism, the brutal fascist pressure by the ma- chinery of the capitalist state upon the revolu- tionary organization of the working class, the savage suppression by armed force of the econ- omic movements of the proletariat, the conver- sion of the social-democracy into a third party of the bourgeoisie and the complete degeneration of the leaders as reformist trade unionism into direct agents of capitalism, constitute merely the necessary social and political conditions which alone make it possible to put the entire burden of post-war “recovery” of capitalism upon the shoulders of the working cless. The greatest significance must attaciied to the fact (viien 7 sized in tue declarations of the Co: erat Profintern) that in those very countries which show the most splendid examples of capitalist rationalizatinon of production, the industrial workers have suffered not merely a relative, but even an absolute reduction in their numbers. cesses NERS Mabie We couige, of opal rattounliza- on and its splendid technica? achtevuments re- only in intensified exploitation for the work- a further sharpening of class contradic- within capitalist society and in interna- 1 relations, and in the still further under- mining of the temporary and partial capitalist stabillzations. The most energetic efforts of the Second International and the reformist trade unions cannot possibly affect this imminent growth of the inherent capitalist contradictions. No theories of organized capitalism, no substi- tute for genuine economic planning can possibly change the real situation or conceal‘it from the is masses. , therefore, especially interesting to see 7 the labor problem is being solved in the cours? of s t industrialization of the Soviet Union even during this first and most: difficult siage. It is, of course, possible to discuss end- lessly the prevailing level of absolute economic welfare of workers in the Soviet Union, as com- pared with that of workers in the most highly developed capitalistic countries. But nothing can chanze the tendencies of development, quite visible in both’ cases, and to the enormous ad- vantaze of socialist society. Pa eae From The Pive Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G, 'P. Crinke, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- ist industrigization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Pubiishers, this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E, 13th St, New York. Mention this offer. Today in Workers’ History December 24, 1887—Sixty thousand men struck on Reading Railroad. 1907—Gustave neh socialigt, sontenced’ to prison i'c agitation in the army. 1918— royal palace.in Berlin, ts ona Ledabere for- trol ccument, 1019--R. B. Russell sentenced to two years in prison for activity in Winnipeg, Canada, general strike. 1921—Judge Thayer } at Dedham, Mass. denied new trial for and Vanzetti. 1925—Julio Antonio Mella, Communist leader, released om bomb after 19-day hunger rtrike ‘ ' ¢ f t