The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 9, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, Inc., dafly, except Sunday, at 60 East M4 Page Four 13th Street, New York City, N. ¥. one Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” al Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N.Y: S. 7 orker By mat! everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3 ef Manhattan and Bronx, SUBSCRIPTION - RATES: New York City. Forel One year, two months, $1; excepting Boroughs $3; six months, $4.50. BlGoats | By JORGE “Cosmic” Nonsense | may have admired Lydia | most effective “pink pills | is no reason for accepting her | ly wrote the great dramas but also disputed as being, the work er much we rm people s to o re! ved to speak thus in introducing a it the visitor nearing “our” shores, vert Einstein. We may accept every- id Pr as to the rays of light whether we understand lanets, relativity or not, but we pro- ently, the eccentric old duffer out as a sociologist or what y were his reznarks on religion ed in the N, Y. Times of m, nor has he improved : fascism and Bolshevism to- ig to these stupidities by port of British imperialism ation of the oppressed Arab vort of Zionism against ate religion and science. Here | r r reasons best known to himself { k necessary to be polite to organized i ition, wandered out into tantly snapped up by a watchdogs as another sts” who have made peace with nenomenon, by the way, illustrat- ry trend of every phase of de- capitalist dent He should not have trifled with the word “re- | or should have denounced it for essence is, a superstition which is, e opium of the people.” In- aid— stead, he tried to identify it as an ethical in- erpretati of life and, thus venturing into so- te flopped around like a fish out of water, | but securely hooked by capitalist apologists who J have need to hide capitalism’s reliance upon ig- norance behind a screen of “scientific” jus- ion Einstein identified his own concept as being “cosmic religion” as distinct from either the re- Derty US.A 1931 DECLARED By BURCK zion of fear or the “religion” of social feelings. g “cosmic religion” he says that: “The eels the vanity of human desires and the nobility and marvelous order vealed in nature and in the world of thought. He feels the individual destiny as | imprisonment and seeks to experience the tality of existence as a unity full of signi- ance. ue v and which a we may not understand the Professor’s cory of relativity, but we @o understand this statement of his as so much mysticism. A mys- t m, moreover, definitely helping capitalism to suade the masses it brutalizes every day of ives, that although their individual des- | tiny is, as he says “an imprisonment,” there is beyond the gnave, beyond the “vanity of hu- desires and aims,” beyond this hell of tion and oppression, a “unity full of sig- when the “totality of existence” is | nificance summed up The “vanity of human desires and aims” is the hoary stock in trade of every skinflint par- | son who tries his hand at strikebreaking and persuading the poor to be satisfied with that condition in life “to which God, in His infinite | wisdom has assigned them.” And try as he might, by stating that men of scientific research are “the only deeply reli- gious people” and specifying as he did that “the churches have always fought against science and persecuted its supporters,” the old codger | had said “a”; and so the whole hierarchy of superstition, protestant, catholic, Jew; church- men both “liberal” and “fundamentalist,” took | up the “a” and said “b,” “c”—and the rest of it. We might’ write a lot more, but space here only allows us to sum up by saying that when Ford gives his opinions on relativity, we'll say he knows something about auto production; and when Einstein talks about religion we'll have to say that he is supposed to know a heap about science, but if he tries to identify the two, we'll begin to suspect there’s something phoney about his science. . Hoover’s “Economy” We see by the papers that a fellow called Hoover is insisting on “economy.” To be exact, he opposes any appropriation by Congress that “would permit the purchase of food for drought- stricken farmers and their families.” Hoover and all his gang has already made clear the opposition of the capitalist govern- ment to anything like furnishing food to un- employed and starving wage workers. Now it is simply extended to starving poverty-stricken farmers, whose suffering from drought to the voint of starvation is only an intensification of the starvation and suffering they have con- Stantly borne because they have been robbed by the capitalist Ss, including the rich farmers and landlord capitalists. We might write an essay on how this “eco- nomy” business about which Hoover is now get- ting up a sweat, is sort of contradictory to his ndorsement of the “Buy Now” nonsense. But we forebear. What we want to point out here is two things: First, that the government's insistence against vurchasing “food for drought-stricken farmers and their families,” is based on an objection in principle. The administration was willing that $25,000,000 be appropriated to “feed livestock,” objects to “the purchase of food for man, as establishing an unwise precedent.” Cows and mules are property and must be teken care of, that is, they must be fed. But farmers and their families are merely human beings, and since capitalist “experts” say that there are “two million too many farmers,” the capitalist “solution” is to let them die off. If the government feeds poor starving farmers, it might establish an “unwise precedent,” because starving wege workers would also demand food. ‘The Hooverites in Congress are trying to cor- rect the mistake of one foolish congressman who ‘prolested that to buy oats for a mule and not oatmeal for the farmer who feeds oats to the Mule looks sort of cock-eyed. This fool con- gressman forgets that the farmers who are to be sentenced to death are, for the most part. the desperately poor share-croppers of the South who have no mule, and that the government is interested. in buying oats only for those farmers who are well enough off to have mules and cows and are not themselves starving. but have what the -peor farmcrs has not—credit. Be- cause ‘> ~-yernment wants its money back— but with tnterest, Seooud: We wank to carn out, 1D: while Uhis “For Clients Only” The Indian Revolution, Gandhi, and His American Admirers By HARRY GANNES. the present confusion?” The imperialists ARTICLE No. 1 'ERTAIN facts and information are given the bosses about wage cuts and the world eco- nomic crisis that is never supposed to reach the workers. However, the Daily Worker was able to get hold of a copy of Foreign Letter No. 604, issued by Whaley-Eaton Service, on Nov. 11, 1930, marked “For Clients Only.” What this document contains is not only of interest to every worker but effects their lives. The “Clients Only” referred to, are, of course, rich parasites, especially those who hold huge sums in foreign bonds and investments. They are very much concerned about the world out- | look. To show how closely this document hits the mark, it would be well to “quote the section entitled: “British Wages,” in which they fore- tell what is now going on in Great Britain. They say (and this is nearly a month ago): “British industrialists are preparing for widespread col- lisions with labor within the next few months.” We now see these conflicts—200,000 textile work- ers threatening strike; 90,000 miners out on strike, with a general strike impending in the entire coal industry. The document begins with stressing the im- portance of the Oustric failure in France. Ous- tric was a banking firm that went bust. Inci- dentally, they tell us that the Hatry failure in England in Sept., 1929,-had a tremendous ef- fect on the United States; that one billion dol- Jars was withdrawn from American banks. Fur- thermore, the Oustric failure, says the Whaley- Eaton Service, is symptomatic of a general smash-up that is threatening in France, and that will bring France sharply within the world crisis. Quoting “Le Capital,” a French finan- cial sheet, the document says: “France, in avoiding one crisis, is making it necessary for it to submit to another much more grave, because at that time all the other mar- kets will have refound their full faculty of com- petition.” The document goes on to say about the com- ing sharpening of the French economic crisis: “In these circumstances, high French officials” are doing almost precisely what was done in America, [.--- ) the securities “ebacle, by ad- vising the country that everything is quite all right and thoroughly sound. The fact is that France is beginning to feel the stress of the world depression and that a liquidation is almost certain to take place there, just as it is taking place everywhere else.” Which, of course, lends added strength to the statement in “Pravda,” that French imperialism, feeling the oncoming crisis, and especially a smash-up in its financial system, pushes the war preparations against the Soviet Union as an outlet and as a “solution.” In 1922, Lenin, referring to the Versailles treaty and the reparations problem said: “What have the victorious powers done? How can they find an issue for the present confusion?” The issue is becoming more difficult and the confusion greater. We find that the key to the European crisis, admitted by this document we are considering, is the reparations problem, the Young Plan yoke. “The German situation,” they write, “is the key to everything in Europe. If Gerrmany does not dominate its economic troubles, forces will be unleashed which it will be impossible to con- trol. Dangerous acts will be committed. There will be war... .” They become even more prophetic: “The fate of Europe, and that includes France, will be de- cided this winter in Berlin.” Lenin asked: “How can they find an issue for capitalist government of starvation proceeds on this line of deliberate mass murder of poor farmers and workers, incidentally raising a great outcry at the Soviet for its help to poor farm- ers in putting the rich farmers out of business, the monthly magazine called “Fortune,” in its November issue, relates how Mrs. Herbert Hoov- er, the wife of the “great engineer” who insists on “economy” and starvation for the workers and poor formers, has made a present to the Queen of Belgium of ten sealskin coats. A worker will not find this magazine “For- tune” on the news-stands. as tt costs a fortune to buy it, that is, One Dollar a copy. But it may be found in*the better libraries, everywhere are asking themselves the same ques- tion now, but they do not merely question. They act. It is these actions that concern every worker, We go on to learn from this confidential document that Governor Harrison of the New York Federal Reserve Bank, who is “New York's (that is, Wall Street’s) not Washington's, repre- sentative,” has gone to Berlin to see Luther, the big German banker. Harrison, we learn, went to Berlin instead of having Luther come to Washington to discuss with Mellon and Hoover, because Wall Street wanted its man to plan things first and then hand the results over to their government. Harrison did talk and we learn “It is stated here that Harrison brings positive moratorium proposals or a plan for a general war-debt readjustment.” Harrison has since returned from Europe. On Saturday, Dec. 5 a special meeting was called at the Federal Reserve Bank building in New York to discuss the qquestion of the Young Plan and the war debts. Among those present were none other than Owen D. Young, J. P. Mor- gan, Robert Lamont and Harrison. Just before this meeting Young had made a speech urging a revision of the war debts as a last minute ef- fort to keep Germany from smashing on the rocks of a political and economic crisis. But what is all this based on, and what does it mean for the workers not only in the United States, but everywhere? The whole plan is plainly and boldly set out: “Europe has decided to stake everything (that is, stake the existence of the capitalist system) on a general deflation that will permit or neces- sitate: (1) Revision of reparations and war debts; (2) Wage decreases; (3) Debt conversa- tions, so as to materially reduce the burden of the debts; “and price level readjustments.” For the workers this means that the whole “solution” is to pile the burdéns on their backs, not only through wage cuts, but by lowering standards of living besides slashing wages, and by a general worsening of their conditions of work and life. This ‘does not refer to Europe alone, as this document clearly informs us, for “Even in Amer- ica, although there is plenty of talk about the maintenance of wages, the fact is that wages are being decreased, openly or by indirect de- vices of one sort or another.” There are other facts along the same general line—the worsening of the world economic crisis, and the serious problems which confront the very existence of capitalism, with the conclusion that the main attack must be against the workers of all countries. ‘4 We find that the bosses now admit that the post war crisis, coupled with the present severe cyclical crisis is threatening the capitalist sys- tem, and they must act to save it. Their actions are directed against the workers and in prepara- tion for war against the Soviet Union. .The docui..ont, ac ing t*e severity of the post war crisis, says’ “What is happening, therefore, is a major change of the economic base, a colossal under- taking, and it represents an attempt finally to get the financial consequences of the war put on a firm basis, understandable by everybody. on which basis the new era will be founded.” The “major change” is being aided by the Sec- ond International, and the Yellow Amsterdam International, as well as by the A. F. of L. in this country in aiding the preparation for war on the Soviet Union, while supporting and aid- ing the atiacks against the -sorkers in the form of wage-cuts and speed-up. TODAY IN WORKERS’ H'STORY December 9, 1828—Joseph Dietzzen, German working class philosopher, born in’ Blanken- burg. 1920—General strikes and revolutionary uprisings in Spain, troops wounded and ar- rested hundreds. 1922—National conference of * railroad workers at Chicago for amalgamation of craft unions and more militant action, 1926 —Explosion killed 29 miners at Princeton, Ind. 1927—Sentences totalling 1,090 years in\prison given to 123 Polish Communists for uprising in Ukrainia, | f Gandhi and the Indian Masses. | Ace a short lull, the anti-imperialist strug- gle in India is renewing its upward trend with new vigor. Once more mass demonstra- tions fill the streets of the cities demandirg in- dependence, and workers and revolutionary stu- dents come to clashes with the police. While the “Labor” Premier, MacDonald, at the Round Table Conference, swears to his love of the Indian people, in India the rifles and machine guns are cracking, punitive expeditions occupy whole villages, tems of thousands are thrown into prison. , To the casual observer it may look as if the present movement in India is weaker than it was last spring and summer It is true we hear now less about such spectacular events as raids on the government salt depots and bonfires of foreign cloth, which the Gandhists and their American friends want us to believe ix the final word of the Indian revolution. In reality, in the ranks of the fighters against Britisn domination there has’ appeared a mew element which promises a radical turn in the development: of the movement. There are un- mistakable signs that the boundless ocean of the Indian peasantry is coming into motion. Hardly a day passes without bloody battles with the police on account of cutting of trees in the forests, or the non-payment of taxes, or the destruction of the property of money-lenders by the peasants. The struggle of the Indian peasantry is still unorganized, still without a proper working class leadership, without a political program, but it is spreading to all the provinces and shows that the heavy divisions of the revolution are now coming to take ‘their due place in ‘the struggle of the Indian people for freedom. The bourgeois nationalists in India, and the liberals in this country who flirt with the Indian bourgeoisie, exalt Gandhi as the undisputable leader of the Indian revolution. “Three hundred million people do him reverence, and no one in the world wields so great a spiritual influence,” says Mr. Will Durant in his book, “The Cause for India,” (Page 117), just published. It has never*occurred to any of these wiseacres . Who boast of intimate acquaintance with the Indian revolution to inquire: How is it +that in spite of their faith in Candhi, the saint. the real people, namely, the workers and peasants, throw to the winds his “great” principle of non- violence and break the heads ¢ the police and of other supporters of th- government when- ever and wherever opportunity arises? One can hardly imagine anything more stu- pid than the attempts to seek the causes of the uprisings in Peshawar and Sholapur only in’ the provocation by the police, and there is nothing more disgusting than the eagerness with which the Indian nationalists dissociate themselves from these uprisings. Government provocation is rampant everywhere and was also present in the Amritsar massacre of 1919 when thousands of women and children were shot in cold blood by that king of butchers, General Dyer. Yet nobody has ‘ever had the audacity to explain any revolution in any country, or even, for that matter, the revolutionary uprisings in India in 1919-22 by government provocation. It is not government provocation that has defeated the spiritual hold of Gandhi over the masses. It is their class interests. their own ex- periences in day-to-day struggles that push them to armed resistance to imperialist terror. In the absence of a strong Communist Party, able to spread its influence over the: broadest masses. this experience is absorbed slowly. and, because of that. is more painful and costs the workers and peasants more loss of life than it micht otherwise, The Indian bourgeoisie, profiting by the ab- sence of a strong Communist Party, uses all its powerful resources to keep Gandhi in the fore- front, before the eyes of the masses. The latter. still inexperienced, awakened as they were only yesterday to the call of political struggle, accept Gandhi much as the Russian masses accepted Kerensky after the February revolution, when he was hailed at home and abroad as the {dol of the Russian people ~ It is not that the masses submit to the de- featist principles of Gandhism; it is that they shape Gandhi in their imagination according - PREPARING FOR WAR By ERIK Wee the ideological attack on the Soviet Union is proceeding.under cover of the dis- armament smoke screen, the technical prepa- rations for the next imperialist slaughter pro- ceed methodically in their own way to get the war machine keyed up as soon as possible. In the October, 1930: issue of the Harvard Business Review, A. B. Quinton, Jr. has outlined the main points of the war mobilization program. ‘The fact that Quinton is a major in the Ord- nance Department of the U..S. Army, and in- structor in.the Army Industrial College is suf- fitient evidence of the authority of his article. The purpose of his article is to get the bour- geoisie acquainted with the general outlines of the plans for war. mobilization. ‘The keynote of his article is the predominating importance played by industrial mobilization in the functioning of ‘the war machine. “All military students of preparedness rec- ognize and All'‘thoughtful citizens should un- derstand in this age of mechanized warfare, where the equipment of organizations and ma- terial expenditures per man have reached such great proportions, that industrial activity more than fighting mah-power is the determining factor between success and failure of a mili- tary effort.” (Page 8.) ‘The development of the war preparations in getting the industries ‘of the country ready for the coming war’is carried 9n primarily through the outlining of what are technically known as “procurement plans.” The main task of the “procureinent plans”. is “to reduce the time needed to reach quantity production.” A Di- rector’ of Procurement and a Planning Branch, composed of officers from the various supply branches of the army, including ordance, quar- termaster, chémical warfare, air, ett., have been established to prepare and coordinate the plans. The entire country has been divided into four- teeen districts with headquarters at the follow- ing industrial centers: Baltimore, Birmingham, Bostoh, Bridgeport, Buffalo, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, ‘Detroit, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St.Louis and San Francisco. Each district is provided with a staff of both army and industrial forces including the appro- priate dollar-a-year racketeer. Designs or de- scriptions of the necessary war materials and supplies are worked out and approximate re- quirements of these supplies in time of war are determined. The general staff of the army has war plans prepared for a number of struggles, which are part and parcel of the outlook for ‘American imperialism in the eyes of the capi- talist class. It is, however, impracticable to pre- pare detailed plans for each of these possibil- ities, according to Quinton. “A compromise (!) has accordingly been reached by which the procurement plan is based upon a war department general mobili- zation plan, which, presumably, represents a maximum effort.” (Page 12, our emphasis.—E.) The various branches of the army then con- duct plant surveys of the industries in the sepa- rate districts. If a branch finds an industrial plant adapted to its requirements “accepted schedules of production are placed and factory plans are developed to the extent required to ensure meeting the schedule on time.” In the case of items which have no non-military, com- mercial counterpart, plans are prepared for the conversion of certain plants and the necessary dies, jigs, and fixtures to military purposes. Par- ticular attention is being devoted to fifty com- modities of prime war importance, a committee having been appointed for each for the purpose of following the state of supply of the commod- ity, etc, The surveys of the industries of the country which have been sketched above have also been developed for railroad transportation, power, etc, In order to harness the working class most effectively to the industrial war machine “studies are being made to determine: First, the require- ments of labor; second, the distribution of labor in the various industrial areas of the United States.” (Page 16.) But it is not sufficient to find, ouf just how much labor is needed for the war machine and where it is located. There is one additional step before the working class is completely harnessed to the machines behind the trenches. “The means by which industrial cooperation between management and labor in the produc- tion of the Army’s supplies may be best secured.” (Page 16.) Plans are being constantly perfected so that not the least delay will occur in getting the fascist American Federation of Labor leader- ship into the general staff of the war machine, in preparing “arbitration” and “mediation” boards and “investigation” committees to crush every sign of revolt among the workers, to stamp out the least flame of rebellion against the imperialist carnage in the ranks of the pro- letariat. This is the “industrial cooperation” which our major and his colleagues are prepar- ‘ing in collaboration with the capitalist class, the fascist labor bureaucracy, and the yellow social | fascists. Quinton closes with the following: “The war planning as described herein has been under way for several years, and it is per- tinent now to inquire about the success of the effort as applied particularly to the contact with industry in the acceptance of schedules of production, “This question admits of but one answer: the periodic reports from district chiefs show the whole-hearted support given to the project. This is a natural sequence, however, because American industry is largely in the hands of business men who actually took part in or observed closely the conduct of the Great War. We may expect their continued support, but as the older men leave the picture, to be re- placed by a younger generation having less war experience, the War Department must stimulate unceasingly the interest of industry in this big undertaking.” (Our emphasis.—E.) The capitalist class is preparing for the nexi war. The preparations are not of a genera) character, but. specific, detailed, elaborate, and comprehensive. The next war is not a distinct possibility in the minds of the army general staff but a certainty of the near future. It is the at- tack on thé Soviet Union that is being pre- pared. In order for the working class of the United States to do its utmost in the defense of the Workers’ Fatherland it is absolutely es~ sential that its vanguard in the revolutionary trade unions, the Trade Union Unity League, and in the Communist Party be rooted unshak- ably in the big factories, particularly in the war class have surveyed the industrial facilities of the country. It is the duty of the revolutionary vanguard to see that in every factory included in these “plans” there will be rooted a nucleus of revolutionary workers who will lead the work- ers in these factories against the imperialist war, against the capitalist system which breeds war, and in defense of the Soviet Union. to their desires and interests, The Gandhi who still lives in the imagination of the politically backward masses. and the real Gandhi of flesh and blood, have nothing in ccmnion whatsoever. A remarkable example can be found in an- other new book, “Voicéless India,” by Gertrude Emmerson. “Devi Presad,” rims the narrative, “was a professed non-cooperator. . . He put on Khaddar, homespun, and wert about the villages telling the tenants not to pay their rent and not to perform’ beggar ‘service, forced labor for the landlord” (Page 178.) Devi Presad was a poor or perhaps a middle tenant of a powerful land baron in the United Provinces. Devi Presad, as many peasants at that time, and even now, considered it quite natural that Gandhi, who was said to be a friend of the peasants, could not but be against the landlords robbing the toiling tenants of the fruits of their toil, against compulsory service to the landowners, officials and rent farmers.* How elsé could Gandhi be called a friend of poor peasants? And Devi Presad preached to the peasants accordingly. Devi Presad had presumably never read the special appeal to the peasants of his province in which Gendhi expressly demanded from them the continuation of payments of rent to “tneir friends, the zamindars,” and condemned them for stopping “customary services” to the land- lords, as Gandhi was pleased to call virtual serf- dom in the United Provinces, Another example is: worth quoting. The Indian author, Dhan Gopal Muketji, in his book “dis- illusioned India,” describes his meetings with Indian: peasants last summer. “The appea! ot the Gandhimen,” writes he, “that ‘when India is. free wé snall have more equitable distribution of land, cannot but penetrate the soul of the krishan,. harvest creators. The Jatter in many villages have interpreted ‘eqquitable distribution of land’ in a most generous fashion. More than one young peasnt hopes to expropriate the zamindars when ‘freedom’s battle is won.’" (Page 159.) } Were Devi Presad. or other Indian peasants told that Mahatma Gandhi never wanted them to take the land, that the Indian National_Con- gress pessed a special resolution guaranteeing the landowners their property, it is doubtful if they believed it at once. And yet tle attitude of the Indian mass*s towards Gandhism is now changing. Never before has India witnessed such @ quick transition from passive resistance to di- rect action to open battles with the armed forces of imperialis’a es in the present movement. It was the most advanced section of the Indian workers that first threw off the spell of Gandhi Signs of the new revolutionary spirit permeat- ing the most backward strata of the people are tobe seen eVerywherb, Here again ‘the evidence of’ an eye-witnessone not at all enthused By the .pérspéctive of revolution—is worth more’ than volumes of abstract ‘digcussion. Hete is the speech of an ordinary Indian peasant to his comrades in’ the niseting attendd by the above- mentioned Indian author: o % “When all the non-violent weapons fail, we will have to fight with weapons of violence, Our first weapon fs already useless. Though hundreds of us of the we past . Boycotting British goods, even if it is successful, will be of no value unless it is backed by our non-payment of taxes . . . Re- member we have been beaten before .. . We may be beaten again .. . Then we will have to organize a violent revolution.” (Page 168.) Political lessons are hard to digest, especially for the peasants. But the masses have a good memory and have already learned a great deal. Speeches like this one show that if given rev- olutionary leadership ar? organization, which can be supplied only by the Indian Communist Party, the Indian workers and peasants will throw the Mahatma off his pedestal like the Chinese peasants have thrown their idols out of their temples. industries. The general staff and the capitalist “Those who buy up the right to collect rent from the peasants. The Search for a Job “I'd like to file an application.” “What do you do?” “Stenography, bookkeeping, typing and general office work.” “Eow mtich experience?” “Six years.” “What salary are you out for?” “Would you work for less?” “Well, I'm afraid I'll have +o.” “Wheye did you work? That is, what line of business?” ' “Publishing.” “We have mercantile jobs only. work for such a concern?” “Certainly.” “But they call for those with mercantile ex- perience only. However, leave your application and we'll be glad to get in touch with ‘you if-we get a call for-the sort of expesience you've had.” The same in the next agency. T waited around in one agency. It consisted of two rooms: About forty girls are sitting on + desks and chairs. Forty more are standing and )" the door opens every second ‘The girl at the/ outer desk attempts to ge rid of most of the Job seekers. “What do you do, Miss?” “Sten- ography, billing, etc.” “What salary?” “$25.00.” s Would you “Nothing today.” This goes on until only those who are willing to work fur less than $2500 remein.. The woman from the inner office calls out. | “Who does billing, stenography and bookkeep- ing?” All rush into the inner cffice. One fier another walks out cursing under Ser breath. The job calls for one girl to do billing, stenczraphy * and bookkeeping for $15.00 per week! I try another agency. A number of girls sit- ting around the office. Men come in and are shown out with “No jobs for men” from the lady at the desk. I walk over to the desk and remind her that I filed an application three months ago. Oh, yes, she remom>s having scen my applica- tion. Would I wors for less than $23.00? Would I work for $16.00? “Well, I'd work for $20.00. Is that also too much?” Too much! Everything is too much! Anything is too much! Come in to- morrow morning, something may come in by Tomorrow the sams thing again,