The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 24, 1930, Page 4

" been thus surpassed? “walry has shown itself to be richer in positive a Published by 4gth Street. Address and CHICAGO BEFORE ELECT IONS By BILL GEBERT. ! dE present city administration of Chicago is controlled by multi-millio re Insull,. fascist vder of the Chicago Federation of Labor and 2 Al Capone gang. Mayor Thompson is only figurehead. The real chief of the city gov- ament is Sam Ettelson, Mr. Insull’s political wyer who is y corporation counsel. The yor-leader of the Insull-Thompson controlled y council is Oscar Nelson, vice-president of 2 Chicago Federation of Labor, “unofficial iief of Police’ was “Jake” Lingle, Chicago ibune “$65 a week” reporter who was con- cted with Al Capone, a gangster. Lingle was led and his connection with Al Capone and 2 police department was exposed and it was and also tt “poor reporter” made a for- ae of $85,000. Al Capone also controls several val unions of the A. F. of L. and has in his Janization bor union department” in charge Danny S on. Here we have a fusion of finance capital, dublican party, fascist leaders of the A.F.L d gangsters in control of the city and in unity war on the workers in which every part of vis machine plays its own role. Insull-Nelson-Capone administration is an ad- inistration of terror against the workers, a aft administration giving millions of dollars of yy money to The weekly income ot e Chicago rackets of Capone, Aiellos, Gusicks id Moran gangs is over $6,000,000. This is di- ded among gangsters, politicians, police and ‘hibition agents. Income from the rackets, gether with grafts of city funds provides for e upkeep of huge political and gangster ma- ines in each prec: and ward which com- stely dominates and controls the elections and used in attacks on the working class. This ly demonstrated during this year’s the Communist Party, Trade League and unemployed workers. well as the “Red Squad” and icipated in the raids on the ‘ade Union Unity League and Communist Par- headquarters, wrecking the headquarters and ating up the workers. In the attack on un- aployment demonstrations also, the gangsters 2re mobilized. In these. attacks the leaders «’ the AF.L. played an impostant role. Durkin the building trades publically praised the ‘utal attacks of the police and gangsters on 1 aemployed work: Gangsters of the Painters ~ nion murdered Comrade Hanzel Weisenberg on “ane 28, while he was distributing leaflets to the ‘-embers of the painters local. Special persecu- on and terror is carried against the Negro vasses. Mass meetings in Negro neighborhoods ve systematically attacked by the police. Com- ade Lee Mason, Negro worker and Communist ‘arty candidate for Congress in the Fourth congressional District was beaten up in an anti- ‘mehing open mass meeting and died as result of this beating. A Negro-unemployed orker, Mitchel Gray, was shot by the police 1 the Negro neighborhood. A number of other rorkers have been shot by the police. Mass arrests of the workers ifidd@ during the year. Early in the Spring a Wholé-mass meeting af 700 unemployed -workers--Was--arrested and many workers were beaten up; under the cloak of arresting gangsters after the killing ef Lingle —1,200 unemployed workers were picked up on she streets of Chicago end hundreds of workers were arrested during demonstrations and mass meetings. Hundreds of cases are pending in Chicago courts against workers fer their partici- Jation in working class activities. While this is‘ being carried out on the one ‘land, on the other hand Insull grabbed by open aid of the city administration the traction fran- shise which gives Insull full control over the city ansportation s well as a “gift” from the city of $61,000,000 traction fund and provides for a special as: ment as a further donation to Insull in all totalling $100,000,000. ‘his traction fran- chise also means an in e of taxes of the workers and petty bourgeoisie and increase of unemployment as Insull carries the process of rationalization to the limit. While Insull receives this generosity from the city adminisiration, 29,961 houses and lots have been sc!d fer delinquent taxes and there are | The Tempo of Plan and By G. T. GRINHKO. . Pecp!e’s Commissar of Finance, U.S.S.R. Vv. CCORDING to the control figures, the total amount of capital investments‘in state in- dustry and electrification is to amcunt in 1929- 1930 to 4.3 billion rubles, as against the 2.7 bil- lion rubles contemplated by the Five-Year Plan. In other words, the capital investments in state industry during the second year of the five-year period will exceed by almost 1.6 billion rubles the amount projected by the Five-Year Plan. This provides food for thought for all those who, with a zeal worthy of a better cause, have filled the bourgeois press of Europe with@ clamor bout the alleged fantastic computations of the Five-Year Plan, its alleged artificially inflated indices, etc. On the contrary, the maximum, or ‘as they are usually called, the “optimum” figures of the Five-Year Plan, proved to be below the factual tempo of corstruction as it is being carried on in real life. It follows that the general amount of capital investments in state industry during the five-year period will be substantially greater than the amount indicated above, but it would be premature at this time to venture any guess as to the extent by which it will be exceeded. It is enough to say that whatever the excess of capital investment mey be, it will be directed mainly toward the further strengthening of the position of heavy industry. ‘Why has the program of the Five-Year Plan In the first place, the Party and the Soviet Government made all their computations with the greatest caution, nad the organizations charged with projecting the ‘work were even more circumspect, bending per- haps a little too much to the side of conser- vatism. In addition, new forces and factors— the ever-growing eagerness on the part of the toiling masses—have entered into the arena of eonomic construction in the Soviet Union. As a method of stimulating creative effort within the socialized sector, the rising wave of socialist ri- ‘Fesulta, even at this early stage, than could pos- the Comprodatty w York all checks to the Publishing Co, Ine, @atly, exceys Sunday, ephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: 60 East 23th Street, tty, NOY TN Daily Worker, about 250,000 houses and lots on the delinquent to be sold. It is clear that these houses nd lots belong to the workers and petty bour- geoisie, This goes together with mass eviction of the unemployed workers. Between two and t hundred evictions take place daily, Judge age de who is working overtime issuing iction verdicts declared the other day in | cannot help it—it is the law. I must break up these hemes. I must destroy the fundamental basis of civilization.” This frank admission of the capitalist judge and police terror against the unemployed work- ers gives a clear picture of how capitalism is solving the problem of uriemployment. There are 450,000 unemployed workers with a large percentage of Negro unemployed workers who are starving. There is “not a penny” in the city treasury for these unemployed workers but there are hundreds of millions for Insull. Further plans of the Insull-Thompson-Nelson administration is further expenditure of money for the police forces in the fight against unem- ployed workers who demand immediate relief. Police Commissioner Alcock announced that he will add 3, ployment situation.” He covers this vicious plan of increased terror against the workers by saying 0 “create more jobs.” This is in line of the on of Governor Emmerson, of which John Fitzpatrick, president of the Chicago Federation of Labor is a member. Mayor Thompson is spending a million dollars for a so-called “Boost Trade Campaign” which is the opening to spend millions of dollars to control the elections in Spring. The democratic is appearing “in opposition” to Thompson, resenting interests of different capitalist groups and trying to show to Insull that it will serve him as good as Thompson, Likewise inside of the republican party there are a number of capitalist groups supporting different candidates and also linked up with different gangsters. The Communist Party in entering the election campaign will expose the present city admin- istration and all fake opposition to it of social- ists, liberals, etc., showing the workers that this opposition is only an attempt to fool the workers and mislead them and to enable the bourgeoisie to keep control of the discontented masses, white and Negro workers. The Communist Party en- tered the election campaign and will carry on first of all the struggle fot immediate relief for the unemployed—against evictions, shutting off of gas, electricity and water in workers’ homes, against paying taxes by workers who “own” some shacks, for turning over for unemployed relief (to be administered by the workers) city funds and special taxes on big business to the amount of $75,000,000, and will carry on a fight to expose and smash graft, to mobilize workers to fight for the rights to-strike, organize and assemble as these rights today has been taken away from - them. The Communist Party stands as the or- ganizer and lea in the struggle for the right of the Negro 1 who are subject to special persecution. Th election campaign of the Com- munist Party will concentrate its activities in mass organizations, trade unior and in shops, linking up the struggle of the workers in shops against wage cuts, lay-offs and speed-up, in struggle against fascist gangsters—the Insull ad- ministration of the city. To carry through these tasks the Communist Party will mobilize masses of workers in support | of the Communist Party candidates and for this purpose a city wide ra’ tion conference is called for February 8. This e will be preceeded by a mass campaizn for signatures. The Communist Party needs 25,000 signatures to put its candidates for mayor, city clerk and treas- urer on the ballot. Hundreds of signatures are needed in every ward to nominate candidates for aldermen. In every working class ward the Com- munist Party will nominate candidates and will hold mass ratification meetings of the workers of that particular ward. Thg election signature campaign and preparation for a mass ratification conference begin at once. Every Communist, every sympathizer, every class conscious worker must be mobilized in this campaign in support of the platform of the Com- munist Party in April, 1931, elections in the city of Chitago. the Five-Year Sabotage sibly have been expected. In the third place, at,the initiative of the delegates to the V All- Union Congress of Soviets, it was decided to adopt a regime of continuous production in all branches of state industry and administration. This makes possible not only a superior utiliza- tion of the basic capital of industry, but lso the reduction of the operation of plans using obsolete or deteriorated equipment. It also paves the way for securing a greater reduction in the cost of production, a more rapid elimination of the goods famine, unemployment. etc. Finally, no little significance must be attached to the exposure and liquidation of counter-revo- lutionary sabotaging organizations in some branches of Soviet industry. As was shown dur- ing the trial of the Donetz Basin mining engin- eers—which was made the pretext for brazen demonstrations against the Soviet Union in which the Social-Democracy of Western Europe shamefully joined hands with the bourgeoisie— the sabotaging efforts of the counter-revolu- tionists, coming from the ranks of those in- tellectuals who were among the highest technical personnel, consisted mainly in intentional under- estimation of the productive capacity of the available basic capital, in unreasonable and wasteful diréction of capital investments, and in disarranging the general course of the pro- ductive process of the country. From ‘The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Man of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE - WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhatten and Bronx, $6 cutsi@e Now York. Push your srbscription to the Dai'y Wotler, 69 E. 13th St, New York, Mention this off . at New York, N. ¥. 0 more police to “face the unem- | HE’LL/EAT PIE IN THE SKY .... | | st Fr (Continued) 3 In this way the reorganization of the “Engineers Central Committee” into the “Industrial Party” was completed towards the end of 1927. The judicial investigation revealed the fact that one of the factors accelerating this development was the desire of the “Engineers Central Committee” to mobilize all the counter-revolutionary elements of the technical intel- ligentaia in a struggle for power. Other very important factors in this process were the influence of such foreign counter-revolutionary organiza- tions as the Trade and Industrial Committee (Torgprom), the association of former Russian capitalists under the leadership of Denisov, Riabushin- | ski, Tretyakov, Konovaloy, Gukassov, Nobel, Mantachov and others with | its seat in Paris, and further, the influence of the most SERENE im- | perialist circles in France. The Industrial Party based its criminal sabotage activity on a pro- gram whose chief aim was the destruction of the Soviet power and the restoration of the power of the capitalists and landowners by the estab- lishment of a military dictatorship. The military dictator was to have been the white guardist General Lukomski or the leader of the Central Committee of the Industrial Party, Paltchinski, The economic part of ihe program of the Industrial Party provided for the return of the fac- tories, etc., to their former owners, or where such undertakings had been reconstructed, the compensation of the former owners by the issue to | them of shares. In this way the action of the Industrial Party would | have more than compensated the former owners by giving them the in- creased values created by the heroic efforts of the toiling masses of. the Soviet Union in the refitted, reconstructed and newly-built undertakings. On the field of agriculture the program of the Industrial Party was the | restoration of the large landowning system and the consolidation of the rich peasant undertakings, the return of the land to its former owriers, or otherwise the compensation of the former owners from a special. fund | formed by the transformation of the Soviet industrial undertakings into joint-stock companies. The methods used to carry this program into operation were different at different periods of the criminal activity of the Engineers Central Committee and of the Industrial Party. In the ; original period of its criminal activity, for instance at the time of the in- troduction of the New Economic Policy, the Industrial Party (Engineers Central Committee) concentrated its efforts to secure a capitalist degen- eration of the Soviet power. A number of the ‘accused spoke of this attitude of the Industrial Party (Engineers Central Committee) in their statements in the preliminary examination and during the judicial in- vestigation. The accused Laritchev, for instance, declared during the ju- dicial investigation: “The New Economic Policy was to lead to the de- generation of the Soviet power.” The accusé¢d Kalinnikov declared: “When | the N. E. P. was introduced in 1921, the engineers began to’ cooperate: gladly with the Soviet poweF for the reconstruction of the economic sys-; tem, because they were convinced that the reconstruction of industry would inevitably lead to the restoration of the bourgeoisie, because they could not conceive of a reconstruction of industry with any but’ capi- talist methods.” The gccused Ramzin said the same and déclared: “The N, E. P. was regarded by me and the overwhelming majority of the old engineers as the beginning of the degeneration of the Soviet power.” It was, however, not long before the Industrial Party was compelled, in view of the successful development of the socialist constructive work in town and country, to recognize that its hopes for the degeneration of the Soviet power were baseless. The accused Kalinnikov declared: “In 1926 the reconstruction period in industry, and transport was: practically | at an end. . . . The technical intelligentzia, convinced that ‘the result of the N. E. P. with the conclusion of the reconstruction period*must see a transformation to a bourgeois basis for the policy of the Soviet power, observed the beginning of the new constructive period on a socialist’ basis in a very hostile tashion, Their hopes that the N.“E. P. would ‘bé continued in the new period of construction were not confirmed.” This” explains the search for new ways and means of the struggle against. the | Soviet power, and the gradual development to the preparations for an- armed overthrow of the Soviet power with the forces of the internal and | | external counter-revolution. Completely isolated from the masses of the | toilers and without any support from these masses, the Industrial Party ‘was soon compelled to realize that its hopes of a coup d’Etat with the'ex- ° clusive means of the counter-revolutionary elements‘ within the Soviet | Union were baseless. From this moment on the Industrial Party ome | centrated on the preparations for a military intervention against Soviet Union and to this end took up organizational connections with the interventionist organizations both inside and outside the Soviet Union (the Social-Revolutionaries, the Constitutional Democrats, the Rich Peas-. ant Group Kondratyev-Tchayanovski, the Menshevist group Suchanov-. Gromann inside the Soviet Union, and sue the FONE, the Miliukov group and the French interventionists, etc). +--+» RDICT (OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE SOVIET UNION IN THE °” INTO THE CASE GF THE COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY “THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY” “CIAL INVESTIGATION | CEGANIZATION, 1927) not only such questions as the turning of the Soviet undertakings into joint-stock companies, and the form of their future administration were ‘discussed, but also the negotiations being conducted between the Torgprom and the governing cixcles of France for the organization of an armed intervention against the Soviet Union to take place in 1923. At this meeting Riabushinski conveyed through Ramzin the demand of the ‘Torgprom and of French capitalist circles that the Industrial Party | Should increase its work for the internal preparations for an intervention. Considerable progress in this direction was made in 1928 when a number of ‘members. of the Central Committee of the Industrial Party ‘ (Ratan; Laritchey,-Fyedotoy, Sitnin and others) visited the leaders of | the white guardist organization in Paris. As a result of this visit a con- | crete‘and detailed plan for the methods of the intervention preparations ‘was, worked out, with the tasks of the Torgprom, the aggressive militarist circles in France and. the Central Committee of the Industrial Party spe- cialized, The: negotiations between ‘Ramzin and Laritchey in October, 1928,,in Paris with the leaders of the Torgprom Denisov, Riabushinski, Nobel, Gukassovy, Konovalov, Starinkevitch and Mantchoy were of espe- ¢lal importance in this respect, as also were the discussions between Ramain ‘and General Lukomski, Colonel Joinville and Colonel Richard. As' revealed during the judicial examination of the accused Ramzin and Laritchev, the ¢onferences with the Torgprom paid special attention to those events which had interfered with the activity of the Industrial Party, stich as the distovery of the sabotage organization in the Don Basin, the Schachty trial, and the discovery of the sabotage organization in the transport industry... The Torgprom (Denisov and Riabushinski) was By JORGE A Lesson On Culture One comrade asks us a question, to wit:—' it a political advancement to be the secretary of the organization secretary and’ *agit-prop (combined in one person) compared to being the secretary of the LL.D. The job as secretary of the org-sec.-agit-prop will entail correcting the very faulty grammar and still worse ¢on- struction of the org-sec,.-agit-prop. | As TL.D. secretary I myself write leaflets and letters. Which is politically higher? Now this is a stunner. But as we turn the matter over in our hatrack, we recall that the sharpness of wit necessary to political develop- ment is more rapidly developed by analysing and correcting the mistakes of others than just dash- ing off something ourselves and calling it a day. Another contributor’s suggestion may, if you can only avail yourself of it, prove helpful. She suggests that all good children should listen to Heywood Broun over the radio. He gives such lovely talks about the moving virtues, of Eno Effervescent Salts, and, she adds, he has a pretty Harvard drawl.” “Harvard is a college where Gentlemen are educated. Of course you can never have a Har- vard Drawl. Still, it is improving for you to hear the drawl. So that when you meet a gentleman who uses it, you will know that you must call him ‘sir.’ Always say ‘Yes, sir,’ when he speaks to you, especially when he uses the customary Harvard address to members of the lower classes: ‘My good man’.” This will about finish our lesson on culture for this evening, only we wish to remind the comrade that another Harvard man tried the famous Drawl on our Party recently, and tried to “My good man” us. But we threw him out the window. We refer to Mr.. Weisbord. eos Any Bones, Any Rags, Any Bottles? If you are in the junk business you'amay be interested in the field opened recently i the line of czarist “remains.” , It seems that the czar has more lives than a cat. He is regularly and irregularly Killed all over again at frequent intervals in the capital- | being rolled around the world in old bode and boxes, . The other day it was “revaeled” in rather big type, by some festive liar by the name of Franklin Clarkin United States in Siberia” (which was an office of questionable repute), that he, Clarkin,» had known that his consti-general, named, Harris, was a bosom friend of Admiral Kolchak ‘(an admiral who was sailing around Siberian prairies | until he was hoisted on the bayonets of his own soldiers), took an old box from Kolchak to de- liver to a General Hovrath at Harbin. And bless us, if Clarkin don’t say that the hpx whole family. Then he adds that he next heard of it in Shanghai, and later he heard it was in the bones clear to Rumania, So we were all keyed up for weeping over that, when along comes another story by General Janin of the French General Staff, who says in a book that he had published in Czecho- Slovakia, that he was the one and original bone- roller, and who adds that Mr. Clarkin is a hot-air merchant and no expert in bones. -foreover, he says that he took the “remains” to Paris, and when the czar’s cousin, King George of England, refused in the most scandalous way to receive and cherish the bones of his beloved cousin, he, Janin, put them away in his own family safe deposit vault. . It is all very distressing, but we don’t see what can be done about it. After all the old despot is awfully dead. So he don’t care much which liar claims his bones, And neither do we. Also war fever against the Soviet Union. But that, comrade workers, is what the capitalist press Publishes these bone stories tc ; * 4 ~ Planetary Influence ‘ The stars have it in for us next year, accord- ing to the capitalist press accounts of the pro- phecies of Mme. Praya of Paris. The loidy is known as a “seeress,” which means that she lustrial Party. Denisov exercised pressure in order \t time ‘on more attention for the metallurgical industry capital being invested. Nobel and Gukassov put questions oil “industry, and the firmness of the sabotage organiza- ‘concerning: the ing out of sabotage to prevent the instal- lation: of ridw Squtomant and to throttle export. They pointed out that they, had given general instructions for the sabotage activity in the oil indtistty to Strichov (a member of the Industrial Party) during his stay regard to the general situation of the Torgprom and the lustrial Party; Denisov pointed out that the work must be continued aby all despite the discovery of individual sabotage organizations. Denisov also stressed in particular the fact that although the date of ‘the ititervention had ‘been postponed from 1928 to 1930, there was no uestion of it being abandoned; on the contrary, that intensive prepara- “ theins were: being conducted ‘abroad for the organization of the interven- ,and ih consequence the sabotage activity of the Industrial Party in the Soviet Union was of the greatest impartance. At this conference the jai of the Torgprom, Denisov, announced that French governing a had decided on the organization of an armed intervention against the Soviet Denisov also announced during the discussion of the intérvention. tions, that a special military commission had been “sees things” before they happen, which is more than remarkable. ¥ Of course, we shouldn’t be impolite to the old girl and ask her brutal questions as to why she didn’t notify us in advance of the bank failures, the anti-Soviet plots hatched tight there in Paris and a lot of other things. Nor can we regard her phophecy of war in 1931 beginning in Eastern Europe as anything but plagarism, since we have been saying the same thing right along without any»help of the planets, She says, however, that the plan- ets are all fixed and we can’t dodge, But we blame Poincare instead of picking on Annocent planets. Weare living now “under the depréssing in- fluence of Saturn,” she says, although we would call ‘it capitalism. Then she says that we will “emerge” from that only to “go under the in- fluence of Mars.” In short that the planets are stacked against us and we can’t avoid it, ‘This is all very interesting hokum, ‘but remains hokum, For if you give us a good strong Com- munist movement, we will put all the stars out, “influence” and all. But then we must remem- ber that this kind of mysticism is duck soup to capitalists who don't sayvy social forces and still think that hard times are caused by sun spots, Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! * % Communist Party U. 8. A. “ 48 East 125th Street, i New York City. fie In the first period of the existence of the Engineers Central Com- te % chairmanship of General Jeannin, the former French mittee, the contact between this organization and the representatives ‘| arm ve with, re Staff of Koltchak, and that this com- the Trade and Industrial Committee in Paris took the form of individt midsion * ‘at: work. relations between the individual members of the first: ndmed/organiza-" the! 6 yin ‘October, 1028, was of decisive importance tion and the former owners of the factories. For instance, Paltehinski ‘pecatise’: £ hoa ‘maintained connections with Meshtcherski; Fyedotov with Morogov, Kon- |) 4. Thee oa of on work of By sabotage organizations, of the ovalov and Riabushinski; Tcharnovski. with Denisov and -Meshtcherski; “Totgprom the Prete interventionists were laid down and agreed Rabinovitch with Dvorshantchik; brecgaee i i imi Strichev with} toon: 6 i Nobel, Gussakov and Mantachov, ete. ut -28 on these rélas. |) sc. / tions became more organized and systematic, whereby the Industrial | 4, i aM se at the omnecth Mkcntine tae ie eee aie bee Party completely subordinated itself to the leaders of the Totgprom and intervention were distributed. At the same tine the form in which the finally became the paid agents of this’ ‘organization and of the, Lg ty of the, ‘Inde 1 Party was to be financed by these interventionist powers. It was in this period that Ramzin's first cena peel oma wide: ikid daa, took place with Riabushinski at the instructions of Paltchinski and the 5 Torgph Engineers Central Committee. At this meeting (in the second half of | — NRG A Bie, .. “(To.be continued), é Please send me more information on the Cum: munist Party. Name eee eeeeeeaeeesnneeetTeeeeees City ..cscsssccenecerccscsenss State ‘QCCUPALION «....sereceseeeerseeersss ABO seers .Mail this to the Central OfMce, Communist Party, 43 Beat 125th Sty Now Xouly M..%, heeeeeeee ist press, but now his “remains” are’ subject to « “former vice-consul of the ° contained the bones and things of the czar’s ‘ Trieste and still later that somebody had rolled ° SORA OE HSU RPRRNN URLS GURU LAPARERS TT RUAPA ANAL Ay BRU WRUITRAIRUEY at) LUUY eeu | 50 Bast ® SUBSCRIPTION RATES: DAIWORK.” al or er By mail. everywh: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughe « ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. Central One decd USA. By BURCK | we think it pretty cold propaganda to get up a . <SES SER M.S