The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 23, 1930, Page 4

sth Street, Published by. the Comprodally Publishing Co., New York City, Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, Ine. @atly, Algonquin 60 East 13th Street, exeert Sunday, Nie Xe Cable: Telephone at DALWOR New York, N. ¥. FOR NEGRO AND WHITE WORKERS’ UNITY By LOUIS KOVEES ECENT cases of white chauvinism (Finnish affair, New York City, Lithuahian, Chicago, International Workers Order, etc.) have again demonstrated how deep-seated is this cancer in the working class, planted there by the oppres- sing clacs. And how little is the effort on the part of most of our comrades to determinedly operate on this cancer. For example, the case of white chauvinism in the Lithuanian Cooperative restafrant in Chi- cago, where the members of that cooperative gave way to the anti-Negro campaign con- sciously prepared by the white bourgeoisie of that territory, proyes that there was no serious campaign before against white chauvinism. What happened after? , The campaign against White chauvinism started. But id did not go further than the territory where this concrete case happened, except that a few articles were published in our press. After the Finnish affair, where a gang of white chauvinitts were prepared to attack and throw out Negro comrades from the hall, the Finnish Buro passed a strong resolution against white chiuvinism and is prepared to carry on a real campaign not only in New York,..but all over the country among the Finnish workers. Is white chauvinism present only there where it takes open expression like in Chicago and among the Finnish workers im New York? If, let us say to the meeting place of the Scandi- mavian workers never went a Negro up to mow and for this reason there was no “chance” to express openly the antagonism towards the Negroes by throwing them out or attacking them, does this mean that the Scandinavian workers are not infected by the poison of the Slaveholding ideology? Does it mean, that the Scandinavian comrades may remain passive in fage of such occurences like the Finnish white chauvinist case, that “it is only a matter of the Finnish comrades”? ‘Those who think this way are certainly not in & position to lead the struggle against white chauvinism. The elementary pre-requisite to lead the struggle against this most deadly weapon of the enemy class is to understand that occurences as in the cases of Lithuanian, Finnish and Southern Jewish organizations ex- presses thé presence of this danger not only in @ particular group; but in the whole working well as a weapon to divide the workers, to weaken their ranks and to crush them separately White chauvinism in the ranks of the work- ing-class mirrors this “superiority” theory of the white bosses. The white chauvinists willingly or unwillingly, support their class enemies, the bosses, to oppress the Negro nation in the South, instead of fighting for the right of the Negroes of the South for the state unity of the Black Belt and to determine their own form of govern- ment and its relation to the United States and other governments. The white chauvinists are supporting the wage cutting and sttike break ing policy of the white bosses, instead of workr ing for the unity of the Negroes and white workers in the interests of the whole working class. The white chauvinists willingly or un- willingly, become a supporter of the lynch law, instead of demanding death penalty to the lynchers. Speaking about the cases of white chauvinism among the Lithuanian, Jewish and Finnish workers, the white chauvinist immigrant workers, by supporting the discrimination policy of the rulng class against the imm: own doom, they upheld the discrimination po of the rulng class aganst the mmgrant worker | The bosses are naturally the winners. | ners. class. Consequently a case as the Finnish affair | where white chauvinism was expressed in the Most brutal ‘form, must be the signal to carry on the struggle uncompromisingly, branch and root not only among these particu- lar groups, but in the whole working-class, this *ntiment. Why-White Chauvinism? , ‘The theory of “superiority” of th white over the Nezrovs’ i3°'tKe prodtict of élavehold:ny society. The slaveholders to “justify” their keep- ing the Negro slaves as working animals needed 2 theory to-show that the Negro race as com- dared to the whites''is\a low category in human development. With the. formal “abolition” of ‘lavery, this superiority theory did not disappear 1s slavery did not disappear, but just changed “ts Form into share-cropping, tenancy, p2onage, ste. On the basis of such form of production, ‘elations between the white ruling class and the Yegro masses in the South, it is natural that he white exploiters still look upon the Negroes “s at the time of chattel slavery, ‘as upon work nimals. And, both in the South and in the Torth, especially, the theory of white superiority, erving as a pretext for all forms of discrimina- ion against the Negroes, is used by the white sosses to split the working class into antagonistic roups, Negroes and whites, foreign born and tative, skilled and unskilled, young and adult, te. trying to make the workers believe, that all ese elements of the working-class have separat2 aterests, conflicting with the interests of the est of the working-class. This theory of superi- rity of the whites over the Negroes is a weapon or the national oppression of the Negroes as tearing out | How to Struggle Against White Chauvinism. Where the white workers eliminate from their ranks the deadly poison of “race superior- ity” and are fighting for Negro rights, the Ne- gro masses and the white wo ers are the win- One example is the struggle of the white delegates to the National Conference for the Protection of Foreign Born against Jim-Crowism. At the conference all delegates had been con- vinced that the Negro masses and white workers must struggle together against all forms of dis- crimination. The result w that the white delegates lead all demonstrations against Jim- Crowism. The further result that the Negro masses in Washington, when the news of the series of demonstrations prairie fire spread all through the Negro districts, in turn recognized that these white workers are with them against the whit bosses and when the delegation left the there was a spontaneous demonstration of Negroes hailing the white delegates. Only through struggle against white chauv- inist ideo and against those who persist in their hatred of Negroes, exposing them and throwing them out of organizations of the work- ers, to the enemy camp, where they belong, only through such measures can we create the unity of the Negro masses and white workers, without which no struggle for unemployment relief or unemployment insurance, no struggle for right of self-determination for Negroes, no struggle against wage cuts, against deportation, etc., can be successful. The most elementary struggle, are: 1. To @secss tyoegh Ie of all mass organizations of wo. question.” 2. Continuous ideological campaign in the revolutionary press against white chauvinism, for the unity of the Negro masses and white workers. 3. To assign in unions and other organiza- tions Negro workers not only for special work among Negroes, but for general leading func- tions and white workers for work together with Negro workers among the Negro masses. 4, The immigrant workers, live in most cases, near to the Negro workers districts and are therefore in a good position to mingle with them. To affairs, etc, organized by those foreign born workers, we must get always Negro workers. We must fraternize with them, agitate them. 5. workers to support the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and its organ, the Liberator. 6. homes, not only the masses of Negroes, but the masses populated with foreign born workers, must be mobilized to fight against the eviction of Negroes. steps to be taken in this ct mretings rs the “Negro Socialism Versus Capitalism By G. YT. GRINKO.- People’s Commissar of Finance, U Iv No one can close his eyes to the fact that every 2ar sees an increase in the seope: and intensity ? the great conflict, the -universai historical contest between two economic and, consequently xeial systems: the economic system of rising xialism and the declining system of capital- ‘m. That gigantic contest has affected political wlationships all over the world in the last de- “ade. The Soviet Union, champion of the so- ‘glist economic idea, has come out with a frank “nd courageous program of “attaining and sur- “assing, in 2 comparativély short’ time, the rehnical and economic Jevel of ‘the advanced ‘apitalist countri 5 Draey a implies definite -Dligations. “The whole world’ is aware that the ‘ghting slogans of Bolshevism are no mere word lay. that it knows how to concetitrate its forces » attain the goals once set. And the goal of ‘attaining and surpassing” has now become the mmediate objective of Soviet economic policy. -his formula has become the battle cry which aspires millions in their everyday struggle and “ort. When viewed from this standpoint, as “ell as from that of strengthening the socialist ~ asition within the country, the task of securing “Xe growth of productive forces through social- | Andustrialization, at a tempo that shall not “‘acken, but, on thé contrary, shall steadily be 2eelerated, becomes one “of urgent practical - Ipottance and of high responsibility. Millions “? proletarians in the U.S.S.R. are on watch, lest we pate of industrialization slacken. And any- Aing that may spell menace here meets with > powérful public rebuke. ‘Another consideration of prime importance Re ee reer mie ees 10 the ‘general’ pro- “samof economic development of the Soviet 1 nion, is that relating to the independence of ‘ye country from the great capitalist powers. “his idea, which is sacred to every worker and } ‘sant in the Soviet Union, and also to every * volutionary proletarian in the West, and to “very oppressed people in the East, is an integ- “Mi part .of the concept of the socialist indus- of the USSR. ‘This does not mean has been expanding every year. The Five-Year Plan provides for its further extension to almost twice the present volume. But the point of es- | sential importance in the Soviet economic pro- gram is that it admits of only such economic intercourse with foreign countries and such deal- ings with the capitalist world as shall not im- pair, but rather more firmly cocure the inde- pendence of the count’; and its capacity for industria} growth, which, of course, includes pre- paredness for national defense. It is this that enrages the rapacious leaders of imperialism, who are anxious to “overthrow the Soviet Gov- | ernment, and then to exploit the natural re- | sources of Russia”; and that restrains the valiant heroes of colonial looting. But it can- not be helped. The growing economic inde- pendence of the Soviet Union and its increas- ing preparedness for defense are of decisive im- | portance in the appraisal of all economic pro- jects and plans. And we are willing to agree with Paul Scheffer, who has described the Five- Year Plan in the Berliner Tageblatt for July 12, 1929, as a “colossal defense plan, designed to safeguard and protect the unhampered realiza- tion of socialist ideas on Russian territory.” But we know (as Mr. Scheffer does too, no doubt) that sufficient ground for such defense is af- forded by the ruthlessly aggressive attitude assumed. toward the Soviet Union by capitalist powers, which have unfortunately been iricreas- ingly successful, through what has heen known as ‘ermany’s “Western orientation,” in winning over that country, which is now just stretching her limbs for a new start on imperialist ventures. . From The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G, T. Grinko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of S0- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy, By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription foe ale esas, 2 18: Ole, How York. Mention this offes. To win over the organizations of white | When Negroes are evicted from their ; in the neighboring territories, mostly | 80 East Daily Central BILLIONS FOR WAR VERDICT INTO THE CASE OF THE COUNTER-R OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE SOVIET UNION IN THE SPECIAL INVESTIGATION) EVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATION, “THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY” Moscow, December 8, 1930. ,”" IK the name of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics the Special In- vestigation of the Supreme Court of the U. S. S. R. composed as fol- lows: President Comrade A. J. Vishinski, and judges comrades W. P. | Antonov-Saratovski and V. I. Lvov, the secretaries comrades A. F. Yak- | ovley, G. I. Ivanenko and P. I. Sharutin in the presence of the State | Prosecutor, the Public Prosecutor of the R. 8. F. S. R. comrade N. Y. Krilenko and the Vice-Public Prosecutor of the R. S. F. S. R. comrade | V. I. Friedberg, and the members cf the Moscow District Collegiuin of Advocates, the defending lawyers, comrades I. D. Braude and M. A. Ozep, which sat in public and in closed sessions in the time from the 25th of November to the 7th of December, 1930, to investigate the case No. 38 cf the counter-revolutionary erganization known as “The Association of Engineers Organizations” (“Industrial Party”) with the following accused: 1. Leonid Konstantinovitch Ramzin, 43 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Professor of the Moscow Academy for Mechanical Engineering and former Director of the Thermal-Technical Institute. 2. Ivan Andreyevitch Kalinnikev, 56 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Vice-Chairman of the productive sector of the State Plan- | ning Commission and former Professor of the Military Air Academy and other Academies. 3. Victor Alexeyevitch Laritchev, 43 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Chairman of the Fuel Section and a former member of the Presidium of the State Planning Commission of the Soviet Union. 4, Nikolai Franzevitch Tcharnoyski, 62 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Vice-Chairman of the Scientific and Technical Council of the Engineering Industry in the Engineering Department of the Supreme Economic Council of the Soviet Union and former Professor @f various Academies. 5. Alexander Alexandrovitch Fyedotov, 66 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Chairman of the Collegium of the Scientific Investigation Institute for the Textile Industry, and former Professor of various Technical. Academies, 6. Sergius Viktorovitch Kuprianov, 59 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Technical Director of the Textile Organization of | the Supreme Economic Council of the Soviet Union. All charged with offenses under Article 58, Paragraphs 3, 4 and 6 of the Penal Code of the R. S. F. S. R.; and: 7. Vladimir Ivanovitch Otchkin, 39 years old, a citizen of the Soviet Union, former Scientific Secretary of the Thermal-Technical Institute, and former Chairman of the Scientific Investigation Department of the Supreme Economic Council of the Soviet Union. Charged with offenses under Article 58, Paragraphs 3 and 6 of the Penal Code of the R. S. F. 5. R.; and: * 8. Xenophon Vassilievitch Sitnin, 52 years old, a citizen of the Sovict Union, and former Engineer of the All-Russia Textile Syndicate. Charged with offenses under Article 58, pa: sued 3 and 4 of the Penal Code of the R. 8. F.S. R. Has come to the following conclusions: 4 The final destruction of the armies of the white-guardist Generals, which were organized and led by the imperialist: states and which tried to overthrow the Soviet power and restore the power of the landowners and capitalists, by the Red Army in the year 1! opened up the path to the peaceful economic constructive work of the of the Soviet Union on a socialist basis. In alliance with the decisive masses of the peasantry, the working class of the Soviet Union liquidated with great efforts dur- ing the course of the following years the worst results of the imperialist and the civil wars, overcome numerous difficulties during the recon- struction period which was concluded in these years, and proceeded under new circumstances to a widespread socialist offensive along the whole front. During the course of the whole reconstruction period, the struggle of the working class for the speediest ible regulation of the economic life of the Soviet Union and for the success of the socialist constructive work, met with violent and unrelenting resistance on the part of those capitalist elements which had remained in our country, and on the part of those sections of the bourgeois intelligentzia which had made common cause with them, These elements worked with all methods: sabotage, direct destruction of state property andZeven the destruction of whole undertakings, to disorganize, hold up and‘ prevent the victorious advance of the proletariat on the way to the reconstruction of the prole- tarian state and the consolidation of its Soclalist constructive work. The successes of this constructive work on the one hand and the energetic struggle of the proletariat against all attempts to prevent this work on the other hand, paralysed these efforts of the capitalist elements fic end egriculture, and for the preparation of the overth> power with armed force, came from this environment of the leading sec- tion of the specialists who were permeated with a bourgeois-capitalist ideology and were convinced opponents of the November Revolution and the work of socialist construction. The development from the period of reconstruction into the period of construction, the growing progress of the whole economic system of the Soviet Union and the tremendous successes of the socialist constructive work on the one hand and the increasing crisis in the capitalist countries on the other caused bitter resistance on the part-of the capitalist elements and those sections of the technical intelligentzia bound up with them in the Soviet Union and over the whole world. In face of the ever strength- ening and increasing economic, political and military power of the Soviet Union, all the forces of the old world formed a united front for a “cru- sade” against the proletarian state, the Fatherland of the world prole- tariat and of all toilers, and proceeded to mobilize all the methods of overt and covert attack. This was the situation in which the counter-revolutionary organiza- tion, “The Association of Engineer Organizations” (Industrial Party) came into being, began its activity and united all those sabotage groups which were at work in the various branches of industry into a uniform organization. The judicial examination of the case of the so-called Industrial Party revealed the fact that the crystalization of these various groups in the Industrial Party was furthered to a certain extent by the fact that the chief group of is participants consisted of the members of the counter- revolutionary organization known as the “Engineers Central Committee” which was formed in 1925 and which was led by the engineer Paltchinski who was executed in 1930 for sabotage in the gold and platinum industry, the former capitalist and. mine-owner Rabinovitch who was sentenced in the Schachty trial and the engineer Fyedorovitch. The “Engineers Cen- tral Committee” itself developed out of two counter-revolutionary organ- izations which existed still earlier in the form of the so-called club of ; “Mine Managers” and the All-Russia Engineers Association which had as their members the most reactionary and most anti-Soviet elements of the old engineering circles. This section of the old engineers worked chiefly in the mining industry and in the transport industry and con- sisted for the most part of former owners and shareholders of capitalist undertakings. The “Industrial Party” which consisted of persons out of the narrow stratum of the bourgeois intelligentzia, had no touch of any kind with, the broad masses of the people and no support of any kind from these masses, so that it was condemned to maintain a narrow caste spirit. ‘The accused (Ramzin, Laritchevy and the others) were compelled to admit that the Industrial Party was unable to reckon with the sympathy of the masses, even in words, and still further, that it was unable to reckon with the sympathy of the broad masses of the peasantry. The fact that the Industrial Party could reckon on no sympathy or support of any kind from the toiling masses explains why its leaders placed their hopes for the realization of their criminal plans not on internal but ex- ‘ tarnal forces. The Special Investigation recorded the fact that in its efforts to re- cruit members from amongst the ranks of the enginéers, technicians, pro- fessors, the lecturers at the various institutions and undertakings, scien- tific investigation institutions and academies, the) Central Committee of the Industrial Party adopted most varied methods beginning with propa- ganda and the payment of monies as a reward for carrying out the in- structions of the Industrial Party, and ending with threats of damaging the careers, the economic situation and the social position of those who hesitated or: refused to join the Industrial Party. The activity of the Industrial Party was conducted on a strictly conspirative basis, and the connection between the members was only permitted within the frame- work of the branch organizations, so that the members of different branch organizations did not know each other. The judicial investiga- tion revealed the fact that the Industrial Party was led by a Central Committee which had developed from the main group of the old Engineers Central Committee, whose chief leaders were Paltchinski, Rabinovitch, Fyedorovitch, Krennikov and Krassovski and later Ramzin, Laritchev, Kalinnikov, Tcharnovski, Fyedotov, Ossadtchi, Schein and others, whereby after the arrest of Paltchinski and Krennikov the leading position in the Industrial Party was taken by Ramzin. In the Engineers Central Com- mittee and later in the Central Committee of the Industrial Party, the leadership of the counter-revolutionary work was also divided amongst the members according to the principle of “branches.” Accordingly Palt- chinski directed the counter-revolutionary work in the mining industry, in the gold mining industry, in the platinum industry and in the Biological and accelerated the process of differentiation in the ranks of the bour- geois intelligentzia as a result of which anti-Soviet and anti-proletarian feelings became the common property of the leading section of this in- telligentzia, which in the past was closely connected with capitalist circles and enjoyed a privileged position under capitalism. The most irrecon- cilable and venemous organizers of and participators in every form of Committee; Rabinovitch directed the work in the mining industry, with Paltchinski; Krennikov and Teharnovski directed the work in the heavy metallurgical industry; Fyedotov in the textile industry; Laritchev in the fuel supply industry and above all in the oil industry; Krassovski in the transport industry, Kallinikov in the “Economic Group”; and Ramzin, apart from the general control of all the work, in the fuel supply and the power supply industries. w of the Soviet | it AUBSCRIPTION RATES: « ie » aad vOr. er’ — By mall everywhere: One year. $6; six months, $3; two months, excepting Boroughs Fay 4 ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign; One year, $8; six months, $4.50. Party US.A Seam Beare ee — ae —— = ——— ° By BURCK) | | \ By JORGE “Scientific’”—and Dirt Cheap “Unionism must be brought up-to date,” runs the sub-head in an I.W.W. leaflet. Why have an old union when you can get,a new one? Why indeed? But supose, fellow workers, that somebody started a still fresher union? What then? Ah, ha! You never thought of that, did you! But, first of all, does newness or oldness make any diference? Fascism is something comparatively new, recent, modern and up to date. So per= haps that is the reason the I.W.W. is embracing fascist policies. It has to keep “up to date.” Just to show how “up to date” it is, it speaks about the “success of capitalism” and goes on to remark that: “As monopoly after monopoly is created by the merging of some business interests and the annihilation of others, something in addition to the thought of profits promuts the gigantic centralization of productive forces.” We read further in an attempt to find out just what the capitalists were playing around * with productive forces for, if not for profits— but could find nothing definite except the following: “The improvements mainly comprise the use of more efficient machinery and methods, whereby the output of each worker is greatly increased.” Yes, that’s very true, but what, fellow workers, is the aim of all this if it is not “the thought of profits”? Do you not realize that capitalists centralize the ownership of productive forces more than they centralize the actual productive forces? ‘ 4 ‘You appear to think that capitalism is not | anarchy in production, but perfect order and “scientific” organization. You appear to think that the capitalists are interested in building a perfectly functioning productive machine rather than getting profits out of that machine—elge why do you gabble about “something in addition to the thought of profits”? And where does this lead? When the capital- ists declare that the farmers must grow less wheat, the shoe factories make fewer shoes, so as to “balance production with demand,” that is to say, to organize industry, you have already approved this reactionary program because none can deny that it is an “improvement” from the capitalist viewpoint. Indeed, in your leaflet you mention the more efficient “methods” whereby the “output of each worker is greatly increased,” with considerable approval and certainly no condemnation, though you cught to know that the “methods” of work (aside from the matter of machinery) are the methods of speeding the workers to death, to take out the greatest possible life force of the worker and translate it into “increased output” and—do you deny it?—increased profits. So the I.W.W. has no quarrel with the employ- ; ers over the speed up. Indeed it approves of the speed up as an “improvement and something “up to date,” and tells the workers the boss does not speed them up with “the thought of profits”! So you call the 1.W.W. “up to date” and “scien- tific’! And to top it tall, you wirld up the leaf- let with the following superb reasoning: “The initiation fee is two dollars, with a monthly dues of fifty cents being generally charged, and at present a quarterly assess- ment of one dollar. This completes the cost for a worker to become a member of this scientific, militant working class organi- zation.” What a wonderful bargain counter offer! But it is neither scientific, nor militant, nor working class, any more than any company union is. And even your last reason, the cheapness, is knocked out, because company unions with ex- actly the same policy usually don’t charge so much. But then, of course, they don’t often pretend to be anything but company unions. a ade The Very Idea! From Northville, Michigan, there arrives letter with the following query: “There are some people here that claim Karl Marx came to the U. S. and reorganized the banking system in New York City after the Civil War. I would like to know if this is the truth—L. E.” No dear comrade, it is not the truth. And we would add that among all the slanders we have heard about Marx and Marxism,.this is a new one. Because whoever reorganzes the bank- ing system in New York City, he did a pretty job for the bankers and a dirty trick on the small depositors. However, comrade, there are a few Marxists left around these parts and if they have their way about it, the banking system Will surely get reorganized some of these fine days—and the job will be done so that the bankers will never never recognize their own banks, providing there are any bankers left in captivity. s 28 6 Professor Einstein, who has, in the past, made some passes in the air which he-interpreted as opposition to imperialism, seems ‘relatively un- able to recognize the animal when he meets it in the flesh, so to speak. Hence it was rather amus- ing to hear that the old duffer »with a honey- suckle smile, who pretends to be: interested in national liberation, was touted around Havana by President Machado, than whom no greater lackey of Yankee imperialism ever licked a boot. . 8 8 What a Beautiful World! Associated Press dispatch from Chicago: CHICAGO, Dec. 16. (A.P.)~—A steam- , heated home with twenty-two kenneis having upper and lower berths for stray dogs durin the cold weather will be provided by the city council of Oak Park, . Poincare Preserves Montaigne A contributor comes to our rescue in the con- siderati- of the wiles of La belle France in her intervention plot against the Soviet Union. He says: Dear Comrade Jorge:—In international af- fairs, always carefully I bear in mind La France To convince you on her womanly weakness. I please you to read Montaigne, Where he dis- cusses the moral viewpoint of a nation in his essays, he says: “My nation is weak. The physical strength is less in protecting our rights. Therefore we con- centrate our energies in intrigues and decep- tions.” y Ce pour ca neal and Ch, ined, yours, Re sa % / f Comment is superfluous upon.the following. t t f