The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 3, 1930, Page 4

Page Four 1 SIDELIGHTS ON THE MOSCOW TRIAL By MIKE GOLD. MOSCOW, Dec. 1.—This is the fifth day of the historic trial of the counter-revolutionary wreckers and interventionists. Eight defendants have risen in their turn confessing the details of the shameful conspiracy against the socialist fatherland. State Prosecutor Krylenko who is cross exam-~- ining, is a compact, cool little man with bald head and dressed in simple khaki jacket and leggings. He does not roll on floor and shed fake tears or wave arms like our customary ham actor American prosecutors. Instead he asks calm, logical questions. The whole trial is conducted with almost solemn formality. No fireworks. No histrionics. A great audience of workers, students and peasants sits like spectators at tragedy. No one laughs during trial. Everyone present in glit- tering white and gold auditorium, formerly Nobles Hall, seems conscious that trial is one of the most important moments of the Russian and world revolution. Capitalist imperialism is being tried in the persons of eight engineers They formed party of two thousand engineers and technical men to wreck the Five Year n, Conspired with French General Staff and the discarded Russian capitalists in Paris to invade Soviet Russia in 1931 and crush the revolution. They have confessed to receiving millions from French and other imperialist sources. Planned capitalist military dictatorship and a blood bath for millions of workers and peasants. For years liberal pseudo intellectuals every- where have been trying to find parallel be- tween bourgeois French revolution and the prole- tarian revolution. They hopefully predicted the appearance of a man on horseback here. Finally they saw their man on horseback in Ramsin. Ramsin was to be capitalist dictatorship’s pre- mier. With help of French imperialists he was to restore capitalist “law and order” and pri- vate property in the Soviet Union. He naturally would have been imperialists’ puppet Napoleon Ramsin (!) is now meekly sitting in defendant's dock with four young Red soldiers on guard and two factory workers and the pres- ident of Moscow University passing judgement on his gory dreams of power. For horsebacked man and fellow traitors laid skilful plans forget- ful on the Soviet masses. This is not the French Revolution. This is a new thing—a country where the working class gained power and conscious- ness. The bourgeois West has apparently not yet Jearned the lesson that Soviet strength lies not only in cannons and airplanes. but in the guard- ing faith of millions and millions of plain people, of men and women and children ready to die rather than yield an inch of the great trans- formation in human ethics they have wrought. This mass spirit made itself felt at the trial’s opening night. I walked Moscow's streets with Ernest Glaesser, famous young German novelist who became a Communist this year. A million workers poured out of factories into the snow laden streets and twilight. From every direction they marched passed Red Square and the scene of the trial. Factory bands and defiant posters marked the scene—every group of fifty workers seemed to hhave an accordion player. Everyone sang. When the parade stopped a factory girl would dance or @ young worker or soldier leap up and down in acrobatic Russian Kazatsky. Torchlights and great red banners, factory and cultural groups, bold, happy, defiant of imperialist intervention N plans and shouting “Long Live the Revolution,” “Long Live the Five-Year Plan.” What mass joy! What spontaneity! It clutched one’s heart, brought tears to one’s eyes to see this human Niagara of youthful faith and solidarity. Glaesser and I speculated as to why the dem- onstration took such an exuberant form. We agreed that a deep psychological motive was behind this joy. Soviet masses so confident of own power, inspired by successes scored by the Five-Year Plan that they no longer fear any- thing the imperialists might do. They know they will win. This trial seems to them another reason why they will win for plot reveals what deep laid sabotage and wrecking has been car- ried on by engineers who have been among the chief leaders in Soviet industry. Yet despite enormous treachery, the workers see the Five- Year Plan going forward with miraculous speed ‘Therefore the rejoicing. All over the Soviet Union these spontaneous demonstrations took place. Inspiring to be in Soviet Russia today. All the passion that went into winning mili- tary revolution in 1917 has been turned into construction of new life. The air tingles with creative feeling. New factory workers’ homes and | clubs rising on every hand. I have visited the Dnieprstroi project. Two years ago there was nothing here but a squalid dusty peasant village. Today it is a huge fantastic industrial theatre where 000 proletarians are actors. Saw men and women at work. Hard work, dirty work, dangerous work, but all could stop a moment to | tell about the glorious Five-year Plan Everyone is now a part of the great plan; lumberjacks, engineers, waiters, poets, Red Army | soliders, students. No unemployment in Soviet Russia. Rather a shortage of workers for the Plan. Minor hardships depress nobody; all real- ize necessity of the Plan. One begins to under- stand what life means; for there is Great Plan Had a brief interview with Comrade Krupskaya |, yesterday. Her serene face grew youthful as | consomol's as she told about new cultural victor- | ies of the Revolution. She said “every year new millions of peasants and workers grow into con- | sciousness. Before the Revolution more than eighty per cent in Russia were illiterate. But now they are moving forward so rapidly that by end of the Five Year Plan I am certain every trace of illiteracy will be wiped out. Soviet Rus- sia will be the only country in the world where no illiteracy exists.” She spoke of the thousands of new schools being built, of the great epidemic of self-educa- | tion that has seized the Soviet masses, of millions | of books being published to satisfy the eager | masses. All are manifold expressions that nation is in creative ferment. She said “if only Lenin were alive to see all this, and your own John Reed whom Vladimir Ilyitch loved so much! How happy and proud they would be!” Strange, hard, beautiful times, with Soviet Russia in Five Year Plan justifying itself. The Five Year Plan is now the hope of the world’s working-class. Capitalist plotters who seek to destroy the Plan would drown world anew in blood and must be constantly exposed and defeated. The first duty of every honest worker or intellectual in the world today is to defend the Soviet Union's Five Year Plan. Today, it fs the plain duty of the world proletariat to stay the interventionists hand and strike the sword of war from the raised hands of Poincare, Briand and their blood- thirsty fellow conspirators in all capitalist coun- tries. By LABOR RESEARCH ASSOCIATION. ISCRIMINATION against foreign-born work- ers is as much a class weapon as wage-cuts and injunctions. Aside from its immediate func- tion of increasing the profits of the capitalists, it is also a means whereby the ranks of the work- ers are divided and set up against one another. The conditions to which foreign-born workers are compelled to submit are probably even worse than those imposed upon the Negroes. Negroes, at least in a few Northern states, possess nom- inal “equality.” But in the states of Pennsyl- vania, Illinois, New Jersey, California, Arizona, Rhode Island, Idaho and New Mexico “foreign- ers” cannot even be employed in public works. In ten other states, including New York, they do not receive the same accident compensation ac- corded to citizens. And in Oregon foreigners are not allowed to read newspapers and magazines which are not printed in English. The state of Pennsylvania pronounces that foreigners have no right to keep dogs. The few states that have old age pension laws give the pensions only to those who have ben citizens from 10 to 25 years. Similar discrimination is contained in practically all the labor legislation of the 48 states. It is not only through the statute books that the immigrant is victimized. Robert W. Dunn, in Labor and Automobiles, reports that “At Jeast 50 per cent of the automobile concerns re- quire first papers or naturalization papers from their employes. As a result the number of non- citizens is now much lower than formerly. For example, only 3 per cent of the workers in the Flint Chevrolet plants are reported as aliens.” Along with its class-conscious discrimination, this is an efficient aid to an identification and blacklist system. In Texas, Mexicans are imported mostly be- cause they are unable to get into the A. F. of L. unions there. In Houston, where wages for Mex- ican workers are comparatively high, cotton oil products mills employ them at 25 cents an hour. These mills operate in two shifts of 12 hours. Compress workers handle 500-pound bales of cotton at high speed—trucking, piling and un- loading them. ‘These conditions hold true for foreign-born workers all over the country. A survey of immi- grant women in Philadelphia shows that “11 per cent received under $10 a week, 35 per cent be- tween $10 and $15, 36 per cent between $15 and ‘$20, and 18 per cent over $20.” In the mines of Michigan, where the miners are almost exclu- sively foreign-born, the wages are lower than in other mining states, the workers earning between $700 and $800 annually. Economic discrimination accounts for the race riots this year in Californie trem Jose to Los Angeles. Hawatian sugar plant- _ @r5 imported 80,000 Filipino laborers to compete Discrimination Against the Foreign-Born with white labor there and more than half of these miserably underpaid workers have found their way to Califonia because of the higher wage on the mainland. Of this situation Fed- erated Press reports: “It is the old story of the Chinese and the Japanese in California all over again, but this time the Orientals have no gov- ernment of their own to protect them. Tension has, furthermore, been increased in Watsonville by the appearance of a delegation from the Young Communist League, San Francisco Dis- trict, with a manifesto calling upon Filipino and white laborers both to join forces ‘to fight the American Legion, the police and the ranch own- ers as common enemies.’” In Seattle matters came to a cruel head. Some truck farm owners fired white laborers at 60 cents an hour and hired Filipinos at 25 cents. ‘Well organized groups raided four ranches, kid- napped the little brown workers and cruelly flogged those who did not flee. Men in divisions of five autos swept through bunkhouses and dumped the Filipinos into the cars. They were taken several miles away, many of them naked, and thrown into the underbrush bleeding. Sev- eral were found in a river, where they fled to escape their torturers. Situations like this bring out with dramatic clearness the fact that race discrimination is a trick to divide them into artificial classifications of nationality. Lobor and Textiles, a forthcom- ing book by Robert W. Dunn and Jack Hardy, summarizes the situation well: “Employers in the North play off the various nationalities against one another much as they use the Ne- gro workers against the white workers in the South. When one New England mill superin- tendent was asked if he ever had any strikes in his plant his reply was: ‘There are 17 nationali- ties represented in this mill and the people of no one nationality can understand the language of the others and, therefore, they can never get together enough to make a strike’ In another Rhode Island mill the agent has the workers so divides that a weaver has to go half way up the weave shop before she can find another worker who speaks the same language. The first is an Italian, the second an Irishman, then a Pole, Frenchman, Englishman and Slay. The workers are thus kept apart in the attempt to prevent group action.” Every Party member, every Young Communist must sell 25 copies of the Daily Worker before fac- tory gates each week to be in good standing. On the Sidewalks of New York By ALLAN JOHNSON. IHARLES HOFF hunched his shoulders a bit closer together, when a chill breeze played through his thin overcoat. He wouldn't mind his tattered apology for an overcoat, he reflected, if only he could get some hot food between his | ribs. Well, he managed to pick up an old rag of a coat, and maybe now he could scrummage up a meal somewhere. A good meal, though, was hard to get, even with all those damfool charity organizations and mayors’ committees and whatnot. Hoff hadn't had a decent meal since the last layoff, eight months before, and he was slowly starving to death. Garbage cans, soup kitchens, breadlines and occasional handouts had kept his life’s spark faintly glowing, but the mere thought yesterday, of gulping down some more of the slop that his handed out on breadlines, made him nauseous. Hoff decided to walk and try to forget about food. He would stroll along Broadway. The lights and the theatres and crowds would warm him a little bit and make him forget his hunger and his homelessness and his hopelessness too. As he walked up Broadway, he wondered how it was possible that eight hundred thousand men and women could be unemployed in this met- ropolis of the world. It seemed. that half New York was on Broadway and the other half in the brilliantly lighted restaurants on the side streets that led into it. And yet it was true that there were eight hundred thousand, and many with dependants besides, as bad off as himself. Didn’t Rybicki say so? He would never forget Rybicki, the overfed pig with a face like a cop who was the head of the city’s employment agency. Rybicki had taken his application after Hoff had waited in line for five hours. Hoff had been told by some fellow workers that it was useless to apply at the city’s agency; the damn fakers either sent you to a vacant lot or gave you a job at fifteen dollars a week with a boss who had fired a thirty-dollar week man “to aid the unemployment situation,” and incidental- ly save fifteen dollars by hiring cheaper workers from the city’s agency. Hoff was not the strike- breaking kind, but he applied for a job anyway. Maybe it wasn’t true that Rybicki was a faker. Hoff found out soon enough. When Rybicki asked him where he had worked before, Hoff answered, “for a. shoemaker—I’ve worn out two pairs of shoes looking for a job.” Rybicki glared at him and tore his application up, saying “We don’t need any wisecrackers today. There ain't no job for you.” Hoff had protested and plead- ed, saying that he had only been kidding, but Rybicki had walked away. Yes, he knew Ry- bicki. For kidding good-naturedly about his lack of a job, he had been treated as if he were a slave getting fresh to his master. Maybe those Reds were right. Well, he would find out some- time but he wasn’t sure yet. And if he ever found out that those Reds weren’t a bunch of trouble makers, ‘he'd fight with ‘em until he died. Hoff was a bit cynical. He had been a member of an A. F. of L. union for nine years. By this time Hoff had reached Forty-eighth St. He stood on the curb for a half minute, halted by a traffic light. The breeze was stif- fening a bit and Hoff drew his shoulders in again, although it didn’t seem to do any good, only made his shoulder muscles tired. He look- ed down Forty-eighth St, filled with expensive restaurants. If he could only afford one good meal. It wouldnt’ be so bad if a fellow had about one good meal a week, then the garbage food you had to eat the rest of the time would not taste so.bad. There was one swell place in particular on Forty-eighth St. that he remem- bered. He had passed it when he first came to New York and had noticed a crowd of kids watching the chef in the window preparing the food. By gee, he would take a walk there now. It would make him feel good just to look good food close in the face again. ~ Hoff swung into Forty-eighth St. until he came to the restaurant at number 148. Yep, hams and fat turkeys. Hoff stood there a minute there was the same chef carving away at juicy or two, his eyes fixed in a glassy stare at the food which he could almost smell, and perhaps did. He suddenly lurched forward and fell in a dead faint. When he awoke in Bellevue Hospital, a nurse showed him a two-inch clipping that she had clipped from the New York Times. It read: “A starving man collapsed yesterday in front of the restaurant at 148 W. 48th St, in the window of which a chef was busily carving joints Fake Anti-Lynch Congress A F lop By CYRIL BRIGGS | "PHE fake anti-lynching congress of the Negro petty-bourgeois misleaders held in Washing- | ton, D. C., last week under the leadership of the National Equal Rights League was a com- plete flop. The disruption and failure of the congress | began at the very opening of the first session | when i<elly Miller, notorious apologist for the | imperialist oppressors of the Negro masses, in | the opening address based his speech on the promises that the race victimized by lynchings and boss terrorism “should be more law abiding.” More respect to the laws and courts of the bosses which are regularly used against the Ne- gro masses. More respect to American institu- tions like lynching, jim crowism, etc. Sees No Need for Struggle Miller, as usual, completely ignored the neces- | sity for struggle against the bosses, lynching ter- Tor which has already taken 38 victims durjng the present year. He had no condemnation for the terrific oppression and robbery of the South- ern Negro masses. He showed no interest what- ever in the misery of over 900,000 unemployed Negro workers, part of the army of nine mil- lion jobless in this country. These were nothing to get excited about in Miller’s estimation. This line was a little too raw, however, for the rest of the traitors. These, aware of the growing resentment among the Negro masses against their treacherous leadership, saw their tottering influence smashed by such open betrayal. They had expected the congress to at least formu- late a fake program against lynching. Instead of that, Kelly Miller preached respect for the lav of the lynchers. No Workers Present In sharp contrast to the recent convention in St. Louis of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights there were no workers present from the factories and fields. The delegates, less than By SOLON De LEON | | Nedig thirteen months the bosses and their yes- | ® men have been making hokus-pokus to per- | suade the workers that industry will soon be on the upgrade. And still the decline continues. November, 1929, was the month of the greatest stock market crash in American financial his- tory. In its employment bulletin for that month the U. S. Department of Labor pretended that the “recent financial upheaval had not disturbed industry or caused any decrease in employment.” Yet the Federal Reserve Bulletin, published by insiders for insiders, showed a drop in factory jobs from 102.8 in July to 99.3 for November. By December, employment had sagged to 96.9. This moved Secretary of the Treasury Mellon to announce, “I have every confidence that there will be a revival of activity in the spring.” On January 21 President Hoover declared, “The tide of employment has changed in the right direction.” But the index actually had dropped to 95.6. Down to 93.9 went the employment index for February. So Julius H. Barnes, president of. the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, jumped into the breach. On February 18 he saw no less than “every evidence of early re- newal of the normal onward march of living standards and business prospects.” On March 7, the day after the world-wide Communist demonstrations for Work or Wages, Hoover tried again. This time his line was that, “Alll the evidence indicates that the worst effects of the crash upon unemployment will have been passed during the next sixty days.” By way of 92.9, } April the government hoktis-pokus artists spent for customers. Bellevue.” Hoff reread the clipping and satd, rather weak~- ly, “Here I've been pounding the streets for eight weeks looking for a job and the Times never noticed me, or the eight hundred thou- sand like me. But now, goddam them, when T've collapsed and am damn near dead from lack of food, I've suddenly become a news item, Maybe that's why they don’t notice the Reds until they do something. Well, I'm learning, I'm learning.” Hy ley He was attended and taken to fifty, were exclusively from the group of pro- fessional betrayers of the Negro masses; preach- ers, landlords, bourgeois editors, ete. Unlike the St. Louis convention which based its fight against lynching on the mobilization of the white and Negro workers for militant and con- crete demands like the right of self-determina- tion—state unity for the Negro majorities in the Black Belt—destruction of the plantation base of Negro oppression in the South by confiscation of the lands for the Negroes who work the lands; death penalty for all lynchers, etc., the fake anti- lynching congress of the misleaders was based on prayers for the health of Hoover and on peti- tions to Hoover to punish his own class and his Ku Klux and Lily White allies, and to denounce the discrimination and jim crowism practiced by his own administration as an instrument of the white ruling class. Delegation Visits Hoover. A delegation of five visited President Hoover with the petition. The delegation included rep- resentatives from such reformist organizations as the National Association for the Advance- ment of Colored People, the National Equal Rights League, the National Association of Col- ored Women. The traitors were all there, even the Lovestone renegades had a representative at the conference in the person of Rothschild Fran- cis, editor of the petty-yourgeois “Emancipator” of St. Thomas, Virgin Islands. This fake anti-lynching congress further ex- poses the treachery and futility of the petty- bourgeois misleadership. Even the delegates had tc admit that the affair had no definite program. And to make more complete the ex- posure it was turned from its opening session into a congress for the support of the laws and institutions of the lynchers instead of the fake anti-lynching fight its leaders had planned to stage in an effort to quiet the rising wrath of the Negro masses. Bosses’ Hokus-Pokus Fails in silent thought. But the index went down just the same—to 92.4. Thus the stage was all set for Hoover's May 1 monologue: “I am convinced we have passed the worst, and with continued unity of effort we shall rapidly recover.” May was also the end of the period set for recovery by both him and Mellon some moons before, The job index showed 91.4, Then Secretary of Commerce Lamont took a try. If present tendencies continue,.he averred on May 19, “normal conditions should be re- stored in two or three months.” That put the promised revival off till after August. Which was wise, as the job index for June was 89.7, for July 86.6, and for August 84.4, Came September. Governor Pollard of Vir- ginia steamed out into Chesapeake Bay. He dropped overboard a coffin containing the corps- es of “Business D. Pression,” his wife “Dame Pessimism,” and their daughter “Miss Fortune.” But the ghosts must have come back. The Sep- tember index went down to 83.4. Since then the hokus-pokus has kept up. Am- bassador Dawes told the Lord Mayor's guests in Belfast on September 27 that they might “hope to see the normal trend of business by the fall or summer of next year.” Early in October Secretary of Labor Davis as- sured the A. F. of L. convention that “we will |. Soon emerge this period of depression and enter a start, the job index for the month sank to”| ‘to-@ new and lasting period of prosperity.” But the same month saw a former New York police head appointed as national an ner to re- lieve the unemployed of what?. the inaug- uration of the “Buy Now” campaign—for those who have no money. Less cess ‘van Dawes, were 125 members of the Wilson's War Industries Board. At their sixth annual reunion at the Hotel Ambassador in New York on November 11 under the presi- dency of Bernard M. Baruch, they expressed the belief that “the end of the depression is in sight.” So well in sight is it that the New York Times for November 23 announced: “Weekly business index declines to new low, with power and car loadings estimate down.” The. Times business “index is now at 80, compared to 107 in Jully, 1929. | Sunday, at 50 East bd SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Cable: “DATWORK.” all By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs New York, N. ¥, / of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: One year, $$; eix months, $4.50. Central Porty US.A By BURCK | By JORGE Evidently Don’t Like Us “That Daily Worker,” writes the editor of the Brownsville, Texas, Herald, “printed in New York, which ought to make a good bonfire, with the editor probably thrown in for oil, shouts the | headline: ‘Refuse to Starve! Organize to Fight for Bread, for Life and Freedom. We gather that the colonel don’t take to us much, and we are confirmed in this suspicion by another editorial wherein he lays all discon- tent in the U.S.A. to “gentlemen from Russia.” If it will sooth his nerves any, somebody might let him in on the 4, that the editor of the Daily Worker was born right thar in Texas. He makes two “constructive” suggestions: One that all “the gentlemen from Russia need a rifle bullet, properly placed.” This, we opine, is difficult to carry out for Jeffersonian Demo- crats so far from Russia, and is, morover, a plagarism on Mexican opinion of what is needed for all gentlemen from Texas. But such literary criticism of an editor that mixes his antecedents as to make it unclear as to which would make a “good bonfire,” the Daily Worker or the city of New York, are probably out of place anyhow. His second suggestion is that if there is no work in New York—‘they might organize and farm many of the thousands of acres not under cultivation these days and thus raise a little bread for themselves and the remainder of the world.” We are shocked, absolutely shocked! That this suggestion should come from such a “bril- liant” upholder of established institutions, - one of which is the Department of Agriculture, which is insisting on a~reduction of wheat acreage, manifests that either Texas has seceded from the United States or thatthe editor of the Brownsville Herald is a bit off center. + a Use A “Mild Corrective” Things will now surely go all righi. Heywood Broun, “socialist,” is starring in radio talks ad-« vertising Eno Effervesent Salts, recommended as a “mild corrective.” This is quite in line with what might be called “Broun’s Mild Corrective Socialism.” And while we were thinking about it, a fan sends us the following, clipped from Broun’s mildly corrective column of the N. Y. Telegram of Nov, 3, 1928: “It is recognized that water power should not be given over into the hands of individual capi< talists. Of course, this is straight socialism, but I am not wishing for the triumph of the social- ists now, or even in 1932. They seem to me too dogmatic. I want to see the new structure raised within the old one and have the building changed carefully beam by beam. I'm not a bit, strong for general blasting.” ‘You begin, you see, by taking a dose of “mild< ly corrective” salts. If the results show that you are not employed, you are eligible to join the “socialist” party, which guarantees to cor- rect capitalism so very mildly, without gripping, that the shareholders will feel a great sense of relief and the results will fall only on the perce. eee Any Olid Excuse ~ It is now the season for all capitalist papers, no matter in what, city published, to be giving alibis for local “Community Chests” and “Re- lief Committees,” which are refusing to give food and shelter to starving unemployed workers because they are alleged to be “from other cities.” In New York City, the miserable finks who call\themselves “social service workers,” are an- onymously cited as saying that sixty per cent of the men in the breadline are from “points outside New York,” ? In a Texas paper it said:—“Highways are crowded with tramps, leaving the cold north | and with intentions of spending the winter here, Local police are handling this’ phase of the situation.” It is the same all over. A worker is informed that the “united” in the words “United States” is not to be taken seriously and that if he takes the ferry from Hoboken to Manhattan, he is considered to be an undesirable alien and subject to deportaton if he objects to starving to death in a “foreign land.” rac ea Shedding Their Mask United States congressmen who stood on the steps of the capitol building at Washington and shouted to the savage cops: “Give it to ‘em! Hit ‘em again!” will now prepare to shed hypo critical tears over the “poor Russian workers” whom they claim are subjected to “a reign of terror.” Anyhow, the 15,000,000 or so of foreign-born workers in this country, some of whom certainly came here under the illusion that it was a “freq country” and have been bull-dozed and intims iditated ever since while building up American industry, will understand that not only local Police, but the highest officials of capitalist America have a common hatred toward them, From the. Washington “Front” The United Press report of the police attack on the demonstration against persecution of for= eign born workers at the capitol, after listing the names of thos ea d, including John Zilic of McKeesport, P: ¢ “All but Zilic were c ged with disorderly conduct, Zilic, after having a broken nose treate ed. was held on charges of assaulting an of ficer,” Tf the cops had only killed someone, the dead man probably would have been charged with * murder. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cums munist Party. Name Address CIty ..scscccceccecceseceeess. State . Occupation severe, ABO veya out -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. ¥. ‘ Aca