The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 20, 1930, Page 6

Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co, 13th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, Ine. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, dally, exeept Sunda: Cable: at 50 East ‘DAIWORK." 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Daily Control Ong. orker Party U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: One year, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six montbs, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. ix months, $4.50. OPEN LETTER TO COMRADE, BUKHARIN Comrade Bukharin: , the workers in the Condravskaya and Troitzkaya paper mills (bearing your name as their chief, dedicated to you) have decided to address an ©) letter to you through the vda.” oot are being torn up, the ated as a class by compact id when as a result the class rpened, we, the workers, unde! nd and value the ctness of the ranks in our Len- of Bolsheviks, under whose firm ance we have achieved such tremendous successes in our undertakings. During year 1929-30 just elapsed, the Condravsk gram 103.3 5 fulfilled its economic pro- r cent, and the Troitzkaya, 105 per tte socialist comry the immense u resulis through developing on and shock troops, through f production and laboring m the decisive struggle those lacking faith, with i the clowns, and through ercoming difficulties with- We oppose, with a particular sense of indigna- tion the m of the two-faced opportunists (whose ri mows not what the left does) of Rowti and others, and of the right- of the type of Syrtsov, Lom- inadze and o' These class-diseased people vote in words for the general Party line, but in deed, carry on traitorous action against it, which means, against the cause of the working class, The class emies at this time try to utilize for their counter-revolutionary aims, all the dif- ficulties accompanying our growth, the factional struggle of the opportunists, and their actions against the Party. And the right opportunists, whom you headed, are preparing the ground for the return of capitalism and are strengthening the anti-Soviet propaganda of the class enemy, The right opportunists have no faith in the power and strength of the working class, They are scared by the difficulties, scared by the sharp upturn of our victorious socialist advance. 1d of deep-going socialist advance, | Instead of decisive struggle with the difficulties, instead of Bolshevik tenacity, the right oppor- tunists with petty-bourgeois sloppiness and foul- ness, carry on a fight against the Party. The working class, under the guidance of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (B) and its Leninist Central Committee has attained gi- gantic successes in building up socialism. The Party dealt a crushing blow and.smashed coun- ter-revolutionary Trotskyism, if unmasked the right opportunists and the two-faced traitors. Right now, in answer to the address of the Central Committee, C. P. S. U. (B) of September 3rd, we proclaimed our mills as shock enter- prises and agreed to remain with it to the end of the Five Year Plan. The Condravskaya mill during October ful- filled its production program 109.59 per cent. The right opportunist babble about the impos- sibility of maintaining the tempo of socialist construction adopted by the Party, about the failure of the Five Year Plan, and at a time when a decisive struggle is required against the various attempts to undermine the unity of our Party, you, Comrade Bukharin, and those of a mind similar to yours, Tomsky and Rykof, keep silent. Your silence, like a banner, is being utilized by the opportunists who carry on a sstruggle against the Party. The Party demands from you, Bolshevik re- sponsibility and you keep silent. We consider that he cannot be our chief who does not want, sincerely, Bolshevik-like, to answer directly-put Party questions. He cannot be our chief whose silence supplies the battle-flag in the hands of the opportunists, under which they fight against our Party. We propose to you, Comrade Buk- harin, as our chief whose name our factory bears, as a member of our workers’ collective, to answer us and our Party. Where do you stand? Are you with our Party, under whose leader- ship we shall proceed on the road towards de- veloping socialist construction, or are you with the opportunists on the road to a muddy, back- wards path, yielding to the class enemy. We await your immediate answer in the columns of the Pravda, The Workers of the Troitzkaya-Condravskaya Paper Mills, Western Region. Concrete Work Based On Know- ledge of Shop Conditions By F. BORICH. “FHE main and fundamental shortcoming of our Party lies in the fact that we have not yet learned how to develop our work in the enterprises.” Upon a correct solution of this fundamental problem, pointed out in the report of the CC Organization Department to the last Plenum, depends the development of our Party and the revolutionary unions, depends our leadership of the developing mass movement and the success of the movement itself. This Was Not Shop Work. The Seventh Convention of the Party raised the slogan: “Into shops, into factories!” Abso- lutely correct slogan. And, we immediately be- gan to “carry it out.” The leaflets of all kinds were distributed in front of and even inside the shops, calling the workers to demonstrations, ™mass meetings, affairs, etc. The stickers were pasted inside the shops with revolutionary slo- gans. The Daily Worker and even pamphlets were sold and distributed in front of and some times inside the shops. Factory gate meetings were held, attended by hundreds of workers, who even defended our speakers against police. By doing this we thought we were carrying out the slogan, “Into shops, into factories,” and that we were even doing shop work. In fact, we have carried general, abstract agitation and propaganda in front of and inside the shops, which formerly was done in the halls and from house to house. This probably was a necessary Stage in the development of our shop work. We have also issued Shop Papers. But if there were no articles on the Chinese Revolution, In- dian Revolution, Nicaragua Rebellions, War Danger and many other international problems (in the most abstract manner), the paper was considered “non-political.” Sometimes three * pages of the paper were filled with such articles. i ‘ The rest would be the news on accidents, dis- charges, treatment of the workers by the bosses, etc. To crown it all the Section or District Committee would coin out several demands, which in most cases had nothing to do with the actual conditions in the shops and the real levances and demands of the workers. The yp papers were general agitational and in- Vimative rather than the fighting organs of “ule workers in the shops. We did not under- stand how to mobilize the workers for the sup- port of the Soviet Union, against War Danger, etc., on the basis of their shop conditions. What Is Shop Work and How to Develop It? Shop work must be based primarily on the most immediate grievances of the workers in the shop, affecting their day-to-day life, regard- ess how small and insignificant these grievances yy be. These grievances must be the starting ‘pints for the development of struggle and or- tion; they. must be an introduction, so to , to the struggle on a higher plan. order to successfully concentrate on a iyen shop, the leading committee, under whose nce the concentration is being caried on, it know the minute detailed conditions in 1e\shop. Just as it is necessary for the Party > have a correct estimate of the economic and olitical situation in the country and the degree {.the readiness of the workers to struggle in rder to apply correct policy and tactics, so is 5 mecessary to have a clear understanding of he situation in the shop in order to formulate she proper demands as an allying point of workers for struggle. The said committee must know the tactics and schemes of the employer in order to counteract them. It must know the real grievances of the workers, their demands, the conditions in the shop mostly affecting the workers, the issue or issues on which workers can be mobilized for struggle, the sentiments of the workers, and last but not least, it must know the most courageous, most influential, most conscious workers in the shop, particularly young elemerits, This, in my opinion, is the prerequisite for the successful evelopment ‘of shop work, organization and truggle. © ‘This group of workers, with whom the con- nections Can be established through various ways ind means, such as: Comrades and sympathizers tee recor noon and while distributing and selling by out- side comrades, mailing lists of the Party press, workers clubs, etc—should be the starting or- ganizational point. Through these workers the real conditions in the shop can be determined as well as grievances. The demands must be formulated and worked out together with and in full agreement of the workers, based on the concrete conditions in the shop and expressing the sentiments of the workers, of course, in conformity with our program. The demands must be formulated as clearly as possible so that every worker will understand them. This group of workers must be the basic force, around our Shop Nucleus, to nvsbilize the workers in the shop for the demands, with the necessary help of street nuclei, unemployed councils, etc, The real, energetic and system- atic mass work must be developed for the realization of the demands. The demands must be raised primarily by the group directly in the shop through an individual approach of work- ers, discussions at lunch hours, etc.; suitable stickers with the demands pasted throughout the shop, as well as painting the demands on the wall; leaflets not only in English but also in the decisive languages in the shop dealing with the demands from various angles; shop paper; factory gate meetings, etc. Articles should be written for the Daily Worker and especially for the Labor Unity and the official organ of the respective union, raising the demands. A suf- ficient quantity of the issues in which the ar- ticle appears must be sold and distributed in front of the shop. House to house visiting of the workers can not be minimized in this respect. Must Fight Opportunism. But here we must also guard ourselves care- fully against merely becoming the Party of “im- mediate demands” and losing the sight of our revolutionary aim, that is, abolishment of capi- talism. Out of these immediate demands and struggles we must develop struggles on a higher plan, politicalizing even smallest demands and struggles of the workers. In other words the struggle for immediate demands must be con- cretely linked up with our general program, not by transforming the general program into im- mediate demands at the present stage of devel- opment, and thus drowning the immediate de- mands, as it, was the case formerly, but by pre- paring the workers through these partial de- mands and struggles for a more decisive strug- gle on a broader scale and for the higher de- mands. Of course, not losing the sight of win- ning the struggles for the partial demands. And in this way will we reach the stage where our ultimate aim, the dictatorship of proletariat, will become the immediate demand. TODAY IN WORKERS’ HISTORY December 20, 1905—General strike began, in Moscow. 1918—Printing plant of Berlin “Vor- waerts,” Social Democratic daily, seized by revolutionary leaders. 1920—Wages of 100,000 textile workers in Rhode Island reduced 2214 per cent, Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. 8. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name AGALCSS .sccccccecsscsscccsecsecscssssscosevooes CHY ...ssceccccrccesccccenees State’ .seseessees Occupation ...csseorcccseeerssseress AGO socees -Mail this to the Central Offce, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y¥. Preece rrr ‘i naga Sa FIGHT AGAINST ALL RESTRICTIONS ON THE FOREIGN-BORN WORKERS By EARL BROWDER, The Committee for the Protection of the For- eign-Born, in their statement published in the Daily Worker of December 17, made two errors in an otherwise good program. In opposing the restrictions “since July 1, 1929 ... and any fur- ther restrictions that may be proposed” they for- got to add the demand for the complete aboli- tion of all restrictions. In making partial de- mands it is inadmissable to formulate them in such a way that the interpretation could be made that we abandon the larger demands. Certainly the Foreign-Born Council does not, for a moment, abandon its fight against all restric- tions and discriminations. The second error was in the formulation of point (e) “to abolish the exclusion of Chinese, Japanese, and Hindus”. This perfectly correct demand was spoiled by adding the demand that they be “placed on the same basis as other na- tionalities.” (The word “quota” inserted there was without the Knowledge of the Committee, I am informed). This is absolutely wrong. Just because others are discriminated against, we can- not demand the same discriminations be applied to Asiatics in place of worse discriminations. That is like opposing the death penalty for “dangerous thoughts” by ourselves demanding instead ten years prison sentence, as was pro- posed once by some Japanese workers. We can- not demand a smaller oppression in place of a larger one; we fight against every oppression and discrimination, small and large. We are sure the Committee for Protection of the For- eign-Born will correct these errors. THE FIGHT AGAINST WHITE CHAUVINISM By WM. SCHNEIDERMAN. The Plenum of the Central’ Committee did much to clarify the line of the Party on our work among Negroes. One of the chief obstacles to carrying out that line is the white-chauvinist tendencies which still persist in the ranks of the Party or so-called revolutionary organizations which support the Party. To eradicate them will require a persistent ideological campaign in order to root out these bourgeois tendencies. A recent incident which occurred in Springfield, District No. 15, reveals the necessity of this ide- ological campaign. A small local of the American Negro Labor Con- gress (now the League of Struggle for Negro Rights) had been built up, and an excellent start made in reaching the Negro workers by a successful mass meeting at which Comrade Newton spoke. As long as the local comrades talked in the abstract about organizing the Ne- gro workers, they had the full sympathy of the left-wing organizations in Springfield. But when Negro workers actually began to come to meet- ings at the Victory Hall, the left wing head- quarters, and ‘to attend dances given there, the petty-bourgeois prejudices of some of the Party’s sympathizers began to come out in the open. At a recent dance given by the Women’s Council, a few Negroes attended. Some of the members of the Women’s Council objected to Negroes mingling with other workers at this dance, and even threatened to withdraw their children from the Jewish School, if Negroes would continue to be admitted to meetings at thig hall. The objections were raised by petty- bourgeois women who considered themselves as good “revolutionists”. The Party opened up a sharp fight against these expressions, and took steps to call a special meeting of the Women’s Council to discuss the line of the Party on the Negro question, Any elements who will persist in raising this issue ™must be mercilessly exposed. If the Party will have to choose between admitting Negro work- ers to a hall belonging to workers’ organizations, or surrender to the petty-bourgeois prejudices of these “sympathizers”, we will choose the Ne- gro workers. We call upon the working class members of the Women’s Council, the Interna- tional Labor Defense and all other worke*s’ or- ganizations in Springfield to support the line of the Party and help destroy white-chauvinism, NEWS ITEM: Hoover Plans $500,000,000 Aid tc Unemployed ‘ By BURCK Why the Five-Year Plan? By G. T. GRINKO Commissar of Finance, U.S.S.R. [Y, it may be asked, is the Five-Year Plan necessary at all? It is a matter of common knowledge that the preparatory work on the Plan went on for almost three years before it was considered possible to submit a draft to the XVI Conference of the Communist Party and the V All-Union Congress of Soviets. The need for planning over a long perioc of time grew ever more urgent as the end of the rehabilitation period drew nearer and the Soviet Union was ready to start on the road of the radical recon- struction of its national economy—toward’ new construction on an ever larger and more ex- tensive scale. Huge projects of power plants, factories, mills, state and collective farms, de- manding several years for their execution, the great radical transformation of the very founda- tions of the economic and cultural life of the country, could not possibly be put within the limits of such a single year’s plan as is supplied by the annual control figures. Before the U. S. S. R., now past its pre-war levél, arose in its full significance the question of the general course of its economic policy and its economic development. The interval between the XIV and tie XV Congresses of the Communist Party, 1925 to 1927, was a period of intense ideolggical work and struggle, entered around the question of the general line of the economic develop- ment of the country. It was during this period that the idea of the socialist industrialization of the country as the general course of economic policy, found such a ready response. During the same period the work on the Five-Year Plan was started. it might legitimately be asked, why just five years were chosen as the time basis for the planning of the economic development of the next period. Many were of the opinion that such a period does not answer the purpose and that it is necessary to start at once on the drafting of a general plan covering a period of, say, fifteen years of radical construction and gigantic new construction in ‘the field of econ- omics and culture in the U.S. S, R. It cannot be denied that this claim has a certain amount of reason and logic to back it. A period of five years certainly does not provide a frame- work large enough for the elaboration and solu- tion of tasks of such magnitude as those which the Soviet Union faces. Nevertheless, it was necessary to forego the iceu of proceeding im- mediately to the compilation of such a general plan and to recognize that as a transition stage the planning work had t. be limited to the this decision will easily be appreciated. It should be remembered that a profound transformation is taking ‘place in the Soviet national economy. The rehabiliation period was only recently completed; the period of new construction has only just been started. The gigantic problems of this new period, its poten- tialities, as well as its immense difficulties, are only now beginning to be realized; they do not as yet appear with sufficient clarity. The years immediately alfead of us will be marked by the tasks and difficulties of the new construction | period. Before sufficient experience has been ac- cumulated, before thr has bn an opportunity to larn from practical exxperience the condi- | tions and possibilities of the reconstruction period, before the size and character of the dif- | ficulties besetting it can possibly be gauged, or | its potentialities fully realized, it would have | been unwise, shortsighted and mistaken to at- | @ general, a fifteen-year plan for the develop- tempt to present to the country and the «world ment of the national economy of the Soviet Union, a plan which could not possibly be: any- thing else than a program for the building of a fully developed socialist society. For such a task the economic, social and political experience gained during the reconstruction period ‘ is needed. When the Five-Year Plan was drawn. the planning organization of the U. S. S. R. still depended practically entirely on the meth- odology developed during the rehabiliation period. It is for this reason that the Soviet Union, adopted a plan of econome and cultural development as a program of socialist construc- tion for the immediate five years, to serve as @ great introduction to the general plan for building a socialist society in the U. S. S. R. s 8 8 From The Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union, by G. T. Grunko, one of the original collaborators on the Five-Year Plan of So- cialist industrialization, a complete account of the Plan, containing the first two years of its operation and a political estimate of its place in world economy. By special arrangement with Interna- tional Publishers, this $2 book FREE WITH THE DAILY WORKER FOR ONE YEAR, $8 in Manhattan and Bronx, $6 outside New York. Rush your subscription . to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York. Mention this offer. Building the Worcorr Movement By CHARLES BLANK. 0” OCTOBER FIFTH this year a group of. Worker Correspondents of New York and vicinity gathered to lay an organizational basis: for the workers correspondence movement in the USA. Workers from various trades and organiza- tions were present and discussed the problem on how to interest as many workers as possible to write and report for the workers’ press. Prac- tical suggestions were made.to this effect. An executive committee was elected that met imme- diately after the conference, and worked out a plan of activity. The committee decided that the name of the organization shall be the “Work- ers Correspondence League” or “Worcorrs.” Held Second Conference. On November 30th, exactly 8 weeks after the first conference, a second conference of the New York “WORCORRS” took place, In spite of the fact that we could not get any publicity from our revolutionary press (with the exception of the Daily Worker) the meeting was well attended. The report of the secretary dealt with the re- sults achieved during the few weeks of the Leagues’ existence. that short period contacts have been made with 300 worker corres- pondents. All correspondence received is being given personal attention and letters written to them pointing out to them in they shall improve their writings. are that the letters received “WORCORRS” are much improved. Special at- tention is being paid in organizing city groups all over the country. Such groups are now be- ing. formed in many places. Functioning groups have been organized in Cleveland and in Sacra- mento, California. International contacts has been made with the International Correspond- ence Buro in Moscow and with the leading news- papers in the Soviet Union. The “WORCORRS” issued already 3 bulletins during the period of its existence. Directives and advice is being given in the bulletin on how and what to write about. To Hold Contest, Discussion from the floor followed with most. of the delegates participating. The discussion again affirmed the fact that an active Work- ers Correspondence movement is much needed now as ever before, Also that the Workers Correspondence League “WORCORRS” although organized and run by the “Worcorrs” themselves is here to stay because it takes its work seri- ously. In the discussion was also pointed .out the role that the Worcorrs are playing at pres- ent in the Soviet Union. During the last year their number grew from 500,000 to 1,500,000 and that they are playing a leading role in building socialism. It was the WORCORRS Red Triangle of Putilov factory that first issued the slogan to accomplish “the five year plan in four years,” . The “WORCORRS” are now having a contest based on city groups. The group that will send in during the next six months the best and the most important correspondence will choose a : drafting of the Five-Year Plan. The reasons for | Redgate ||. By JORGE cece! Danville The N. Y. Times of ‘Dec. 12 tells us that times are getting hard down in Virginia, too. In fact it says: “The maintenance of special police has cut deeply into the city treasury, and there were reports today that various services would have to be curtailed.” Did they mean that police service against the strikers would also be “curtailed”? Never! The capitalists will shut the schools, close the hos- pitals and let sanitation go hang—but never will they part with the police. That is, not until the workers take over the works. The A. F, of L. “leaders” down in Danville are objecting to what they call the “needless” cruelty of the company evicting the strikers at Christe mas time. If the company has any necessary cruelty, why shouldn’t it use that? They do not object, of course, to evictions at any other time but Christmas. It is much nfcer, in fact, it is a joy to be evicted on Thanksgiving, or Yom Kippur, or the Fourth of July! ee oe Signs of the Times The N. Y. World is beginning a series of ar- ticles about the evil of convict labor in—where do you suppose?—in the Soviet Union! Of course it will be the point of all this to show that Mattie Woll and Mr. Fish are correct about “Soviet dumping of goods made by convict labor.” Unfortunately, the World forgot about making a series of articles about the dumping of prison and convict made goods here. It forgot even that in its own columns in an obscure corner of an inside page on Dec. 7, it, the World itself, said: “Wilmineston, Delaware, now has a peculiar prison labor problem. In that city is located the state penitentiary where automobiles have been re-finished for all and sundry at prices which garage men and others cannot hope to meet.” Incidentally, the N. Y. Times’ recent editorial “explaining” all about how “natural” it is for the oldest capitalist newspaper in Cincinnati to be “merged” with another one, was speaking by way of example to explain that the N. Y. World, which is going bust, is to be taken over by the Times, although perhaps operated separately to abide by old Pulitzer’s will. Mr. Fish has complained that the World hasn’t treated him right, so perhaps this series on convict labor in the Soviet Union is one of the “signs of the Times.” 7 8 L. A:—We Can’t Believe it! .* A workers in Los Angeles sends us a letter, pointing out in indignant language that in Los Angeles “Record” there is being run a usual charity swindle by “Cynthia Grey,” who asks for contributions to a “Christmas Fund” for the “children of the needy.” What made him indignant was shown by a clipping from the L. A. Record which he en- closed with his letter. The clipping is not dated but we see with our own eyes listed among a long string of contributors to this miserable skinflint charity “fund”: “A Woman Communist”—For your Christmas $2.00 ‘ Then further, way down the list: “Communist Woman”,.....$1.00 The worker observes that they are in brilliant company, with Mrs. Doheny and Cecil DeMille alongside, and acidly inquires whether “support- ing the Party’s own paper does not occur to these so-called Communists.” Well, it looks pretty thick all right, and if true would certainly deserve the limit. But we are a suspicious devil, if we may mix language a little—as we don’t wish to be too many devils. And we don’t believe what we see in capitalist papers. ‘That is, we don’t believe that any Communist Party member really sent that money to the miserable capitalist charity. What happened was, we think, that somebody like an “instinc- tive Communist” we heard of recently, send it, and signed it as coming from a Communist. This “instinctive Communist,” we learn is an arty sort. His soul bursts with love for human- ity and all that. He doesn’t have to read Com- munist books. Neither does he join the Party, though he would be pleased to be invited. That is for common workers who lack his ‘instinct.’ Marx and Lenin meah nothing to his young life. He doesn’t have to goto any meetings or listen to any analysis or eyen make pretensions of doing such things. Because, he is an “instinctive Communist.” Actually, of course, he is an instinctive jackass and not a Communist. But who can stop’ him from running around saying that he is? This, we believe, explains the contribution in the L.A. “Record.” Ah, Those Cruel Russians! A dispatch from Niagra Falls, New York, tells of a poor worker who was found unconscious in his rooming house. His name, Ralph Geist, of 317 Main Street. Occupants of the house took him to his room—but let the dispatch speak: “He remained unconscious there for three days before the case was called to the attention of Louis Elmer, commissioner of charities, and the man was taken to St. Mary’s hospital. Police said their investigation showed that several phy- sicians had been called by occupants of the rooming house, but they refused to attend Geist because the man had.no money. He is still un- conscious, Police believe Geist may have been injured in a, fall.” “Because the man had no money”—he can die for all that doctors care—under a system where doctors get paid-for keeping workers sick and not keeping them well, as in that “barbor- ous” land of the Soviets—where doctors are em- ployees of the government, paid a comfortable salary to keep workers well. There, in the Soviet Union, a worker, at the first sign of illness, is given attention without cost, and his pay goes on, and his job is secure as long as the doctor certifies that he is sick. But Geist was in the United States, a “civilized” capitalist country! — — delegate to attend thé conference of the Soviet Union WORCORRS that will be held sometime in 1931, > The New York WORCORRS group will meet e.ery month, while’ the executive committee meets every first and third Saturday. All work- ers interested in the WORCORRS movement or who wish to receive our bulletin should write to the “WORCORRS”, 50 E, 13th St. M. ¥. ©. st lan thee iat ai Pate? veer See