The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 10, 1930, Page 4

F = Prvlished wy me comprodaity Punishing co. sme. aaty, exeept ounday, at co SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ; twee 4d 2B Page Four r . N.Y. Telephone Algonquin 1795 DAIWOR By man everywhere: One year, $6: lx months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ; ; ‘Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. ' of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. — = —— = = ——————— ee . © By BURCK e e HE The Red-Baiters Meet in the i aca : 3 ami : « ths p By JORGE By HARRY GANNES | uisitors on the Fish | any public statements sands of Communists in States. Fish, Nelson and Bachman, 1 Z. Foster before them, tried their best to put their own pet estimates of the C and pathizers into the | mouth of They talked about fantastic ked of realities, “Ther ween 10,000 to 12,000 dues paying members in the Communist Party,” he said. "These are d As to our | mong the masses, that varies. The whole | lass in the United States is—potentially arch 6th, over a million un- | oyed workers rallied to the nce, under the On } sf the Communist Party. This does | rey Communists, On various is- arying number of workers who 1 the Pa In the last s were counted.” n to quarrel about 00,000 Communist sympathizers. 1 Iet it be known that he had artling fact that “Pravda” is the the Communist Party in the pped questioning and Nelson He is systematic. He tle black note book before him with a compilation of what he has deluded himself to believe are facts of the Communist movement, tic pose is to insist that he has a mode of rooting out, Communist from the rest cf the Committee. From his ques- tioning of Foster it is clearly evident that he is going to present a bill providing for the deporta- tion of all for -born workers who have the guts to fight against capitalist, or even ‘to talk nst i Do you tl His characteri: little different ink foreigners should interfere with our government,” he ask ¢ who comes to America,” Foster replied, “brings two hands with him and is a producer. He must have the right to fight for his interest. This carries with it the implication that he has the right not { for the improvement of his standard put for the establishment of a workers’ society.” In the afternoon Fish began the quizzing of Foster. ‘To understand Fish’s system of attack it must be borne in mind that Fish admitted later in the day that he was 100 per cent for a secret police to deal with the “reds;” he approved of wholesale deportations of workers who fought against wage-cuts. and for the abolition of capi- talism; and was for the smashing of trade with the Soviet Union. Fish talks rapidly. He has memorized his ques- tions, He puts heavy emphasis on the flag and | Waves it whenever a discussion of unemployment fails him. He started out on high gear: “What are the aims and principles of the Com- Munist Party?” “To organize the workers to defend their in- terests under the capitalist system,” Foster re- plied, “and eventually to abolish the capitalist system and to establish a workers’ and farmers’ government.” After some more questions along this line, Fish | jumped to religion. From religion he came to | the question of force and violence. The Central Committee statement, which Foster had read at the opening of the hearing, deals with this fully. When talking about 9,000,000 unemployed facing starvation; about the crisis of capitalist and its bankruptcy, about the growing revolutionary struggles throughout the world, Fish is weak. He tries to avoid these things. “Violence” sounds harrowing. So he pops out: violence?” “First let me say that the statement which I read here fully explains our position on that | question. However, let me read the. Program of | the Communist International, and I will further amplify it,” said Foster. He then read on .page “Do you believe in force and | | believe in 34 of the Program, as follows: “The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean ‘peacefully’ capturing the ready-made bourgeois state machinery by means of a parlia- mentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen its predatory property and its political domination. Like the feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its his- torical position to the new class without a des- perate and frantic struggle. Hence, the violence | of the bourgeoisie can be suppressed only by the stern violence of the proletariat.” “Now,” said Foster, “in the struggles against wage cuts the workers are met with the most brutal violence. In Danville the strikers are threatened by the armed militia. On March 6th a peaceful demonstration in New York of 110,000 workers, on the admission of ex-police commis- sioner Whalen himself, is slugged by thousands of police. It is the bosses, who to perpetuate their system of exploitation, resort to the most brutal violence against the majority of the workers.” “Do you believe in the establishment of a Soviet government in the United States,” was Fish’s next question. Foster replied: “First I want to say that the Soviet regime is a whole era in advance of the capitalist system in the United States. We be- lieve in the abolition of the decaying, rotten sys- tem of capitalist which is bankrupt, and the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ govern- ment here.” Then began Fish’s series of “allegiance” ques- tions. Instead of asking about giving allegiance to the bosses, their system of exploitation and their government, Fish waved the flag in Foster's face. “Do you give allegiance to the Soviet govern- ment in Russia,” he asked in a manner which indicated that “now-I’ve got the goods on you!” “We are guided by the furtherance of the in- terest of the workers all over the world: We the international solidarity of the workers in their struggles against the bosses wherever they are. The Soviet government is the only workers’ government in ‘the wordld. Soviet government is the beginning of a new sys- tem of society degradation of the workers is abolished. The workers of the whole world look upon the Soviet Union as their country, and the workers of the world will defend it against the attacks of the | capitalists who are only waiting for a favorable moment to renew an armed attack.” The flag is Fish’s strong point. “Do the workers look upon the Soviet flag as their flag?” “The workers of this country, and the workers of every country,” said Foster, “have only one flag. That is the flag of the proletarian reyolu- tion. It was, also incidentally the flag of the American revolution in its @glier stages. The red flag been the flag of every workers’ revolu- tion. It is the flag of the Russian revolution.” After a few sorties about allegiance to the American fiag, or the red flag, Fish concluded his examination by asking: “As a Communist, you look forward to the coming of the world revolution, do you?” To this Foster answered: “As a Communist 1 know that the capitalist system is bankrupt.’ All we have to do is to look out upon the world today and see it in a state of collapse. In China the masses are forming Soviets. Revolutions in Latin America; revolutionary upheavals in Spain, in India. Political and economic crises in Ger- many and Poland. The capitalist system is crack- ing.” All the while that Fish was questioning Foster the room was filling up until every inch of space was taken. In this room of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives never before had anything like this happened. The old toadies of the bosses’ government looked as if they could not understand it all. Strange days had descended on capitalism. The questioning was next taken up by the‘ old bourbon from the Sduth, Congressman Hall of Mississippi. The Indian Revolution; Gandhi, and His American Admirers ARTICLE No. 2 Gandhi and the Revolution It woyld be utterly incorrect to conclude from what has been said that Gandhi and the Indian National Congress, especially its left wing headed ay Jawaharlal Nehru, is not the greatest danger ‘0 the Indian revolutionary movement. If the novement till now was unable to build up strong glass organizations embracing broad masses of workers and peasants, if, during the many months of growing revolutionary unrest among the mass- % accompanied by uprisings in the cities and villages, the movement continues to mark time without any conscious revolutionary perspective, he main responsibility is that of Gandhi and his vdherents. Lenin used to warn the Russian work- ows against the pourgeois intellectuals even when hhey glibly talked about revolution: “The influence of the land-owners on the People is not so terrible. They will never suc- @eed in deceiving for any considerable length @ tim any considerable broad masses of work- ers and even peasants, But the influence of the intelligentsia; which does not directly par- ticipate in the exploitation; which has been taught to work with general words anc ideas; which is loaded with all kinds of ‘good’ tradi- tions and sometimes because of its stupidity, though sincere, turns tcs imter-class position into a principle of classiess parties and’ classless politics,—the infiuence of this bourgeois intelli- gentsia on the people is dangerous. Here and only here are we faced with such a contamina~ tion of broad masses as can bring real harm and requires the most strenuous efforts of so- cialist forces in order to Szht this poison.” ‘This warning fully applies to the Indian Na- ‘ional Congress and to the bourgeois intellectuals vho form its leadership. But Gandhi and the Indian bourgeoisie do not want a revolution—Gandhi has openly declared t more than once. And as without a revolution, . ¢, without violent overthrowal of British dom- nation in India, independence is unattainable, ‘o all their swearing by independence is not worth voent. ‘How many times has the Indian National bartered the demand of independence ‘benevolent smile of His Excllency, the Vice- roy? ‘They will surely sell independence for a mess of porridge this time, too, if the Indian workers and peasants do not take the fate of | the revolution into their own hanas. Why is the Indian bourgec'sie so afraid of revolution? Because tie {dian workers and peasants will shed their blood, not for the glory of the Indian capitalists and landowners, but for their own class interests. The Indian work- ers want to work eight hours, not ten. Yet the representative of the Indian Chamber of Com- merce, an organization supporting the National Congress, during the very height of the develop- ments last spring, when workers on the streets were boldly attacking the police and falling un- der their bullets, at this very moment demanded from the Royal Labor Commission legislative en- forcement of an 11-hour day! We already mentioned that the National Con- gress has guaranteed the landed property of the zaminders—the sworn enemies of India’s free- dom. Yet the land-hungry peasant is not to be expected to miss his chance when the revolution comes. It is this fear of the revolution which is con- cealed under Gandhi's propaganda of non-vio- lence, as a “moral” principle, Other more in- telligent representatives of the Indian bourgeoisie know that except for a couple of hypocritical preachers, the modern world is laughing up its sleeve at Gandhi—the saint. They accordingly produce other arguments against a revolution in India. Says D. G. Mukerji: “It is no use hiding the fact that the revolting youth of the country may be so disillusioned that they will go right into organizing a violent revolution when they come out of their jails. That will slowly push India into such a chaos that it will be ten times worse than what has undertaken China.” (Page 169). The body of “chaos” has been in all ages and in all countries the stock-in-trade of the “wise” impotent liberals who are sympathetic, benevolent, well-wishers, who hope somehow to reconcile revolution and raection, According to ths opinion of these cultured gentlemen, what is now going on in India, what has been going on there for more than 150 years of British domination, is not “chaos.” When millions die every year from starvation and dis- in which the exploitation and | Fight Against White Chauvinism The | By B. D. AMIS our program for full equality and the right of self-determination of the Negro majorities in the Black Belt, readily agree that our line is correct. The establishing of a correct political line on the Negro question and our efforts to put this line into application has brought under our influence thousands of Negro toilers. But there is sharp disparity between our influence and our organi- zational advances. It is well to make a thorough examination and discover some of our weaknesses. We are agreed that our political line is correct. But have we positively convinced the Negro toil- ers of this fact? Do they believe that we are sincere? Have. we energetically atfempted to eradicate their distrust? Have our enlightenment campaigns among the white and Negro workers been sustained and persistent? To these ques- tions we must give the negative answer, No! ‘The existence of such burning questions give concrete evidence for the causg of such alarming disparity and suspicion. One of the most funda- mental reasons for this condition is white chauv- inism. This vitriolic, capitalist, venom as yet pervades the minds of vast sections of the white American working class and can be found in a semi-dormant stage among few Party members, union members, and sympathizers. Bourgeois Prejudice in Action Recently, several Negro workers attended a dance at the Finnish Workers Club in New York. The presence of these dark skinned workers was objectionable to certain non-class conscious .ele- ments, An attempt, on the part of these hooli- gans, was made to eject the Negroes. In a mild manner their plans were thwarted and the Negroes remained. In the Lithuanian Cooperative restaurant in Chicago this “white superiority” cropped out in a bold manner, at the unemployed workers conven- tion.” The “comrades” of the restaurant refused to feed the Negro delegates, giving as the pre- text that it would hurt their business. They suggested and did give to the Negroes money in order that they could eat somewhere else. At the Russian Cooperative restaurant in Gary a stubborm policy was carried thru in refusing to employ Negro workers. One was hired, but at a ‘The majority of Negro toilers after hearing | ease, (only in the two years following the World War more than 12,000,000 Indian lives perished from famine and accompanying diseases—about the same as the whole number killed during the war), when the whole organism of the country forced into service to the interests of British na- tional economy is rotting from stagnation and sinking to the bottom,—this is not “chaos.” This is law and order! But, when the people take up arms and kill several hundreds of thousands of titled lackeys of imperialism, of parasitic landlords, of princes who squander the property of their subjects in the gambling houses of Paris—why, this is in- tolerable “chaos”! You look at China... Yes, China, most liberal gentlemen! In China the gunboats of your American and British friends promenade the waterways and shell the banks of the rivers, oust- ing the Red Armies from their positions. There, from, the time of the revolution of 1911, the great robber powers have been supplying arms to the Chinese war lords and instigating wars. This, to you, is not chaos. But, when the Chinese revolutionary masses, under the leadership of the Communists, are oust- ing the militarists from their homeland, rousing the people against the eternal wars, civilized Europe and America raise the cry about “ban- dits” and circulate stories of “cruelties” which bear close resemblance to similar lines of the World War and about the Russian Revolution, Fortunately your lying propaganda is powerless to terrorize the masses. “He who sleeps on the rock of calamity need not be afraid to be roused by an earthquake.” An excellent proverb, which can well stand as the Indian equivalent for “The workers have nothing to lose but their chains.” The revolution is knocking at India’s doors. When it enters there will be “chaos”—chaos for the British slave owners, for the native explcit- ers, But, the three hundred million strong mass- es of India will hail the revolution as their libera- tor and the forerunner of a better order of life end society. | meeting of the board a vote was taken and the majority vote of the white chauvinists discharged the worker. Also in this same city it is reported that the Party section organizer slandered and ridiculed the Negro leadership in the Y.C.L. This organizer made statements that Negro work is no more im- portant than any other kind of work and that Negro comrades should only do Negro work. He gave the vicious lie that Negro comradés in Gary joined the Party for special privileges and accused from Chicago for a dance. In the Needle Trades Union, the officialdom fails to wecognize the necessity of doing special work among the 15,000 Negro needle trades work- ers in New York. In some of our union shops, Negro workers receive lower wages than the whites for the same kind of work, but the shop committee does not think it important to pull a strike and fight for equal pay for equal, work for the Negro union members. Our cot les stated that the Negro workers aré not discrimin- ated against in the industry, they only receive lower wages. Methods of Work Such crass manifestations of white chauvinism create Herculean obstacles that rightfully cause the Negro toilers to be suspicious of the white Communists, our program and unions and remain on the fringe of the movement. We have not conducted a broad and intensified educational campaign in our press and organizations. Our best efforts have been all too feeble. It has been stated that we have not jumped at the throats of "these one hundred per cent Americans. There is no place in the movement, Party and unions, etc, for such elements, who by their action con- tribute to the suppor} of American capitalist oppression of the Negro masses. It is not enough to pass resolutions of* protest a week later, after the deed is done and the cul- prits have gone some place else to continue their dirt. It is insufficient to have a Negro speaker come later to speak on the Negro question and ‘thunderously applaud him. Mild criticisms and slow action to condemn white chauvinism do not demonstrate to the Negro toilers that we are sin- cere in assuming the hegemony of the Negro liberation movement. But at the time the act is committed, the Com- munists and members of the revolutionary trade unions must openly brand and expose those one hundred per centers. We must conduct a tenaci- ous, systematic, and consistent fight against this Yankee arrogance, which combined with social social oppression under which the Negro masses endure great hardships. ‘The Communists attending the Finnish dance, should have instantly stopped the dance and ex- posed the racial chauvinism which is capitalist ideology deeply rooted in the American working class. A thirty minute educational talk should have been given, denouncing the rowdies and call- ing upon the workers to pass a protest resolution to be published in the Finnish press and other press. Wide circulation could have been given the resolution, .Many protest meetings should have been held condemning bourgeois prejudices and hooliganism. These same tactics should have been applied in the Lithuanian and Russian Co- operatives, Our leadership cannot retain polluted function- aries. Unless they make a sincere repudiation and energetically set about to purge themselves of bureaucracism and white superiority, they must be expelled. Words of confession mean little, but daily deeds and actions will convince and win the Negro toilers to struggle with the white class conscious proletariat for full_equality, In the Party and press these fun must be ex- posed. A persistent Must bé directed | against them, They should be placed on trial before a workers’ court and ruthlessly prosecuted by white and Negro workers, At mass meetings of the workers these elements must be stigmatized for what they are, Sena ere oe meantigs dis- cussing the subject must be held, . Role of Negro Masses Only such metheds of werk will win the Neg toilers for our revolutionary unions and Paity, thereby closing the gap between our tremendous influence and organizaticnal gains, . The Negro masses are a huge reservoir of dy- revolutionary, material, If we fail to real- them falsely of importing white girl comrades , antagonisms creates special forms of national and | They Lied in Vain ‘ NEW YORK.—‘“Justice,” the official organ of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers, admits in its issue of Dec. 5 what the Daily Worker charged on Noy. 22, that the I. L. G. W. and Amalgamated Clothing Worker chiefs, meet- ing with Mayor Walker had agreed to heip him shift the burden of taking care of the masses of unemployed over onto the shoulders of the workers. A meeting was held on Noy. 18 in Walker's office. The next day the Daily. Worker charged that Dubinsky and Schlesinger and Hillman had agreed that clothing for the job- less should be produced by the needle workers without pay, and turned over to the bosses to give away as they liked. That same day, thé I. L. G. W. chiefs stated through trade papers that they had not offered the working needle workers for this sacrifice, and the next day the Daily Worker took note of the denial, and stated that no one would believe it, and that, the schemes were going forward. Now They Admit It. Dec. 5 issue of the “Justice” now udmits 10st of what was charged, saying only that Dubinsky and Miller of the Amalgamated put through the deal in Walker’s office on Nov. 20 (two days after negotiations started and one day after the ‘fakers had denied they were doing anything of the sort). ‘The arrangement was made in Walker's pres- ence, between Dubinsky and pee and (quot- ing from Justice): “Leo A. Del Monte for the Cloak and Suit Industrial Council, Morris Nagel and Maxwell Copeloff for the Merchant Ladies’ Garment Association, Morris Kolchin for the Affiliated Dress Manufacturers, and J. A. Rogers for the dress |jobbers. The employers promised to supply the materials and the work places, while Secretary Dubinsky pledged all the labor required in the production of the gar- ments.. A similar pledge was given on behalf of the men’s clothing workers. “The carrying out of this plan now waits on the notice from the employers that they are ready with the goods and the factories. On the night preceding the meeting in the office of Mayor Walker, the New York Cloak Joint “Board voted to approve of the idea that idle cloakmakers be requested to make up all gar- ments for unemployed at half price and in this manner make their own contribution to the relief of the needy jobless men and women in New York.” * Changed a Little. Evidently the prompt exposure of their plans to victimize the workers and -save the bosses from paying wages for manufacture of clothing for the jobless had the effect of halting action and changing the plan from no pay at all to half pay. But the principle remains the same: workers are to be fleeced to do what both jobless and workers should organize to force the employers to do, All workers should reject this skin game of the I. L. G, W. bureaucrats, and fieht for unemployment insurance, and relief, at the ex- perse of the government and the boszes. TODAY IN WORKERS’ HISTORY: December 10, 1805—William “Lloyd Garrison militant leader in movement for emancipation of Negro slaves, born at Newburyport, Mass. 1850— Simon Bolivar, liberator 07 South American vrov- inces from Spanish rule, died. 1917—U. S. Su- vreme Court upbe'l yellow dog contrest ia Hitchman Coal and Coke Co, dovision, 190° Crechoslovak Communists declared genefal strike against government’s slowness in passing social legislation, seized factories and estates. 1921— Twenty thousand striking milk drivers and their families held parade in New York City, 1923— Gas explosion in coal mine at Cahaba flelds, Ala- bama, 61 dead. es dze: this, we fail to understand the class struggle and the importent role that these potential allies of the white revoluticnary preletariat will play. * Ve fail to #20 the ‘grev rest’ seen ses tof thr black teiles throuriort ti. wor'd. Cur iesk is to Accist than in tof ei-sts to gain fecc-m, We muct help mould this revolutioracy upeurge into a fighting confedezacy of white and Nevo workers for the great struggles that lurk in the ‘near future, We must destroy white chauvinism, ’ Mulrooney’s Severe Discipline Just to show that he knows what to do in an emergency, Police Comn jioner Mulrooney has transferred a bunch of dicks from the “vice squad” as punishment for getting caught graft- ing. These dicks will now be in line for promotior providing they work hard in beating up strikers Doubtless Mr. Mulrooney will soon explain the “severity” of his punishment by calling attention to the aversion he has against adding to the number of the unemployed. We Thought So A colleague niforms us that the rather noisy and raucous publicity about Hinstein, who 1s veing induced to give his learned opinion on a lot of things he knows nothing of, proceeds from the fact that he has been taken in tow by Hen- rik Van Loon, who making a sort of racket out of the professor's fame, inducing him to visit Hollywood, all all the rest. While we are about it, we must say that the average honest worker has no idea of the way such‘ things are being put over. ‘The trans- oceanic flyer from France, Coste, for eample, was capitalized by the owner of a certain New York night club, who arranged all his “recep- tions” by the “leading citizens of Dallas, Texas,” and the rest of the villages where the local Babbitts could put up enough cash for the pro- moter, As old Carl Marx said in the Communist Man- ifesto of 1848: “The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occuption hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. Ti has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage-la- borers.” A Quiet Sabbath Maybe is was staged a little early for the arrival of Prof. Einstein to appreciate as a part of his “cosmic religion,” but the holy fur sure flew ‘New York on Sunday. “Put him out!” “You ought to be lynched!” These and other appreciate Christian senti- ments, accompanied by lusty and far from spir- itual kicks, accompanied the disturber of divine benediction at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine,-as a squad of cops gave the offending Methodist, Judge Lindsey, the bum’s rush from the house of the Episcopalian god. Bear in mind, please, that while they have - no monopoly on the practice, the Episcopalians, who look to the Almighty to save them from all harm, took no chances on His being absent. for week-end, and called: no less than thir- teen cops from the police department. And no doubt these worthies, all devout Catholics and confirmed grafters, took especial delight in do- ing His work in right royal style. Having rescued the bamptious Methodist from being lynched by wrathful Episcopalians, they chucked him in the hoose-gow ard were free to make the rounds collecting beer graft for he precinct captain and turning an honest penny holding up pros- titutes. The Episcopalian Bishop who has been inter- rupted (it appears by mistake, the Methodist Judge having been unacquainted with the rules of the game as pulled off ir the Episcopalian ring), after having proceeded as far as: “now unto God the Father, God the Son and God the Hely Ghost—” continued: . be ascribed, as most justly due, all honor, power, dominion, and glory, world without end. Amer." So, the “power, dominion and glory” being sustained by Tammany cops, the worthy Bishop retired to his lair and a sanctified peace settled down over all the cathedrals, speak easies and brothels of the greatest city of the earth. Postscript: And, doubtless at the same hour, in some far village of the Russian steppes, Ivan and Katrina, the peasant couple who has joined the collective last Cpring and seen that @eep plowing, clesn seed and a combined har vester were worth more than the prayers and holy water of the lousy long-haired priest, de- cided to throw their ikon away. Which event, in our humble opinion, is more important than what happened at Bishop Manning’s wigwaus last Sunday. Cua ea “Scientific” Counter- Revolutionists The confession of Prof. Ramzin at the Mos- cow trial included the statement that he thought the neo (New Economy Policy) meant a “return to capitalism” and when he found out it wasn’t that way, he started his plans 0° counter-revo- lution. * The “wobblies” went through something of the same evolution. They, too, insisted that the NEP meant a “return to capitalism”—though they were illogical enough to refuse to admit that there had even been any departure from cav.talism iy Soviet policy. Now, in the “Industrial Worker” of Nov. 29, they complain bitterly that the Soviet has a Red Army prepared to defend the gains of the work- ers and peasants won by revolution, from the armed intervention scheduled by the imperialist powers: to be carried out next year “at the latest.” « ‘These impossible scoundrels make not the slightest protest against the interventionists, but direct their protest at the Soviet Union. And what is the logical conclusion of such a policy, It is that if workers in the capithlist countries ore drafted fhto an interventionist army to in- vode tha Fovict Union, that-instead of going over to the Red Army and fraternizing with the Red soldiers, supporting the Soviet power with their arms azainst their “own” capitalist , they should regard the Red Army with hostili armed ensmy which should be.destroyed be- cause, in defense of the revolution—and its gains, it is armed. : Thus we sce that the so-called “pacifist” non- ence is not.merely a negative thing, rejecting armed force “in general,” bui is a positive ac- eoptarc2 of the intorventicn plans of the im- pad «* eounter-revolution. 0.553 sc ny to ol the of fs9 TW. © (oinly, bub. just as ye do charge the sundreis who write and publish such capifalis, propaganda with counter-revolution, and des: of wi ' punishment can. ter-to them, =a , as an RRNA A PRN ERIS ISS RE ERE ea bracts soinanaenmen