The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 22, 1930, Page 4

| > Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co. Ine. daly, except Sunday, at 50 Fast e * SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Page Four 10 sit New Fore ony. Fer Ss saunas icles set Cable: “DAIWORK." ak U or e@ By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ress and mail all checks to the Daily ‘orker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. Central Ondo SS nist Porty U.S.A. — = ees nS =e eS z Seni Morenci = at EreiPCHES Eb iAioas oN By BURCK | WHAT IS THE OUTLOOK? By SAM DON. HE bank failures are the symptoms heralding a sharper stage in the deepening of the « isis. The bank failures in the South, Middle- est and the Tast brought out its nation-wide yaracter. These failures put an end to the gend of the “organizing” and “stabilizing” na- re of the Federal Reserve system. As in the case of the New York bank, the orer sections of the population are directly fected by the failures, and the big leading nks reap the harvest. The Public National wnk, the Manufacturers’ Trust Company were 30 in danger of immediate failure. At first it as attempted to merge the United States Bank th the aboye two mentioned banks. The fi- ncial oligarchy of Wall Street, however, con- jered the merger too risky and not profitable. was therefore decided to “sacrifice” the U. S. wk with its 400,000 depositors, composed of poorer sections of the population, and save e other two banks, whose depositors belonged the wealthier sections of the population. As we approach the new year of 1931 with a ckground of 14 months of crisis, since the ock ma crash, the question inevitably ises, the perspectives? Towards a yuidation or deepening of the crisis? It is quite wious that in spite of the already long dura- on of the present crisis, the perspective is of continuous deepening of the crisis. The pros- srity hymns are becoming silent, and gloomier etures are drawn. mber 15th issue of the Cleveland Trust Com- iny bulletin is compelled to state: “An analysis of prospects by individual lines of productive industry does not lead to optimis- ic conclusions concepning 1931.” nd further, “At no previous time covered by our records yas business activity in this country declined or so long a period, and reached such low avels as in this instance, and then postponed » definite recovery for another year.” (Our mphasis.) : From a promise of a recovery in 60 days, re- wery from one season to another, to a post- mnement of “definite recovery for another year.” | vidently, Lovestone’s “reserve powers of Amer- an capitalism” cannot help Uncle Sam in these ying days. Perhaps Mr. Lovestone sees in the ave of bank fajlures, as he did in last year’s ‘ash, a New source and evidence of the strength : American capitalism. he does. Our Party, in line with the Commu- ist International analysis, has from the very | aginning of the crash, pointed eut that the | it is the | cisis. will continually deepen, .that orst crisis in the history of American capi- lism. The Cleveland Trust Company bulletin, hile trying to evade it, is-eompelled.to state: Thus we see that the De- | We should not wonder | { “It will take rank as one of the important | major depressions of our entire economic history.” After so many false prophesies of a return of prosperity, with the present perspective of a continuous deepening, of the crisis, is it any wonder that even the capitalist economists are becoming frightened and in a somewhat pan- icky way blurted out as the “Business Week” | does in its jast issue: “It is not too much to say the philosophy | of individual and organized private initiative upon which our business system is founded and operated under the leadership of business men, economists and engineers who have re- placed the kings and statesmen of the past, is definitely on trial today, more decisively than it ever has been before. “Unless this business system, founded on pri- vate individual and organized. effort, can dem- onstrate its ability, and unless our business and financial leaders developed by this system can demonstrate their intelligence and determina- tion to sustain stable progress in this coun- try and maintain and advance American standards of living, vast masses of people in this and other countries are going to consider the possibility of achieving these ends under some ether social philosophy and system of economic control.” (Our emphasis.) The fear of the bosses before the growing un- rest of the workers explains the various gestures for relief on the part of the ruling class. The pious speeches and relief measures introduced in Congress are a reflection of this fear as ex- pressed in the above quotation. In the face of the growing misery for the workers and the greater attacks of the ruling class, our Party must intensify its work in organizing the work- ers for struggles. . The recent Plenum of the Central Committee | of the Communist Party very clearly stated that: “The economic crisis which continues. to deepen, which has already reached unprece- dented depths, will in the coming months be- gin to register most profound political con- sequences. Mass struggles for bread, for the most elementary necessities of life, will be on the order of the day.” | In face of this clear perspective, remembering the fear of the ruling class, and its attempts to | crush and demoralize the struggles of the work- ers, fhere is only one way by which our Party will be able to lead the masses through strug- gles as pointed out by the recent Party Plenum, namely: . “The entire Party must become the unchal- lenged leader of the daily struggles of the working class for the smallest and most inti- | mate demands and link these up with the gen- eral class demands and revolutionary aims.” Fighting By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT Secretary, National Campaign Coititnittee for Unemployed Instrance. INE million workers unemployed. And this immense army of pobless grows larger day yy day. Workers by the, thousands are being aid off as the cold winter months advance. still curls out of factory chim- 's in these-industrial prisons labor at an increasingly killing pace. Wage reductions wre deepgoing and nation-wide. The richest bosses in th2 richest country in the world say: “Let the workers bear the 2urden.of the crisis.” Tre workers must fight, back.or, starve. The workers will fight against, increased exploitation, | s and unemployment if we or- ganize them. we lead them in struggles. In fact, they are already fighting. In many in- dustzial centers the unemployed councils of the Trace Union Unity, League have carried on mili- tant battles for immediate local relief for the jobless. City mayors have beaten a hassty re- starvation w: treat before advancing masses. of. unemployed \ workers. Cordons of police have been rushed aside ard City hall chambers have resounded with the. voices of hundreds of workers that crowded them, demanding food for their families, | free rent, fuel, gas and light; exposing the fake | relief. programms of the city’governments’and the | bosses that own them, and the crooked A. F. of L, and sccialist party misleaders, both part and parcel of the capitalist government. % More Organization. “More organization, more unemployed councils —this is the need of the hour. Into the bread lines, into the flop houses, into workers neigh- porhoods, immediate contact with unemployed workers wherever they are to be found, and win them for.our struggles, for a powerful and: solid @ounter-offensive against the bosses and their political ls, Activize them in a steady and sustain truggle for immediate local relief, swell the- mass demand for Unemployment In- surane? by millions. Make the bosses and their government pay and pay heavy. They have profited in the billions of dollars from the blood of the working class. We must mobilize millions of workers to demand for Bread | categorically that the Congress of the United | States enact our proposed Bill for Unemploy- | ment Insurance, all war funds for bret.d instead | of the slaughter of workers in imperialist war | Get Signatures. An immense drive for hundreds of thousands | of signatures of individual workers, employed | | and unemployed, in endorsement of Unemploy- | memnt Insurance is on. All organizations must | endorse our proopsed Unemployment Insurance ! Bil at their meetings. The National Campaign Comm‘ttee for Unemployment Insurance, 2 West | 15th St.” Y. C., lias issued a cali to all workers | and workers’ organizations to establish city cam- paign ¢ mittees in all large and small industrial cent’ and carry on a steady collection of siguatures so that when the mass delegation to be elected is, January, goes to Washington, D. C. to make its demand for Unemployment Insurance, it will have back of it greater masses of workers |than have ever been mobilized in any movement against the exploiters and their White House agents. Jobless, Workers Together. Local city hunger marches, a steady and in- | | creasing demand for the allotment of city and state funds for unemployment relief, all this going hand in hand with a rising militant de- mand for Unemployment Insurance from the | national government this will create a movement | the meaning of which will be unmistakable to | the blackest capitalist pirate, the most astute political faker. Such a movement marching for- ward in unison with the organization of the | unorganized workers, into trade unions and | leagues of the Trade Union Unity League, strikes i ‘against wage cuts and speed-up, exposing and | | fighting the stagger system will constitute an immense army to fight as well as against deport- | tions and discrimination of foreign born workers, | to fight for Negro rights and against lynching, to defend the Soviet Union. | ‘Workers! Organize! Wide-spread strikes are on | the order of the day. Organize the workers into | revolutionary unions under the leadership of the | Trad Union Unity League. Organize Unem- | ployed Councils! Let every shop, mine and mill, | every workers’ neighborhood, every bread line, | ring with the slogan: “We'll fight not starve! . ‘i Mobilizing the Party tor Trade Union Work 7 By PHIL FRANKFELD "The letter .of the, Comintern and the line of the Central Committee Plenum recently held in w York laid the sharpest emphasis possible on mass work of the Party, and particularly on trade union work as the basic fundamental vity of the Party as a whole. From the top down and bottom up, the Party was severely criticized for its signal weaknesses and shortcomings in building up of the revolu- tionary trade unions, leagues, and shop organi- zation committees..Comrades Browder and Foster correctly characterized our work in the trade union field as retrogressing in the. past period. + The Party plenum stated that at least 80 per cent of our Party forces and energies should go into the building up of the Trade Union Unity League. The recent Comintern letter and the’ Plenum very sharply brought out.the fact that frade union work was Party work,-and in fact the major field of Party activity. + The line ef the CC must be brought home crystal clear to the entire Party. Discussions must be organized thruout the Party ranks mak- ing this clear to the significance of the revolutionary trade unions, and the necessity for building them up on the basis of our struggle for the immediate and par- tial demands of the workers. To-date, this has not yet been done. In the last two days in Chicago, we have faced a véry serious, peculiar, and at the same time | interesting development. ' Sunday night, we were invited to speak at a meeting of the Lettish Workers Club. The or- ganization invited a speaker from the TUUL to deal with role and policies of the TUUL. Questions were askéd at the conclusion of the talk, and ‘discussion began. " One active, non-Party member of the Club, and of a building trades local got up and se- verely criticized thé inactivity of Party members in his local. He asked why C. P. members never | attend their local union meetings. Whey ©. P. members do not try to put the TUUL program into effect in the building trades where condi- tions are going from bad to worse, and where the rank and file is revolting against the officials. He asked whether these Communists were doing their Party duty. The worker who asked this | public opi ' worty PILSUDSKY | Lenin, Father By G. T. GRINKO Commissar of Finane, U. S. S. R. 'HE Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Workers’ and Peasants’ Governments and ion. in the U. S. S. R. have, and not for the fizst time, been confronted with the ; problem of the general course of economic*dey- elopment during the present transition from a | period of rehabiliation to one of new construc- | tion. The problem has occupied the revolution- ary thought of the country since the days of the October Revolution. The general line of the economic development nature of this revolution; but the formulation of a concrete and detailed program of economic reconstruction has taken place only gradually and on the basis of the actual experience of the past decade. In the determination of the gen- directed against the Party as such. He simply demanded a reply about so-called “passive Com- munists.” *Monday night, a meeting of the TUUL Amal- gamated group took place. This was one of the best attended meetings in the last 3 to 4 years. It was held on the eve of the elections. Inside of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of Chi- cago tremendous mass discontent prevails. Con- ditions are becoming steadily worse as a result of the “reorganizations” of the ACW fakers, wage cuts, unemployment, etc. forced an $8.00 tax down the throats of the mem- bership. The revolutionary opposition decided to run candidates for all offices in order to reach the rank and file witHits program. In several locals where we have Party members, the candidate endorsed by the TUUL as against the faker Levin for general manager, was not put forth as a candidate because there was no one to second ballot. cd In the TUUL meeting, 3 non-Party workers sharply criticized the lack of activity of the they do not attend local meetings, are not active, while the non-Party workers are bearing the brunt of the fight. Again, this criticism did not come from anti-Party workers, but from rank and file workers. ef This criticism and condemnation, coming from non-Party workers is in a sense very healthy. It shows the seriousness with which these workers view the individual responsibilities of Commun- ists. It shows the check of the class upon the | activity of the Party. On the other hand, this criticism and condem- nation is a most serious danger signal for our Party. When the passivity of Communists assumes such proportions that non-Party work- ers must call it to the attention of the Party, then the situation is bad indeed. And we could cite even more examples of individual Com- trade unions. And the situation oencerning activity in the TUUL unions, leagues, organization committees in the shops, etc. of Party members is even worse. In Chicago, less than 25 per cent of our members are TUUL members even today, and less than 15 per cent are active in the TUUL. Our frac- tions are not yet established, with the possible exception of the needle trades, which at best at meetings. The entire Party must be involved in trade union work. In place of comrades doing vague, general, “Party work,” at least 80 per cent of our Party forces and energies must be expended in building up the revolutionary trade unions. We must sharply orientate ourselves towards the building up of organization and grievance com- mittees as preliminary steps in establishing shop committees. The special significance of the struggle for partial demands must be clarified, and our comrades made to understand that every economic struggle at ‘this time is the starting point for general, political, class battles. Con- centrated preparatory work, and detailed, con- crete, day to day activity in a planned manner must be conducted. And the very first immediate step in mobilizing the Party for Trade. Union work is to convince the Party members to join the revolutionary trade unions and leagues. We have not even succeeded in doing this after one year of the TUUL! Party fractions must ‘be established as real, functioning, live bodies which are the driving force in the new unions and in the old unions as well. Any effort to weaken the Party's orientation towards trade union work no matter on what pretext or guise, must be sharply combatted and overcome, N ‘The basis for our election campaign in Chicago which we are now beginning. will have to be the work in the factories, and the building up of the revolutionary trade unions and leagues, and unemployed councils of the TUUL. The Party thesis adopted by the 7th National Convention of our Party stated very categorically that any Party member who remains passive at this time, in view of the tremendous tasks and struggles ahead of us, is simply not a revolution- ist and not fit for Party membership. This is question is not anti-Party, nor were his remarks |2ven more true today of the Soviet Union was determined by the | ; peering | program of industrialization which has now Recently the fakers | the motion that this candidate be placed on the | Communists in the ACW. They pointed out that | munists failing to perform their duty in ‘the H sf never had more than a,50 per, cent attendance | | of the Soviet Union as well as in its practical of the 5-Year Plan eral guiding line and the very idea of a planned , economy, as well as in the working out of the concrete projects of economic reconstruction, the leader of the October, Revolution, Lenin, had quite an extraordinary part. The work of the socialist reconstruction of the Soviet Union is based on the great teachings of Leninism. Lenin exhibited a tireless consistency in calling to the attention of the revolutionary workers and peasants of the U. S. S. R., the problems of in- | dustry in general and those of heavy industry— | the production of the means of production—in particular. All the essential elements of that grown so vast in the consciousness of the people development can be found clearly and forcefully formulated in Lenin's last writings. Industrialization is not only the high road to socialism and the only way of protecting the | independence of the Soviets against the impe- | rialistic world powers, but is also the primary prerequisite for maintaining and strengthening the worker-peasant bloc and for the socialist reconstruction of peasant life. As carly as 1920, at the very beginning of the period of reconstruction, Lenin said of the up- building of heavy industry: “We know well that Russia’s salvation lies not only in good crops gathered by the peasants: that is not enough; and >9t only in the good condition of the light industries: that is not enough either. We also need the heavy in- dustries. . . . Heavy industry requires subsidies from the State. If we fail to provide them, we shall be doomed even as a civilized country, -auch more as a socialist one.” In 1921, in a letter addressed to the VIII All- Russian Congress of Electrical Engineers, he wrote as follows: “I have had more than one occasion to express myself on the importance of the book, The Electrification Plan, and even more so on the | imvortance of electrification. Large-scale ma- chine production and its introduction into agri- culture is the only possible economic basis of socialism, the only basis for a successful struggle for the liberation of mankind from the yoke of capitalism; from the slaughtering and maiming of scores of millions of people in order to deter- mine whether it shall be German or English, Japanese or American looting that shall have the greater share in the division of the globe. We could easily multiply the quotations from Lenih’s statements on the role of socialist in- dustry, remarkable for their consistency, broad- ness %f outlook and deep conviction. ‘These cursory remarks in regatd to the gene- sis of the present Soviet industrialization pro- gram are designed to emphasise the fact that this program, which is <n outgrowth of the general principles of Marx and Lenin on the transition from capitalism to Communism, was born the tempest of the October Revolution and took shape gradually, as it was necessary vo devise solutions of the pressing practical prob- lems incident to’securing more firmly the pro- letarian dictatorship and the sociali#t develop- ment of the Soviet Union. Attempts now made to treat the present program of industrialization as a new departure, an improvisation of the last few years, a break with Leuin’s traditions and a revision of his doctrine, ae therefore, no more than the product of ignorance or plain political blackmail on the part of the enemies of the socialist development of the Soviet Union. C6 wT From The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grinkg, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrializati a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York. Mention this offer. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. ‘Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Adidas :tisioges lsc isin vesehis givbatna tusmatone BUREN CL Lk cer City . Occupation os « Age. -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Bt, New York, N.Y. | Party, 43 East 125th | 000. | not help “the unemployment situation. LABOR SPORTS UNION UNEM- ! PLOYMENT FOOTBALL GAMES | unselfish, | % By JORGE | Is It for or Against Him? After vigorous prodding, the. Republicans in Congress finally-decided that they would defend their president from attack, and in the N. ¥, World of Dec. 19, we find the following account of how Senator Glenn of Illinois sprang to the defense of Herbért Hoover: “Senator Glenn also indignantly repudiated Senator McKellar's ‘insinuations.’ ‘If it were not an act of ignorance,’ he said of McKellar’s criticism, ‘it would be almost fin act of treason. I think the people of the United States are en- titled to know, as we know here, that instead of being a -poittoon, a thief, an embezzler, a appropriator of public funds, a disloyal citi- zen to the United States, no man in all the history of the Republic has ever rendered more unfailing service ‘than the present president of the United States,’ “They tell.me that even at night this man, unfaithful to America as some are saying, awakens and works in his bed for an hour or two upon! the things he did not find time to deal with in the day.’” * It Makes A Lot of Difference His name. was not Nicolai Mallinovski, and he does not live in the Soviet Union. Neither was he a Nepman nor a kulak. On the contrary, his name was Niel McMallion he may not live there very long). And he was just a worker, a worn-out worker, seventy-seven By JAY ANGON. +2 Tf Army ana Navy have played—the Army | won, N. Y. U. played Colgate and Colgate won. $700,000 in one game, $100,000 in another game. And the unemployed are still standing on breadlines, the children of the unemployed still reported dying of starvation, unemployed still being evicted from their homes. 800,000 unemployed in N. Y speedily growing into 900,- Miseries of starvation and exposure still | clinging to the unemployed—and the Army-Navy, and N. Y. U. games raised $800,000 for the re- lief of the unemployed. The boss class haye many ways of duping the minds of the workers. They try anything that can help them enslave and exploit the workers, and keep them docile and disorganized, so as not to fight lay-offs and wage-cuts and starva- tion conditions. ‘The boss class feels safe only when the workers are disorganized, suffering and remain quiet slaves. Through sports the working class is drawn into the army for cannon-fodder for the next im- perialis: war. Through sports young workers are attracted into National Guards where they are trained as fierce strikebreakers. Through sports children of workers are drawn into Boy Scouts to become future protectors of the bosses’ millions in the colonies. f The field of sports is used by the boss in keep- ing the workers quiet and forgetful of their daily need for bread. The “Football games for the relief of the Un- employed” have a definite place in this plan of action of the bosses. These football games are to create the illusion that the bosses, who threw millions of workers into the streets to starve and freeze, are now trying to’ help these yery | workers they have thrown out. Hoover, who under the mask of promises not to carry out any wage cuts and lay-offs, and under promises of the return of prosperity in several sixty days, helps the bosses in slashing wages and throwing 9,000,000 workers into the street, now comes forth to help the unemployed « and buys a ticket for the unemployment g«mes. Hoover buys a ticket to help the 9,000,000 work- ers he H€lped throw into the streets. Ex-Commissioner Whalen, who on March 6th beat down the unemployed, asking for work or wages, in New York, now comes forth and buys a ticket efor the football games for the unem- ployed relief. Bosses that make millions by the slaving and then the scrapping workers on the junk heap, bought tickets for $5 to “help the unemployed.” The bosses fear the workers’ organization that fights for the Unemploynient Social Insurance Bill and try to ward off the workers’ organiza- tion by creating the illusion that they are help- ing the jobless. The capitalists know that if the jobless were to find their way to a militant organization they would not bow down under the miseries in dumb submission. And the bosses try to fool the work- ers, dupe the workers, divert the attention of the workers from tHeir miseries, and how best to fight against their evil conditions, and their masters driving -them nearer and nearer to a coclie level of living. “Keep him busy,” the boss says, “with teams to cheer for, with games to be thinking» about, and we can bury him in the ground and he wouldn't even think about it.” Especially do the bosses use sports to keep the young worker disorganized and docile, by diverting his atten- tion from his miserable conditions. " The answer of all class conscious and militant workers is to, repudiate the bosses’ fakes and throw back these fake charities and demand gov- ernment social insurance unemployment bill, under the banner of the Unemployed Council, The Labor Sports Union recognizes that any amount of money donated by any bosses can- The workers of the Labor Sports Union recognize that charity of the bosses cannot solve the un- employed situation, but only a militant organiza- tion that fights against the bosses and their vicious plans of wage cuts and lay-offs, can bring the workers down to give real relief from the millions they have robbed from the work- ing class. ‘The Labor Sports Union fights with the un- employed on the battlefield of sports and mili- tantly exposes how the bosses use sports to keep the unemployed and employed workers better slaves. The Labor Sports Union carries on sports activities as workers entered in the class struggle leading the workers against the bosses on the sport field. Demand: (1) More public facilities, gyms, playgrounds, fields, etc., free of charge for workers and workers’ children, espe- cially for unemployed workers and young work- ers. (2) The right of Negré athletes to parti- cipate equally with the white worker athletes i. all athletic and social affairs. Against rage dis- crimination. in any form. (3) Against profe: sionalism in sports. (4) Asainst bosses’ spo: and for workers’ sports, (5) Unity of all woz! er sportsmen of all races and nationalities und the banner of Red Sports International. In the true line of the Labor Sports Union, o1. December 2 (Xmas) at 12 noon at Dyckman years old. That makes a lot of difference. Because his sufferings are given scant attention in the capi- | talist press of the United States. When he was | found lying on the sidewalk in Providence, too | weak to walk, critically ill from hunger and exposure, having lost his job a month ago, with- out money or friends or relativés, doctors said | he may not live till Christmas.’ * But if he were a Russiahkulak; if he had grown fat:from the toil of other men and had been put out of such’ business by collective farming; if he had,'in reverige, tried to burn the collective’s barn and been caught and sent away to cut timber at union’ wages—ah! then he would have been discovered!) ‘ Then he would be: “forced“Jabor.” Then all the great capitalist papers of the United States —so far away!—would have wept over his fate and cried out against his oppressors! Indeed, the American capitalist press would-have given everybody to understand that war upon such a government would be holy and. righteous! All this would have been his portion if he had only been a Russian ‘kulak. But, alas, he was only an American worker, who had given most of his 77 years to toiling, that other men, capi- talist parasites, might get fat. So he is dying of hunger and cold—and capitalist newspapers turn up their nose. He is “not news.” * «6 | Citizens’ Great Chance In the N. ¥. Journal of December 8, there ap- peared an advertisement: © “Men wanted, Good opportunity. Only Citi- | zens. To report at Bronx and Hoe Ave., near | 168th Street.” At 8:30 a. m. there were. already 200 good | American Citizen$ in line, waiting, conscious of their superiority, for that “glorious opportunity.” ‘Then it turned out that someone wanted to be- come a citizen, in order that he, too, might share } the great opportunity of rushing around looking for a job, and, needing two witnesses for his citizenship papers, thought that an ad in. the | capitalist papers would Bet:them. And it did! There, is now one more citigen tq search for “good opportunities.” . * * Providence Replies—And Right Well On December 4, we published a letter from Providence, Rhode Island, ‘Glaiming. that the munism, was more interested in Botany than in the working class. We invited a reply, and are glad to present the following: “Itis true that at the Providence class, in dis- cussing Materialism and thé relation of mind and matter, Comrade Armstrong was allowed a lot of time to bring out a theory (about mind and inert matter) of his own. “But we want to tell the workers that the letter ‘As A Worker Sees Us’, was not written by a ‘mill worker’, It was Written by Mr. Joli and Co. Joli is also the author of the letter on the Rhode Island election campaign. Mr. Joli's expulsion from the Party as a demoraliz- ing, anarchist, wobbly ‘disruptive’ element has _been recommended some time ago. “We are glad of the letter, because no matter how exaggerated and lying, it was instrumental in making us pay more attention to the classes. And secondly this letter completely exposes Mr. Joli as the degenerate that he is. We: will, in spite of Joli and Co., continue to teach Commu- nism not only at classes, but in organizing the uncmployed and employed workers for struggle —Comrade Saul.” games. politicians and grafters, but every cent goes to build up. the of the council that fights with the unemployed against evictions, for free lunches and carfare to chil- dren of unemployed, for the Government Social Unemployment Insurance Bill. , \The Sports Demonstration the finest games ever letes, other ing the ‘New York. $ Comrade Amter, one 1 March 6th while leading “oir demand of work or wages, _'s Sports Demonstration, Comrade Nesin, who .$ brutally beaten up on- 2 dared’ to @isclose the: ~vork of the city grafters, will also Sports ‘Demonstration. in | | Council, % | and he lives in Providence, Rhode Island (though , Communist class there on Fundamentals of Com- - 16 because © pis tia anor SE