The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 15, 1930, Page 4

Bpblished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc, daily, except Sunday, at 50 East Ygth Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cabi DAIWORK.” AGaress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Ys Daily, Worker By mail everywhere: One year, ef Manhatten and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $6; six months, $3; two months, Foreign: One year, $1; excepting Boroughs $8; ix months, $4.50. NEXT TASKS OF COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. 1. Events since the Seventh Convention of the C.P.U.S.A. have fully confirmed the per- spectives and general line of the Party. This line has further been approved by the E.C.C.I. as being fully in harmony with that of the Comintern. This Plenum of the Central Com- mittee declares its complete agreement with the Resolution of the American Commission adopted by the E.C.C.I. in October, 1930. The weakest link in the chain of our Party work is in the application of this line in daily life. The entire Party must now realize the full meaning of the words of the E.C.C.I. Resolution of October which saic: “The principal weakness of the Party is to be found in the fact that the Party was and remains a gooa propagandist organization which has not understood how to mobilize the masses for struggle for their immediate de- mands and especially for their ecomomic de- mands.” 2. The weakness in making the turn of the Party towards mass work and mass organization is expressed in the entire Party from top to bot- tom. The Party must learn in practice how to transform our correct general slogans into the correct immediate demands of the masses in their daily life. We must solve the seeming con- tradiction between immediate demands and our revolutionary aims and perspective. Such a con- tradiction is a false one and is an exp n of remnants of opportunism as well as of “leftist” sectarianism. Precisely because our Party is the Party of proletarian dictatorship it must be the foremost leader and organizer of masses in the struggle for their daily immediate needs. This struggle in turn can only avoid the swamps of opportunism by being guided in dotail by our revolutionary aims and perspectives. We must concretely show the workers in practice that the road to revolution is at the same ment the only possible way effectively to achicve immediate betterment of their conditions. 3. The weakest point in our work in this respect is in the trade union field. The con- ditions here are positively alarming. In midst of most favorable conditions when the revolutionary movement is registering advances in all other fields we have regression in the trade | union work. The basic roots of this are in the neglect of the immediate demands of the r ers; bad preparation and leadership of si struggles; absolutely insufficient development @f trade union democracy, which must be ex- pressed in widespread participation of Party and non-Party workers in the actual conduct of trade unions from top to bottom; strong remnants of bureaucratic methods taken over from the past (including too many and almost complete reliance upon paid functionaries and not enough voluntary work); lack of disciplined planned work and check up of results; loose organiza- tional practices; insufficient crystallization of authoritative and responsible leading committees with constant close daily connections with the masses. There is at the same time in practice an almost complete neglect of systematic work in the reformist, reactionary trade unions. The entire Party must make a decisive effort to face those weaknesses and overcome them. The ex- periences of the Illinois miners’ strike, jhe Flint auto workers’ strike, the abortive attempts on the Philadelphia water front, and the agricultural the | RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE TWELFTH PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL | | | | employment Insurance Bill which serves as the | general unifying feature of the unemployment vement nationally, and especially slow in em- phasizing the local struggles for relief. This must now be taken up energetically as a major | campaign of the Party. It must be given a broad mass foundation through the development | of State, local and neighborhood movements | which not only mobilize the masses for the Un- | employment Insurance Bill but take up the im- mediate struggle for relief and fight for the | starving masses; for protection against evictions, against the cutting off of gas, water and elec- tricity from homes of unemployed, etc. The local | Unemployed Councils must be active bodies upon | every issue arising out of the daily life of the unemployed workers, and tying up with the struggle of the employed. Special efforts must be made to draw women workers and prolet n | housewives actively into the work of the Un- employed Councils and signature collection com- | and for the formation of units of the Agrarian Workers’ Union and Action Committees of the Poor Farmers. Every district must work out in consultation with our farming contacts concrete programs of demands directed against foreclosures for mort- gage, against oppressive taxation, for local re- lief measures for the poor farmers, against the local ruling cliques of landlords and bankers on | all issues affecting the daily life of the masses. In each locality, especially in the South, we must endeavor to form Teagues of Tenant Farmers and Share Croppers, uniting black and white to- gether. All of this work must result in organ- izational crystalization, in the development of the necessary financial resources for the work, from among the farmers themselves. Every dis- trict must organize committees for the distribu- tion of the farmers’ paper and to secure the re- flection of the local struggles in this paper and furnish financial support to the paper. RED CHINA ADVANCES workers’ strikes, must be thoroughly examined by the entire Party. The lessons of these strug- gles must be made clear in a whole series of articles to be published in the entire Party press and in pamphlet form. The Strassburg Resolu- tion on Strike Strategy must be systematically studied and put into application in all trade union work. The resolutions of the Fifth Con- gress of the R.I.L.U. must be thoroughly popu ized by publication of the decisions and by a séries of popular articles. Revolutionary trade unions and oppositions in the reactionary unions must be built into mass organizations in the next months upon the basis of struggle for im- mediate demands; systematic application of the Profintern directives on the preparations and leadership of strikes; concretizing our general slogan of “Organize and strike against wage cuts and speed-up;” development of trade union de- mocracy; struggle against bureaucratic ten- dencies, the development of realistic, disciplined, planned work and detailed attention to organ- izational tasks. The Trade Union department must work out the concrete directives for the ‘wide-spread organization of grievance commit- tees in the shops, which beginning with the most elementary forms of organized struggle, are de- veloped into shop committees, thereby furnish- ing a solid foundation for the building of the revolutionary trade unions and oppositions in the reformist unions. The building of the revolu- tionary trade union movement is the first task of the Party without which no consolidated progress can be registered toward winning the majority of the working class. While strength- ening the T.U.U.L. Center and completing its transformation into a real trade union central council, the main attention must be concen- trated upont the industrial unions and district organizations, establishing responsible leader- ship, assigning the most effective and reliable comrades, who must lead in the transforma- tion of the whole trade union work onto the basis of mass struggle and mass organization for immediate needs of the masses. District Confer- ences to examine the Trade Union work shall “be organized within six weeks. The improved editing and circulation of Labor Unity must be still further consolidated and the paper made more of a leading and organizing instrument. 4. Another expression of our slowness and in- ability to concretize our general slogans is il- Justrated in our weak and insufficient werk in the shops and the meagre number of shop-nuclei. ‘The Party must intensify and improve its ac- tivities on the basis of concrete issues confront- ing the workers in the shops. Our shop papers must reflect the grievances of the workers in the shops and on these issues organize shop com- mittees of the T.U.U.L. unions at the same time winning the most advanced workers for the Party and organizing them into shop nuclei. The District Committees must work out a plan of systematic concentration on the large plants and assign adequate forces to build up shop commit- tees, issue shop leaflets and shop papers and carefully guide this work. Methods of agitation, contents of literature and formulations of shop » issues must be carefully studied and supervised by the leading Party committees. The District Committees should undertake direct responsi- _ bility for the building of a shop nuclous in some large enterprise. J. The unemployment movement, while regis- tering progress generally, and practically in a districts, is still lagging far behind the ob- tive possibilities. Here too the fundamental has been slowness in concretizing our | demands. The Party center was too slow lc concrete struggle for the Un- | nist Party ha ] the most complete attention to the fusing of COMMITTEE, NOVEMBER 24, 1930. union movement to the mobilization and organ- ization of the working youth for economic strug- gles and the formation of youth sections of the revolutionary unions and for the building of a broad sports movement. The progress registered in the recent National Conference of the Labor Sports Union must be carefully consolidated and made the starting point for a real mass work- ers’ sport organization. 11. One of the most burning questions of the moment for the Party, the revolutionary trade unions and all the revolutionary mass organiza- tions, is the development of new leading forces. Leading comrades in Party and TUUL must give special and personal attention to drawing in new and young comrades for special training for leadership. A centrai point in the solution of this problem must be the energetic carrying through of the plans for a Central full time training school to begin early in 1931 and last for three months. This school must have a By BURCK /30ER 4 mittees. The signature collection campaign for the Unemployed Insurance Bill must at the same time be made the instrument for building local and neighborhood unemployment organizations. The signature collection committees must become organization centers drawing in and putting to work the broadest possible masses who must ac- tively participate in every phase of the struggle. ‘There must be a complete elimination of the old practice of working for paper records which have no solid foundation of work among the masses. Every stage in the development of un- employed movement must register a gain in the | organizational consolidation of our mass contacts. The workers musi be made to understand that only by organizing and fighting can relief be obtained now. They must be shown that only the actions under the leadership of the Commu- e been successful in forcing any sort of relief, even the most inadequate, from the bourgeoisie. Only througu the struggle for immediate demands and through the gaining of partial demands can the Party lead the masses towards the higher stages of the revolutionary struggles. The Party, the revolutionary trade unions and the Unemployed Councils must give the immediate struggles with the further revo- lutionary perspectives. 6. Our program on the Negro question has already begun to give the Party wide ideological influence among the Negro toile In spite of the extreme weakness of this work in the dis- tricts,—in spite of the small degree to which our correct general program has been concretized in local demands, struggles and organization, the results registered in the St. Louis Convention of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights proves that by more energetic systematic work we can register. cnormous advances in this field. It is necessary that the Party leadership in the dis- tricts shall give the most serious attention to this work, at the same time drawing the best elements to our Party from among the Negroes into general Party work and leadership and ac- tivizing larger numbers of white comrades in the work among the Negroes. The tendency of sep- aration of Negro work from the general Party work must be absolutely broken down. The pro- gram of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights must be made a living reality by mobilization of all our forces in its application and the Lib- erator must be given strength, enlarging the cir- culation in every district. The E.C.C.I. resolu- tion on the Negro question must be thoroughly studied and applied by every Party unit. 7. The development of our work among the farmers has been extremely slow. The favor- able conditions for this work have been demon- strated by the development of spontancous struggles of the impoverished farmers in some sections of the country, especially the South, as well as by the big increase in votes gained by the Party in North and South Dakota in the elections. With the Clarification of our basic analysis and program by the adoption of the line of our draft agrarian thesis of the 7th Convention, the Party must now energetically pass on to the concretization of this line in organization and struggle among the farmers. An agrarian Department must immediately be formed which will systematically direct the huile*ng of a mess farmers 'papsr as the weapon of leadership of the impoverished farmers in every district in the country. Each district must charge responsible comrades for developing con- tacts among the farmers and apna hel rs ‘ 8. The offensive of the capitalists against the working class and especially against the revolu- tionary section finds one of its sharpest expres- sions in the proposed legislation against the for- eign born. The response of the foreign born masses to the movement for the protection of foreign born workers has been very satisfactory, but our political and organizational consolida- tion of this movement, especially in the districts, has been entirely inadequate. It is necessary to | develop the struggle for the protection of the foreign born on a local scale and tie up the movement of protest against the proposed fed- | eral legislation with the local and economic issues and with the local organizatipns of for- eign born and native workers, especially with the revolutionary trade unions. Especially must every locality be sharply on the look-out to fight against all efforts to set the native against the foreign born in a struggle for jobs, against local governmental discriminations against the foreign born, against mass dismissals of foreign born workers, against the attempts to set Negroes and foreign born against one another and so on. The fullest cooperation must be given to the Council: for the Protection of Foreign Born. 9. The work of our Party in the colonial coun- tries and among the colonial immigrants in the United States has made a decided improvement in the past months. The Plenum especially greets the resumption of publication of our “Spanish language paper, Vida Obrera, which is not only an organ of leadership of the Latin American immigrants in the United States and their inclusion in the class struggle of this country, but is at the same time a great instru- ment for binding us together with the revolu- tionary workers of Latin America, and ¢ollab- orating with them in the solution of their tasks in the colonial revolution. Much more serious attention must now be given to the building of mass organizations in the United States of these colonial immigrants and binding them together with the revolution- ary trade unions. The districts must make it a first duty to carry out the system of “adoption” whereby each district comes directly in touch with, and gives assistance to the movement in one particular Latin American country. , More attention must be given to the movement for independence in the Philippines which is being led by the revolutionary workers’ and peasants’ organizations. This Plenum sends its warmest, fraternal greetings to all our brother Parties in the colonial countries. 10. The development of the Young Commu- nist League towards mass work, to the carrying out of the line of the Seventh Party Conveniion and of the YCL, has been hampered by the slowness of some leading youth comrades in un- derstanding the line and putting it into prac- tice, In some cases this slowness has been so pronounced as to result in practical sabotage of the carrying through of the program of action. The results that have been achieved where the line has been applied with energy and under- standing have shown a distinct improvement of the YCL and in the youth work generally but this improvement is only the barest beginnings. It is necessary that all passivity and hanging back in the leadership of the youth work shall be thoroughly liquidated in order that the en- tire energies of the still weak leading cadres among the youth can be concentrated upon con- structive work and struggle. Especial attention must be given not only, by the youth comrades but by the entire Party and revolutionary trade minimum of 75 students carefully selected. by ~the districts and approved by the Center, among whom at least 20 per cent must be Negroes, with adequate representation of youth, Latin Amer- ican and women comrades especially selected for trade union training. Systematic attention must be given in the districts to the provision of the- oretical literature for the self-education of active members of the Party and the revolutionary unions. The present situation in which in many districts there is almost complete absence of cir- culation of theoretical journals and books, must be decisively overcome. The Party in the dis- tricts must more effectively make use of our theoretical journal, the Communist, as an in- strument for developing Party cadres. 12. Our Party fractions in the various mass organizations must propose the carrying through of the policy of building up real, functioning memberships, especially. among non-Party masses who can be approached upon their spe- cific interests. Competent organizers must be secured for the districts of the I. L. D. and. other organizations, who will put the membership units of the organizations on a functioning basis and broaden’ the foundation’ of the organizations, Special cooperation must be given by Party and revolutionary trade unions for the development of the International Workers Order and similar working class mutual aid’ societies, not only in building up their foreign language branches, but especially of native American workers. The broadest extention of the mutual aid- societies and the utmost possible consolidation ‘of their forces is one of the primary tasks of this period. 13. The Party activity among working women had made advances, as compared with its pré- vious practical non-existence. The Working Woman has been regularly published and for the first time is now being better distributed in some districts. This beginning, however, is still on the smallest scale, is still entirely inadequate and in some of the most important districts even this small’ beginning is yet to be made. The Working Woman, however, must reflect more definitely the problems and struggles of the women in industry and the distribution of the paper must be systematically organized in the shops and factories. The Party must over- some the tendency’ to look. upon work among women as a separate departmental activity of an inferior nature. The winning of the ever growing masses of working women is an essen- tial part of the whole task of winning the ma- jority of the working class, especially in the basic industries of the country. The women, es- pecially those engaged in the factories and in- cluding proletarian housewives, play a decisive role, The special activities and methods of work necessary to draw them into struggle and or- ganization are the concern of the entire Party and must receive’ much more attention than ever before. i 14, The principal instrument of our Party in its’ mass agitation, education and organization is the Daily Worker. The fact that in spite of the absolutely inadequate attention given to the Daily Worker by the district organizations, our paper has almost doubled its circulation in the. past year is a proof of the favorable situation generally for building the movement and -espe- cially proves the enormous possibilities of ex- tending the Daily Worker circulation by’ ener- “getic and systematic work. Every phase of ac- tivity of every revolutionary organization is sup- ported and carried forward: by the Daily Worker as one of its principal instryments, The non- Party sympathetic workers must be mobilized and organized to extend the circulation of the Daily. The financial support of the Daily and prompt payment for the paper must become the first revolutionary duty of every worker. The districts must absolutely place the Daily Worker circulation upon a basis of prompt payment every week, and the Daily Worker management must enforce this rule. There can be no unpaid circulation of the Daily Worker. The devcloping system of workers’ correspondents must be put upon a more systematic basis, organizing Work- ers’ Correspondence Groups, especially in the localities and must be given more guidance from the Center. The Daily Worker editorial staff must con- sciously set itself the task of making the paper not only the agitator and propagandist, but also the, organizer of the struggles of the workers. The Daily Worker management must develop more systematic planned work and a more re- sponsive apparatus in dealing with the districts. Special care must be taken everywhere to de- velop a delivery and distribution system inde- pendent of the capitalist distribution system. 15. The election campaign of our Party regis- tered the Party's advances and at the same time brought out in sharp relief the Party weak- nesses. The more than doubling of the Party's vote above 1928 was a measure of the advance of our Party politically among the masses as the result of the correction of the Party line, the throwing out and political defeat and isola- tion of the renegade Lovestone and Cannon groups and the increased activity of the Party upon its correct line. These results, however, fall far short of the possibilities inherent in the objective situation and far short of the extent of the Party's mass influence. The greatest weakness of the campaign was in its failure to concretize our program in terms of daily life of the workers in each locality, in each industry, in each neighborhood. The campaign was too ab- stract, too much confined to the broad, sweep- ing general slogans. Tremendous sympathies for our Party were raised among the masses by our general slogans and by. the struggles crystallized around them, but in order that this sympathy should be crystallized in the concrete act of vot- ing for the Communist candidates much more was necessary. Too often our speakers, not only in the street meetings, but even among respon- sible leaders and candidates in the elctions ap- pealed to the workers to vote for the Communist Party only as the Party of proletarian revolu- tion, but neglected entirely immediate daily prob- Jems. As a result these workers applauded for the revolution and for the Communist Party, but voted for the various demagogs of the. three capitalist parties who talked about immediate needs. The workers were not shown sufficiently that a vote for the Communist Party is not only a vote against capitalism but is a most effective act in the struggle for immediate demands. This artificial division, resulting from our poor cam- paign methods, between revolutionary aims and immediate needs was most dramatically ex- pressed in the Minnesota vote, where our candi- date for governor received about 6,000 votes, while our candidate for lieutenant governor re- ceived 15,000 votes. Nine thousand workers split their vote, voting first for the farmer labor can- didate in the mistaken idea that it served their immediate needs and second for the Commu- nist candidate as the expression of their revolu- tionary objectives. Such a situation would be impossible if the Party had in a Bolshevik man- ner combined the immediate needs of the work- ers with its whole pregram. An effective strug- gle against the demagogs of the three capitalist Parties and especially against the socialist party was hampered by this general weakness of our election campaign. This weakness 'was further expressed by the insufficient linking up of all of the campaigns of the Party with the election campaign. The campaign against fhe war danger, for the de- fense of the Soviet Union, for Unemployed In- surance, for the struggle against wage-cuts and speed-ups were not sufficiently made a founda- tion and integral part of the whole election struggle. The election, therefore, which should have been a suraming up of every Phase of working- class struggle, concentration of all our issues and all our forces, was to a large degree developed as a separate isolated campaign. The efforts of the Central Committee to correct. these weak- nesses were themselves not energetic and sharp enough. In the districts and localities. these weaknesses were even more pronounced and in some cases hardly a beginning was made to over- come them. The organizational basis of the campaign was extremely weak. We have not even begun to approach the organization of elec- toral struggles in the same intense and concen- trated fashion that even the capitalist politi- cians display in this field. The failure of the Party to get on the ballot in such a strategic industrial center as Ohio, merely because of lateness and carelessness in approaching this problem is a scandalous ex- ample of the general weakness of the Party in this respect. The Party nationally, in the dis- tricts, and in each locality, must seriously make review of the whole election campaign and its re- sults, examining the methods of work, pointing out the weaknesses and shortcomings and taking steps to eliminate them in all future work. The districts must immediately begin preparations for engaging in the municipal elections to take place in a large number of cities in the spring of 1931. 16. The entire Party must be sharply awak- ened to the fact that it is not yet prepared for the decisive tasks that face it in the coming winter. The economic crisis, which continues to deepen, which has already reached unprece- dented depths, will in the coming months be- gin to register most profound political conse- quences. Mass struggles for bread, for the most Glementary necessities of life, will be on the or- der of the day. Our Party will be able to guide and to organize this mass movement and lead it into revolutionary channels only if it makes the most drastic, self-critical re-examination of every detail of its work and activity and fundamen- tally revises its method of work in its contact with the masses, All abstractness and general- ization which leads us away from the masses and from the concrete mass struggle and or- ganization must be thoroughly done away with. ‘The entire Party must become the unchallenged leader of the daily struggles af the working class for the smallest and most intimate demands and link those up with the general class demands and revolutionary aims, The gap must be closed which now separates the daily life of the work- ers from the revolutionary ainis of our Party. In the development of the political erisis which will grow out of the economic crisis in the United States, the Communist Party has a decisive role , | ident, in demanding that a | and By JORGE emma | Ain’t This Funny? ‘The democrats have been doing a war dance around Hoover “and the republican leaders sat silent.” In fact “the regular leaders slipped out of the Chamber... . Even Vice President Curtis turning over the gavel to the National Chairman of the Republican Party, Simeon D, Fess,” but “Fess hid his head behind a copy of the Congressional Record.” You see, the democrats had just discovered that Hoover had no business, while yet not pres~ arship take him on It really was the tour around South America. a bit®thick for a Quaker. They also found out in a post mortem way, that U. S. Marines, whom the dempcrats con- tend should be used for ich as shooting Nic “constitutional” pur- raguan and Chinese as a work-out for war against the So- viet Union, had been “unconstitutionally” used in doing a lot of chores around Hoover’s Sum- mer Home up in the Virginia hills. So the democrats were calling Hoover a liar his conduct “indecent and illegal”’—and Hoover could find no friend among the republi- cans so poor to do him reverence—except Bing- ham, whose record of slipping a lobbyist. into the secret meetings of the Tariif Commission gave him a certain high odor. And what a weak joke He said that the democrats d Bingham bing! “fear” that Hoover will be renominated! “Fear”? Man, they’re praying for that very thing! But to think, brethren, that after this-—all this! To think that after it is proven that Hoover wouldn't win an election for dog-catcher, even if he ran on the combined ticket of both parties, that Mr. Simms, foreign editor of the Scripps-Howard papers, has made the amazing discovery that Stalin, mind you, Stalin, not Hooyer, is “nearing the end of his rule” and is “about to fall!” The Old Standby The New York Times can always be depended on. Like the “Rock of Ages” or the Rock of Gibraltar or something like that, 1v refuses to yield the prize to any other paper on earth for reactionary lying. In its editorial of Dec. 9. concerning the “Moscow Verdict,” it was naturally to be ex- pected to call the trial of Ramzin & Co. a “farce,” but in expanding upon that theme it quite deliberately lied about an essential detail, Ramzin’s confession had told of bis connec- tion with one Riabushinski in Paris, one of the leading white guard plotters. The first attempt of the white guards to deny this came from— where do you think?—from Riga. In the early part of the trial the Times’ Riga correspondent, who shares the rare quality of being both a white guard and a blackguard at the same time, first put out the yarn that Riabushinski. had died back in 1924, long before Ramzin said he had met him in Paris. ‘To give an irrefutable answer to this white guard lie, the Moscow prosecutor, Krilenko, on December 2, not only pointed out that there were two Riabushinskis, and that while one of them was undoubtedly dead, the Riabushinski mentioned by Ramzin was very much alive, and to prove that this one had not died in 1924, Krilenko read an article by this Riabushinski published in Paris on July 7, 1930, in the white guard paper “Vozrozhdenye.” The live Riabushinski headed his article “The "and said in it that—‘as re- gards Bolshevism, not war but peace, is im- moral.” Krilenko pointed out that this live Ria- bushinski was a big capitalist and a leading member of the anti-Soviet Russians in Paris organized in “The Commercial and Industrial Committee.” Now the Times has its Duranty at the Moscow trial, besides getting the Associated Press, and it could not well have escaped receiving this news. But it refused to publish it, and now rakes up the Riga lie, supported this time by a white guard professor at Harvard, and makes a great fuss over it as “proof” that the trial was a “farce.” Again, after recently making a lot of noise over the claim of the dumb fink Delgass that the wicked Bolsheviks had gotten 400 Liberty motors and taken them in the Gaypayoo’s vest+ pocket to Moscow “disguised as machinery’— after getting a bellyache over this, when the Associated Press on Dec. 8, carried Secretary of War Huwtey’s denial of Delgass’ story as “absurd and ridiculous,” the Times “failed” to print Hurley’s statement at all. Oftn we are inclined to think that the Times is not exactly honest, But when we recall that there are a number of: members of our Party who show by their actions that they get their mental diet from such sources rather than from the Daily Worker... . Cheating Life Describing what went on in a Cleveland la+ boratory, the dispatches say: “Brain tissues from a freshly killed animal were reduced to ashes electrically, From the resulting substances, certain salts and other chemicals were obtained. To this substance was added protein and perhaps some other ele- ments and chen s. The whole was treated electrically. Before the eyes of the scientists, thre appears a ‘thing’ with charactristics of a living cell of protozon.” : All of which is interesting, most interesting, But we beg the doctor not to repeat the mis- take of 42 years ago, when, as we learn from his column in the Telegram, Heywood Broun was born. SEEESEEEEEneeeeeeeee eee CORRECTION In J. Ms article, entitled “From Canton So- viet to Soviet Congress,” which appeared on page four of last Thursday's Daily, some mis- take in printing was made. The last sentence of the second paragraph of section two of that article—“and to more fully prepare the ground for capitalism and hasten the world revolution” should read “, .. and to more fully prepare the ground for a rapid transition to the socialist revolution.” to play, in determining the character and source of the crisis. This can anly he done if the Party knows how to seize hold of immediate concrete realities and from this starting point organize and lead the masses, teaching them step by step, from their own experiences in the struggle, the revolutionary road which they must travel and which will culminate in the struggle for power, |