The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 16, 1930, Page 4

¥ F at " Father dejectedly that Sacco and Vanzetti are Page Four 13th Street, Published by the Comprodaily New, York City, Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Publishing Co., Inen, dafly, Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: except ‘Suntay, at 50 East “DAIWORK." SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3: two months, 1; excepting Boroughs ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. ~INCURABLE. FAITH By MAX BEDACHT,. T= other day, Mr. Arthur Garfield Hayes, in statement for the Civil Liberties Union, Geclared his “incurable belief” in civil liberties. Despite this belief, however, he had to admit dead and that even the most intense faith in Civil liberties cannot bring them back to life. But, continued Mr. Hayes, hopefully, Billings nd Mooney are still alive—and while they are, ‘we, (the Civil Liberties Union), will go on de- manding their freedom. I will say nothing here about the, to say the least, peculiarity, that Mr. Norman Thomas and other prominent socialists as members of the Civil Liberties Union demand today the release of Mooney in the name of civil liberties, while in 1916 the socialist party of California volun- tarily and enthusiastically made itself a tool of the frame-up which brought Mooney and Bill- ings onto the steps of the scaffold. Here I will deal with the “incurable beliefs” of the Civil Liberties Union. Sacco and Vanzetti are dead. Even the wor- shippers at the shrine of civil liberties have to admit that. But they do not admit that these two victims of capitalist justice died because the paralyzing influence of an incurable faith in the imaginary deity of civil liberties prevented an effective use of the only weapon that could have Saved them: the weapon of the class force of the American workers. Worship for the myth of civil liberties alone could produce the deadly hope that a formal and legalistic appeal against the intended murders of Sacco and Vanzetti to the determined murderers, could save the vic- tims. Every leading capitalist government insti- tution of Massachusetts and the federal govern- tment were a party to the frame-up against Sacco and Vanzetti. There was no room for Jegal appeal against the frame-up—except an ap- peal to the framers. Only the fist of the work- ing. class could have supplied the necessary power to enforce such an appeal, and, inciden- tally, enforce the will of the masses that Sacco and Vanzetti shall not die. But the worshippers ef civil liberties, the philosophical anarchists and the anarchaic philosophers, busily wept, whis- ered, advised and shouted to the working class: Do not clench your fist; it might prejudice capitalist) justice. Incurable belief this is, in- deed, in “justice” and in “civil liberties.” It is the kind of a belief that is only explainable by dusty and cob-webbed brains or by sinister @esigns. Which is it, gentlemen of the Civil Liberties Dnion? Mooney and Billings are still living, says Mr. Hayes, therefore the demand for their release ean be continued. We beg to doubt the cor- rectness of Mr. Hayes’ formulation. We are convinced that Mr. Hayes did not set out to say that the Civil Liberties Union is happy to be still able to fight for Mooney’s release, but rather that it is happy to be still able (because of the continued life of Mooney) to feed to the American working class the poisonous virus of faith in civil liberties and capitalist justice, thereby preventing it from dealing with Amer- ican (capitalist) justice as it deserves. Are we justified in this assertion? Let us see. ‘Tom Mooney is still alive; but he is not alive because of any civil liberties or of any justice, but because in 1917, the collective fist of the revolutionary workers of Petrograd came crash- ing through the windows of the American Em- bassy to. back up the demand of the militant workers of the world that Mooney shall not die. Although the faithful worshippers of civil lib- erties in America paralyzed the intended action of the American workers in behalf of Mooney and Billings, yet the international situation then, gave to the fist of the Petrograd workers the necessary power to stay the hand of the executioner. Though Mooney is still alive to- day and affords the worshippers of civil liberties a chance to protest their undying faith in it, yet they surely cannot claim that it was their faith that savetl Mooney from the gallows. In the face of this, to continue an incurable belief in civil liberties is the sign of either dusty and cob-webbed brains or of sinister designs. Which is it, gentlemen? A few years ago, the U. S. Supreme Court de- cided a question of free speech in the case of anti-war speeches. Thé enlightened gentlemen of the highest judiciary institution of American capitalism then declared that there must surely be a limit’ to free speech. Otherwise, even the murderous intent of the fiend would go un- punished who in a crowded theatre shouts “Fire!” The gentlemen of the Supreme Court were not concerned with the fact that the op- ponents of war had not shouted “Fire!” in a crowded theatre; nor was the Supreme Court concerned with the fact that if any analogy could be drawn between that example and the case in hand, the revolutionary opponents of war not only had not shouted “Fire!” but on the contrary, had pointed out to the workers that the evident fire (war) had been caused by profit-hungry incendiaries, and that it was the duty of the workers to fight and defeat these capitalist incendiaries. However, regardless of this fact, the Supreme Court of the U. S., as one of the bullies of capitalism in truly capi- | talist manner and in its name, shot its fist into the eyes of reason and declared: “My profit interests are the supreme law, end all those who do not serve my interests, are commanded to shut up!” In the face of such “acts, to maiiitain in- curable faith in civil liberties stamps this faith as the outgrowth of either dusty or cob-webbed brains or of sinister designs. Which is it, gentlemen of the Civil Liberties Union? Only organic or willful blindness can deny the fact that the courts are not institutions to guard the so-called rights of the people, civil liberties, but are instruments to defend the interests of | the capitalist class. The only fundamental law American capitalist courts ever recognized and always enforce, is the inviolable right of the capitalists to make profits out of the misery of the masses. Anything colliding with this prin- ciple is unconstitutional. Only within the boun- dary lines of this principle are there any “civil liberties”; they are the liberties of the capitalist class. But any speeth, any article, any action and even any thought which jumps over the boundary lines of this principle and dares to challenge it is no longer recognized as an exer- cise of civil liberties, but is treated as high trea- son to capitalism. The recognition by the work- ers of this undeniable fact is the necessary pre- requisite for the solution of the problems of the working class. The “incurable belief” in civil liberties of our “liberals” is an effort, willful or otherwise, to maintain in the working masses the illusion of “equal rights” and thus to prevent them from combatting and defeating capitalist rule. Some future articles will= subject capitalist justice and civil liberties in America to a more detailed examination on the basis of facts and records of the courts. By this we do not wish to cause the faithful worshippers of civil lib- erties in the Civil Liberties Union to go through the painful process of re-examining their faith, but to render immune to the poison of this faith, the minds of those workers whom we can reach. Against the Right-“Left” Factionalists Central Committee, Communist Party of U. S. A.) Political Bureau of fthe CC CPUSA, tak- ~ ing note of the appearance of an opposition ‘m the CPSU, directed against the Party and its ‘Central Committee, comprised of the right frac- tion of Comrade Syrtzov, and the semi-Trotsky- ‘ist fraction headed by Comrade Lominadze, an opposition bloc which has been condemned by the leading organs of the CPSU, reclares its condmnation of the opposition factionalists ‘who wish to disturb the unity of the Party in the moment when the working class of the So- -viet Union, under the leadership of the Party and its Leninist Central Committee, is success- fully overcoming the difficulties of Socialist ‘Construction, liquidating the remnants of the class enemy within the Soviet Union and at a Moment of intensified imperialist preparations for war against the Soviet Union. The political content of the line of the Syrtzov- Lominadze group is to discredit the main slogans of the Party for the rapid tempo of industrializa- tion, for socialist transformation of agriculture, ffor the liquidation of the kulaks as a class, and, ‘speculating upon the difficulties of the present Resolution of _ period, it repeats the Trotskyist and right op- slanders, This grouping upon one plat- form of right and “left” oppositionists is another of the many unprincipled attempts for joint struggle against the correct bolshevist line by the right opportunists together with the Trotskyists and semi-Trotskyists which is an international It is of the same nature as the of the Lovestone and Cannon groups in the U. S. for joint struggle against the CPUSA. The fact that such right-leftist blocs are al- "ways formed upon the slogans of the right op- portunists is a further proof of the correctness _ of the Comintern statement that the right dan- ger is the main danger in the Party. The un- principled attempts of, the Lominadze group to develop the struggle cover Of formal ac- ay ae eee ts essentially opportunist character. Bureau of the ©. C. of the the statement of Comrade Buch- that Comrade Bukharin after long silence has repudiated his main errors, condemnation of the Love- U. 8. A. as “an anti-Com- against all opposition, open and concealed, to that line. The answer to the slogans of the right wing opposition and the newly formed “left-right” bloc, in face of the growing intervention moves of the world bourgeoisie, is the line of the Cen- tral Committee of the CPSU as expressed by Comrade Stalin: “In order to crush’ the resis- tance of the class enemies and to overcome the difficulties—there exists only one method—to organize the offensive along the entire front against the capitalist elements, to isolate the opportunist elements in our own ranks, those who interfere with our offensive, who run in panic from one extreme to the other and bring into the Party lack of confidence in our victory.” The Political Burenu of the CC CPUSA ap- proves the organizational steps taken by the CPSU against the unprincipled factional opposi- tion, and calls upon all members of the CPUSA to energetically struggle against all similar ten- dencies which may appear in our Party. We express our firm conviction that the entire Com- intern will resist with the greatest vigilance all factional elements who'are under the inspira- tion of the petty bourgeoisie and of the class enemies of the workers, and that all oppositional. tendencies directed against the correct bolshevist line of the Comintern and of the CC CPSU will be ruthlessly liquidated. Warning Against-Spies and Unreliable Elements ‘The Central Control Commission of the Com- munist Party of U. S. A. warns all Party sub- divisions and units, as also all workers’ organ- izations and institutions, against the following spies and unreliable elements: M. R. Bacon: A spy; about 5 feet 7 inches tall, slim, blond hair, blue eyes, finely chiseled nose, thin lips, has a jerky walk and a habit of sniffing with his nose, high-power salesman’s line of talk. Came out openly as a stool pigeon after the September arrests in Portland, Ore. John E. Harris: A spy; about 5 feet 412 tall, stocky, dark hair and eyes, round face, of motion; he has’ very noticeable leering eyes, with bags under them. 7 By SAM DON Bismark once blurted out the truth. He said: “They never lie so much as on the eve of war.” The old German Chancellor certainly spoke the truth and to -bring-his remark up to date, we will say: Since the old type wars were a mere plaything in comparison with the coming wars, lying, on the part of the imperialist governments and their capitalist statesmen, has increased enormously, perticularly in the method and technique. The active war preparations of the leading im- perialist powers against the Soviet Union, are accompanied by the most vicious slaridering. campaigns against the Five-Year Plan. No won- der. The success of the Five-Year Plan as de- monstrated, in the first two years of its existence, most clearly brings out the growing well-being of the masses in the Soviet Union as against the growing misery of the toiling. masses in the capi- talist countries; the growing decay of world capi- talism as against the growing superiority of the Socialist system of production. The trial of the eight counter-revolutionists exposed before the whole world the intervention schemes and war preparations of all the leading imperialist powers, chief among them, France. The trial also brought out some of the “difficul- ties” confronting the imperialist powers. in carry- ing through their war plans. At first, they had. to postpone their original date of intervention, which was 1928, to 1930, and finally, to 1931. The fear that war against the Soviet Union will mean vil war in the imperialist countries, and par- ticularly the fear before the toiling masses of the Soviet Union compelled them to postpone the orignal date. But precisely the success of the Five-Year Plan hastened the war perparations and 1931 was set as the real date of intervention and war against the Soviet Union. The trial has exposed the war preparations of the French government to the minutest detail, with Poincare and Briand as the chief sponsors of intervention. The imperialist governments consider therefore the arrest, the trial and the confession of the counter-revolutionists as a serious blow in unmasking their war plans against the Soviet Union. the capitalist press therefore tries very hard to declare the trial a farce, etc. Particularly dé the leading capi- talist interventionists attempt through denials to cover up their role in the war preparations and return to Chicago was taken under investiga- inches | tion and found to have attended confidential slow | meetings without invitation, etc.; then he dis- | A. Rodriguez: Was exposed as a spy .in. the. Came out openly as a stool pigeon after he spring of 1929, in Pittsburgh; in line with his had been closeted with the Fish Committee in Seattle, Wash. i previous methods of shameless deception, he sent an appeal to the Control Commission of the Comintern claiming that he was expelled ‘for factional reasons; on receipt of all the materials Erie, Pa., under suspicious circumstances; on~ Dangerous Liars their future steps for war against the Soviet Union. Thus we see that Poincare and Briand immediately issued statements of denial that they ever had anything to do with the interven- tion schemes. Poincare felt compelled to write an article in which he, while attempting to deny the confessions of the counter-revolutionists, at the same time, proves the war preparations of the French government in the very same article. The trial very clearly exposed the role of the French General Staff. Even before the trial the journeys of the various French generals to Poland and the other Baltic countries to unify the war attacks against the Soviet Union are well known. But in the above mentioned article, Poincare says the following: “Just think of it! What insolence to accuse such a peaceful (!) institution as the French General Staff of developing preparation plans for intervention.” Now really, of all the institu- tions in the world, the French General Staff, is surely the most “peaceful” one.... The very statement of Poincare with respect to.the Gen- eral Staff was made because of the well estab- lished facts of the war prepayations of the French General Staff under the guidance. of Poincare and Briand. In the very same article, Mr. Poincare states: “There can be no peace with Germany which aims to free itself from the Versailles Treaty and with the SOVIET UNION WHICH BUILD: SOCIALISM.” . Precisely the building and growth of Social- ism in the Soviet Union through the success- ful carrying out of the Five-Year Plan explains the war preparations of all the leading imperial- ist powers with’ France at the head. Mr. Briand was actually “shocked” when he was exposed by the defendants themselves as a leading sinister figure in the war preparations. How could he, the most accomplished bourgeois diplomat, be accused of it—Mr. Briand, who is known for carrying through the dirtiest diplo- matic ~deals with the most friendly gesture, sweetest smile, and noble phrases? In face of the exposures which could not be denied or evaded, he declared that the relations of the French Government with the Soviet Union are “normal and correct.” Quite right. For an im- Pperialist government. Such denials and lies must. have even “shocked” the “scientific-minded” and “intellectually honest,” noble figure of Mr. Ram- zin, who was compelled to declare at the trial that “The French government is the chief in- spirer of intervention and is the center of the struggle against the Soviet Union. It bears the chief blame for the next war.” Answer that, Mr. Briand and Poincare! While the French government undoubtedly has taken and is still taking the active organ- izing role for war against the Soviet Union, the British and American governments and capital- ist statesmen are not “lagging” much behind the anti-Soviet war preparations. The role of De- terding, Churchill, was quite well established at the trial. Mr. Deterding is the most “innocent” and “peace-loving” capitalist in the world. Upon the report of his role as exposed’ in the trial, he made Sunday school speeches in which he de- clared that while his heart goes out to the “suf- fering” masses in the Soviet Union, he will not raise a finger against the Soviet Union. Why, even “honest” and simple-minded Coolidge wouldn't believe that. But Churchill was taken by surprise. The New York Times reported that when. the first news of the arrest and exposure was brought to Mr. Churchill, he declared, “I only had a passing interest in the affairs of the Soviet Union.” But let us see what is that “passing jinterest” of Mr. Churchill... In his “The World Crisis, The Aftermath,” which was published in 1929, he said the following: . i “The intervention (against the Soviet Union) left practical results... . The Bolsheviks in the: Today in Workers’ History December 16, 1633—Oliver Cromwell appoint- ed protector of England after successful rev- olution against monarchy. 1773—‘Boston Tea Party”—citizens of Boston three overboard tea from England bearing tax which they resented. 1838—Dingaan, South African native chief, lost decisive battle against invading English land stealers. 1871—Louise Michel, woman leader in Paris Commune, banished from France. 1918—First congress of German Work- ers’ and Soldiers’ Councils met in Berlin. 1927 Hundreds of Chinese and Russian Commu- nists killed in Canton uprising. don was ‘stretched against Bolshevik infec- tions. .°. .” Thus, we see the nature of the “passing in- terest” of Mr. Churchill, We already spoke above of the leading or- ganizing role of France and the fact that the United States is not lagging much ‘behind. Hoover in his recent message to Congress spoke against “The methods of sale by Russia of her increasing agricultural exports to Euro- pean markets.” Under the slogan of fight against “dumping” of Soviet’ goods, there is an open war declara- tion against the Soviet Union.. The. recent state- ment of Stimson against recognizing the Soviet Union, the Fish Investigation Committee, the subsidies of American industrialists to the counter-revolutionists as brought out at the trial, and the various statements of leading cabinet -members, bring out very clearly the war prep- arations of the United States against the So- viet. Union. ‘Three cabinet members, Wilbur, secretary of interior; Hurley, war secretary, and Hyde,. sec- retary of agriculture, within the month of Oc- tober, made vicious war statements against the Soviet Union. We will quote one of those state- ments which is characteristic of the Hoover ad- ministration. Wilbur, in 4 speech at Madison, Wisconsin, on October 8th said: “One of the great peoples of the earth is de- liberately trying to work out large social and economic programs for the mastery of its vast terrain along new and untried lines. Our eco- nomic, social and political philosophies inevi- tably must wage a gigantic and fundamental struggle with theirs.” (My emphasis—s. D.) Certainly there is not a shading of a differ- ence between Wilbur’s statement and the state- ment of Poincare that “there can be no peace with the Soviet Union which is building -So- cialism.” And Matthew Woll echoes his master’s voice -by saying: “There is in that regime something which makes it impossible for our nation to hold with that regime the relations common to friendly governments.” The trial has exposed beyond the ‘shadow of a doubt the war preparations against the So- viet Union. The success of the Five Year Plan and the exposures at the trial have intensified the fear and despair of the leading imperialist powers and the growing war preparations against the Soviet Union. The eventuality of Poincare becoming the Premier of France in face of the exposures at the trial shows very clearly how vicious and desperate the imperialist world is against the Soviet Union. f The Soviet Union stands for. peace. anxious to carry through its Five Year Plan of socialist construction. But at the same time, now more than ever before, the Soviet Union is ready to repulse any attack against it. Every war declaration, every inst the Soviet Union RSAC ARR ESR COONAN AT ecfomte By JORGE eeepc A Tale of Two Lands Once upon a time there was a country so powerful that it felt sorry for the people living in another country, because they were so very unfortunate, So, in this strong country, which we will call “A,” the papers were filled with lamentations over the conditions in the other country, which we will call “R.” Daily, there were columns by the highest paid writers to show how miserable the workers of “R” were, where nobody was allowed to sell ap- ples on the street comers and everybody had a job at union wages, and labor was forced; yes, sir! forced to work no longer. than. seven: hours a day, and compelled to rest every fifth day. In that miserable country “R,” sick workers were also compelled to accept free medical treat- ment and vacations with pay, sometimes even forced tg do absolutely nothing but rest and lay about and eat and bathe at summer resorts or in the mountains. An awful country where | everybody able to work was supposed to, and capitalists were as scarce as hens’ teeth. THe journalists in country “A” shed many tears and barrels of ink over country “R,” tell- ing how the government of “R” was expected to “fall,” because it was hated by the masses for running their capitalists and landlords ragged and actually killing a real emperor (especially when emperors were so scarce, thus sharpen< ing the emperor shortage). In addition, the papers in country “A” told often and in great detail how “extremely shaky” -was the government of “R” because, said the wise men of “A,” the financial system of “R” is “terribly inflated.” It was “sure to crumble” and, of course, “soon.” These wise men could hardly conceal their “sorrow.” ‘True, in “A” things were “temporarily” not so good. The stupid workers who had no jobs simply refused to buy things the stores were full of, even when a Great Engineer who didn’t know an engine from a hand-car told them it was all “psychological” and that in “sixty days” they would forget it. “Here,” said the wise men, “things are basically sound. Our banking system is crisis proof and there is no real depression. Look at the money in the banks! The fool workers are sitting on their savings and not speriding. What we must do is start a ‘Buy Now’ campaign.” So they did. But when the workers went to the banks to get their savings out to ‘Buy Now,’ they found a sign on the door and a bunch of cops to chase ’em away. In the“papers they read that some other bankers were so kind-hearted that they would lend the workers with deposits 50 per cent of what they had in the banks, if the workers would promise to pay it back with five per cent interest. Such magnanimity was touching. And after making as much of ‘this as possible, the papers were thankful that they had scandal stories about how weak the finances of “R” were, so they could play this up and make believe that everything was alright in “A.” ae * Mulrooney Becomes Pathetic “No one but a policeman can comprehend the feeling of shame and humiliation which has stirred the minds of the 19,000 men of the force as a result of the charges that some plainclothes men have been taking dirty money.” Yep! Not being a cpp, and never wishing to be one, we can’t comprehend. But we can compre- hend why Mulrooney gets off such horse-radish. In addition, maybe he would explain how it is that in adding to the above, he tried to make out that only “about one hundred” of his are all in Manhattan, when the same article (in the Telegram) in which he is quoted, says that in Brooklyn and Queens “conditions are reported | to be as bad as they have been shown to be in Manhattan,” and in the Post it is related that Mary Crow, a registered nurse, was framed by the “vice squad” of Brooklyn. So save your money, Mulrooney; that you talk of the cops spending for advertisements in the papers—"to let the public know that they loathe and repudiate crookedness.” Under the circum- stances you might have to pinch yourself for viotating the law against misleading advertise- ments. / ‘ Do It Early! There are ninety-four working class prisoners, we are informed, on the list of the International Labor Defense, which states it is sending them $5 a month, and $20 vo the families of those who have them and are dependent on them. All of which is a good thing and shout be aided, A campaign for winter relief is being made, which also deserves support. But there are two things we object to. One is that this column be constantly sclicited to serve as an advertising medium for this that and the other commendable enterprise. There are too many enterprises, and if we yield to one the whole tribe pours in. The second is, that in the letter from the I. L. D. it is said: “During this great Christmas season, wouldn't it be possible to mention a few words in your columns,” etc. Now what is particularly “great” about this Christmas season, or any other Christ mas season, we fail to comprehend. If the bibli« cal angels at the doorway would “roll away the stone” and free our class brothe*s in prison, then we might fee] cause for ceiebration. “But barring thig, we see no more reason for the I. L. D. to get ecstacies over Christmas than for our Jews ish comrades observing Yom Kippur. This, of course, should not prevent all who can, to do their best to help our class come rades in prison. It is needed, as well we know from having been in prison, not to speak of our fairly bright prospects for going back there ‘ain, * eops were “exposed to real temptation” and these: ' ae - Taking No Chances “Chile” Acuna, the stool pigeon who repented and is showing up some of Mulrooney’s “polite and courteous” cops, is | ng threatened with death “by the underworld” (?), and so “to pros tect his life” Mulrooney has. assigned six police Heutenants to “guard” him day and night. That's what we call sentencing “Chile” to death. Another “precaution.” In order, so Mulrooney says, to “prevent”. any more grafting by his vicious “vice squad,” Mulrooney has assigned a iter aa to watch these other “vice squad” di ' S ‘ The idea is, evidently, that the investigation ranks f to ggg eae