The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 29, 1930, Page 6

Published by the Compr New York C! ; Address and mail all checks to the Page Six 13th Street, Publishing Co., ee Inc., daily, except Sunday, ephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, at 80 Fast “DAIWORK.” New York, N. Y. 3 The Meaning of the Trial ia Moscow ECENTLY the organs of the O. G. P. U. (State Political Administration) uncovered a series | of counter-revolutionary sabotage organizations which were active in the most diverse spheres of the economy of the Soviet Union. The investi- gating material is evidence of considerable ac- tivization of all the forces of the counter-revo- lutionary saboteurs. The reason for this is clear. ‘The Soviet Union has now begun the most diffi- cult and most decisive period of its development, overcoming the resistance of its class enemies, destroying all the remnants of capitalism; it is rapidly heading towards Socialism with giant steps and is accomplishing the transformation of petty-bourgeois anarchy. The working class has achieved particularly great victories in the de- velopment of large-scale industries. The strengthening of this industry has made it pos- sible to create a Socialist foundation in the sphere of agriculture, to carry out the general collectivization of individual peasant establish- ments as well as to liquidate the kulaks as a class. Blasted Bourgeois Hopes. The practical achievements of Socialist con- struction have destroyed the last hopes of the class enemies for the degeneration of the Len- inist Party and of the Soviet State. These prac- tical achievements gave the working class vic- | tory over the new bourgeoisie in the cities and created the conditions for victory over the vil- lage bourgeoisie, the kulaks, It is unnecessary to point out that all this enormously strengthens the dictatorship of the proletariat and at the same time results in the destruction of those class forces (new bour- geoisie, kulaks) which, in coming out against the ruling proletariat, might have some hopes for success. Towards Full Socialism. The proletarian revolution in the Soviet Union is approaching its complete victory, and there- fore is exposed to the most bitter attacks by the entire capitalist world. This world knows very well that the victory of Socialism in the Soviet Union signifies the beginning of the end of capi- talism, for it will finally convince the entire world proletariat of the correctness of the Bol- shevik way of emancipatirig the toiling masses from the yoke of capitalist slavery. That is the reason for the most bitter hatred of the cap- italist world towards the Soviet Union, for all of its provocations and also for the feverish preparations towards intervention, which are now conducted and carried on by some of the capi- talist states; this also is the reason of the ac- tivization of counter-revolutionary sabotage which is a bearer of the bourgeois-feudal res- toration and at the same time the ally of all capitalism. ‘The program of the counter-revolutionary sab- otage which has been laid down in their con- fessions by the leaders of the so-called Indus- trial Party is perfectly clear as regards its class contents. It amounts to a return of the indus- trial and other plants to their former owners, to compensation of the former land-owners for the expropriated and nationalized lands, to the creation of strong kulak establishments which must inevitably lead to the establishment of Jarge latifundia (and holdings) together with all their consequences. The realization of such a program is only possible as a result of the over- throw of the Soviet power and the establishment of the bourgeois order. This was really the aim of the saboteurs. Saboteurs Counted On Kulaks. It is clear that the Industrial Party can win neither workers or peasants nor toilers in gen- eral around such a program. It can only be supported by the capitalist elements of the coun- try. Insofar, however, as the latter are being ground up by the mills of Socialist construction and are already considerably weakened, repre- senting a force of no consequence which other- wise would be capable of bringing about such a revolution, the saboteurs quite naturally look toward the capitalist world in order to find there the forces which might destroy the revolution ‘nd return to the bourgeoisie and land-owners their former power. The capitalist world, in turn, insofar as it is interested in the overthrow of the Soviet Power, gladly greets the saboteurs. What Defeat Would Mean. ‘The defeat of the revolution would give capi- talism the possibility of defeating the-movement of its own working class, of throttling the move- ment in the colonial and dependent countries; it would secure tb it a mighty market upon one- sixth of the globe and make it master of the tre- mendous natural resources of the Soviet Union. ‘That is the real reason of the touching asso- elation betwen the saboteur organizations and the emigrant bourgeoisie on the one hand, the foreign bourgeois organizations and infiuen- tial government spheres of some European states on the other. What the Indictment Proves. The indictment of the counter-revolutionary saboteur organization, now on trial in Moscow, contains a wealth of material which proves most clearly the participation of government circles and military staffs of European states ‘in the undermining work of the saboteurs. - The capitalist press is continually getting ex- cited about the “Bolshevist propaganda” of the Soviet government, without, however, producing concrete facts to prove this—for there aren't any. But it does not say a single word about that work of the government circles, the military staffs and capitalist organizations of France, Poland and Rumania, which is directed towards the organization of an armed attack upon the Soviet Union. It does not say a mortal word about the fact that leading French politicians, as for example, Poincare, Briand, etc. who receive representa- tives of white guardist organizations, confer with them about the creation of conditions for an armed attack upon the Soviet Union and agree “upon the time and forms of this attack. Nor do they say anything about the fact that the saboteur organizations are being subsidized by the state treasury and with the help of offi- cials of France and other states, The Role of the Boss Press. ‘The capitalist press is helping the world bour- feoisie, the government groups looking for ad- venture, the military staffs and other organiza- tions in the capitalist countries in their prep- arations for intervention against the Soviet Union. It undertakes to influence public opin- | ion, and to prepare it for the armed attack upon the Soviet Union. The bourgeois press of the capitalist countries is undoubtedly in the front ranks of those who incite to war. It is no accident that this press has conducted the most diverse anti-Soviet cam- paigns with such bitterness, that it is conducting @ campaign against Soviet exports and is at- tempting, by its chatter about “dumping,” to incite the broad masses of toilers against the Soviet Union. The aim of this campaign is perfectly clear— it is nothing but preparation for intervention. The capitalist press likes to talk at length about the suspicion of the Bolsheviks who are every- where scenting intrigues by the world bour- geoiste, although they aren’t any at all. The confessions of the members of the sabotage or- ganization expose most clearly the deceit of these declarations by the bourgeois press. They place all the provocations which we recently witnessed in an entirely different light Labor Government In Plot. The breaking off of diplomatic relations be- tween England and the Soviet Union which was instigated by the English conservatives, the as- assination of the diplomatic representatives of the Soviet Union abroad, the attack of the Chi- nese white bandits upon the Eastern Railway, the organization of financial and economic blockades and the Warsaw bomb—all these are. provocations with the help of which they wanted to worsen the relations between the Soviet Union and the various capitalist countries on the one hand, while on the other hand determining in this way the degree of the fighting ability of the Red Army and the reliability of the hinterland, as was the case during the conflict between Soviet Russia and China, By means of all these incitements, the capi- talist bourgeoisie provokes the Soviet Union to an armed clash; it wants to create favorable conditions for an attack upon the Soviet terri- tory. Nevertheless, all of these provocations have been shattered and are being shattered against the consistent peace policy of the Soviet Union, against its unshakeable calm dictated by the constant efforts to maintain peace. The imperialist bourgeoisie, however, does not confine itself to provocations; it also comes out into the open. It supports and subsidizes the saboteur organizations, guides their work which is directed towards undermining the economic power of the Soviet state, towards bringing about a crisis in the economy, towards disorganizing the entire economic life of the country, that is, towards the creation of such conditions which make intervention possible. The leaders of the counter-revolutionary In- dustrial Party openly state in their confessions that the foreign bourgeoisie, together with the Russian White-Guardist organizations and their agents, the saboteurs, had set 1930 as the date for the practical carrying out of intervention. Intervention Frustrated. As we know, this intervention was frustrated by the sharpening of the social contradictions in the capitalist countries, by the sharpening of the relations between the separate capitalist coun- tries, especially between Italy and France, by uncovering and liquidating the saboteur organ- izations, etc. But should this be understood to mean that the imperialist bourgeoisie, which in 1930, saw its plan frustrated, has surrendered it entirely? No, a thousand times no! As the saboteurs confess, they advanced the at- tack upon the Soviet Union to 1931, in the hope that by that time they will have put their inner affairs in order and will have freed their hands for the robber attack upon the Soviet Union. This fact must be most emphatically stressed, Particularly now, at the time when the capitalist world is developing a furious campaign of in- citement against the Soviet Union and is or- ganizing an economic financial blockade. The toiling masses of all countries must be told forcibly that the bourgeoisie is arming for an attack upon the country of socialist construc- tion. This plan must be scotched. We do not doubt that the working masses of the capitalist countries will rise unanimously, in defense of the Soviet Union and defeat the adventurous plans of the world bourgeoisie. Soviet Workers Will Go Forward. ‘The working masses of the Soviet Union will work with redoubled energy toward rooting more firmly the economic power of the Soviets, will fight for the development of the socialist econ- omy, especially of heavy industry, which is the foundation of the ability of the Soviet Union to defend itself. ‘They will give still more attention and love to the glorious Red Army which is defending the boundaries of the Soviet Union against its ene- mies, which guards the peaceful work of the proletariat and the peasants, In spite of sabotage, in spite of the cry of rage of the capitalist world, in spite of the financial economic blockade organized by it, the Soviet Union is maintaining the highest tempo in its economic development; it is building Socialism and will build it up. The cause of the Bolsheviks, the cause of the working class, the cause of the November Revo- lution lives and will continue. to live in spite of all the provocations and all the undermining ef- forts of our class enemies! Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name AAMPOS oirescrccscscrecstccceessscccecsececees CIEY vrcececcseccscccceerreees State « Occupation .. -Mail this to the Central Omce, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St, New York, N. ¥. News Item:—Frank B. Kellogg of Kellogg THE CROWNED VULTURE ee alia pagal yi TN IRE ane “Peace” Pact fame was awarded the Noble “Peace” Prize as a reward for his “Pacific” endeavors. Neither Bread Nor Cake By GROVER J. SHOHOLM. EOPLE stop and talk to me, when they see me selling Daily Workers along Sixth Ave.— voices that describe varied aspects of the unem- ployment crisis. boards in front of the agencies, turning away with a sigh or a shrug and a strained expres- sion that means no breakfast that morning. A woman with the hint of tears in her eyes says to me: “What will I do? They want four dollars for the job, and I haven't got it. I'll be put out.” “I know how it is,” is all I can say. “I’ve stayed three nights myself at the Municipal Lodging House. If you go to the Unemployed Council, you won’t be put out.” A very well dressed elderly man stops to talk to someone who perhaps understands. He is a steward. He is just living on hope, he says, from day to day. He has a little room, and each day he buys a loaf of whole wheat raisin bread for ten cents, and that’s all he eats for the day. Another stops and buys a paper. “Tell me in @ word what it's all about.” “It means, in a word,” I answer, “that the workers are going to take over the whole works for themselves.” “Well, I’d like to ee it,” he remarks, as he walks away reading the paper, “but. . .” A colored man, of the sport type, waves the paper aside. He takes a few bills from his pocket, not a very fat roll at that, and says: “This is the only thing I’m interested in— money. Or a job. I don’t care about conven- tions, or the labor movement, or things like that.” “Listen brother,” I tell him. “No matter how much money you may have, you are not treated like a human being.” A thought seems to strike him. A young fellow who buys the paper almost snarls at me.- ‘But what good is that doing? People are walking along here starving, and you are pass- ing out pieces of paper.” “Wait a minute,” I have to tell him. “There are thirty thousand cafeterias and coffee pots in New York City. And they are all running on a twelve hour day. If the hours are cut to eight, there will be thousands of jobs. There is only one way to do it, and that is through or- ganization—a ion. Cut the hours, raise or keep wages up and increase the number of jobs. Be down there tonight with the cafeteria workers on Thirty-fourth Street.” A sturdy, middle aged man comes along, and as he buys the paper, remarks that he, was an old time Wobbly. “Tt was Local 317, That was before your time, though. Tom Flynn was the boss of that bunch.” He leaves a “donation” for free copies. “Better swing back into the movement, friend,” I urge as he walks on. In selling the Daily Worker you never know where the spark may strike. For this reason I have a weakness for passing out a free copy when someone is interested, and broke. Read- ing the “Worker” may represent the first ap- proach to the Communist movement. Who can tell where an influence may extend? I notice that the cop on the beat always turns the other day when he passes. It is not that he is a good cop. It means that I am being looked over. A man, obviously famished, takes a paper and hisses at me: “If I had a machine gun, I'd fight for the red flag right now!” He is panicky. He is serious. “For the present, an armful of Daily Workers is as good as a machine gun.” Voices that pass tell of actual conditions bet- ter than statistics, “I have a wife. her.” “The tickets on the boards don't mean a thing. They haven't any jobs. They hold your de- -posit and send you around to four or five placas looking for a job. Or they tell you to come in next Monday to see the party.” Thousands pass, intent on their immediate concerns, unaware of their collective power. Occasionally someone will say: “Atta boy!” Groups eddy out of the crowd to tell me things I already know: “There is enough wasted in the big hotels to feed all these people. A little piece is cut off a good steak. The rest is thrown away.” “Why don’t the reds do something?” “Would you be there?” “Something practical!” “To fight evictions, isn't that practical? To fight the twelve hour day in restaurants, isn't that practical? Unemployment Insurance is prac- It ts impossible to live with Then they pass, to scan the | By MARY DALTON (Negro and white workers were united in the struggle for Negro rights and against lynching and special oppression by the convention of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights held re- cently in St. Louis, Mo. White and Negro del- floor. The following speech was made by Mary Dalton, one of the six Atlanta defendants facing electrocution for calling a meeting of Negro and white workers in Atlanta, Ga—Ed. Note) Comrades:. This is a historic conference for the ANLC, in that we have delegates from the major cities of the North and South. We have delegates coming from the heart of the Black Belt. It is a victory for the League of Struggle for Negro Rights that we have brought. delegates from the worst lynching state of the Union— Georgia—where six of our organizers are facing trial for life for daring to hold a meeting of white and Negro workers. This vicious sentence of death must be smashed by the white and Negro workers of the North and South. Why is it that they should have this vicious sentence? This charge of death to our six organizers is being utilized by the white landlord class in order to break down the Revolutionary Move- ment. The growth of the Revolutionary Move- ment means the break down of white supremacy. To bring the white and Negro workers together means the breaking down of capitalism. In the South we have the bulwark of this white su- premacy, lynchings etc., but we can look forward to gigantic struggles. The bosses know that by building a strong movement of the workers, the tule of the whites is broken. In order to check the advance of the revolutionary movement, they say that death can be the only sentence given to any labor revolutionary organization that dares to put its foot in the foothole of reaction. Tottering of Imperialism. Why is this necessary? Because the crisis in which American Imperialism finds itself is even a sharper form in the South. Thousands are walking the street without jobs all over the country, but it is in a much sharper form in the South. But in the South with the low living conditions and low wages, the result is today unemployed workers not only face evictions and starvation of their family, but we find its coun- ter-part in the drouth-stricken areas, The Department of Agriculture in Alabama claims that there are 26,000 Negro tenant farmers facing starvation, and with their families, a total of 100,000 facing starvation. This is the figure of the Department of Agriculture. We know capitalist figures. We know that their unemployed 100,000 means at least 200,000 or 300.000 are in a state of starvation. In Tennesce thousands of farmers are facing ruin and are being thrown into the cities, where there is no employment. Negro and White Workers Uniting What is the result? Do they sit back and take this starvation gently? The result is, these con- ditions are bringing Negro and white farmers together. We find them in some places taking crops. In West Point, Georgia. these farmers by themselves, break into the capitalists’ warehouses and take what they need. But this is no ac- cident. Agricultural laborers in Tennessee and other points went out in strikes because they are receiving 50c per day for cotton picking. Many comrades come there, and are warned to stay away. Even though they know of the lynching tical. Even in England a man gets a few shillings a week. Here you get nothing.” Someone has to echo the lies of the Evening Post. “They're starving in Russia.” “Oh, yeah!” The wind is cold. He has no over- coat. “Russia showed the world what to do.” A gray, unshaven man, who would be classified by any social service worker as an unemployable, has been listening. He adds his one word with emphasis: “Right!” “But you would make more money selling ap- ples,” says a kindly old person. Rather comfor- table looking. “I know that from your point of view I might as well be standing here with a tin cup and some pencils. But I know also that this work is edu- cational. It is very necessary. There must be a change, and it is coming sooner than you think.” “One of the needs of a paper is circulation.” “Read the Daily Worker. The Communist bel Worker. The Red Daily Worker. Right My - ‘ By mail everywhere of Manhattan and Bronx, Negro and White Workers Unite at St. Louis Convention egates militantly expressed themselves from the’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50. eS | By JORGE mobs, the K. K. K.. etc., these cotton pickers struck against their land lords. Not only do we find the farmers answering, but in other indus- | tries, such as in New Orleans, where many workers went out and had a militant struggle. Besides this, many of them taking place without 4.our leadership, we find that the Revolution is growing by leaps and bounds. This is no ac- cident. Comrades, we have with us Comrade Sherman Bell, who we tried to put on ballot for U. S. | Senator. The Negro press tells us that there are thousands of votes for Comrade Bell. Do you wonder that they want to join us, when we run | side by side with white and colored candidates for the job of U. S. Senator. Not only did we run him then, but we are ruffhing him for Mayor of Chattanooga, and I hope he will win. Tenant Farmers Shooting Landlords. Besides the growth of the revolutionary move- ment we find that throughout the South isolated shootings of white landlords. We also find in one case, where a Negro farmer refused to be evicted and shot the landlord. These farmers are answering the conditions by going out for themselves, and we are to be criticized that we were not there. Next year, we must have delegates from Louis- jana, Mississippi, Arkansas. and if we are not | able to bring delegates from these States, the | heart of the South, then we say that we have | failed. Without the Liberator in the South, we cannot give voice to the Negro movements. Today, when we discuss the facts, we must discuss what this conference is going to do for the South. The League of Struggle for Negro Rights ean build itself into a mass movement because of the con- ditions of Negro and white farmers who are ready to join our ranks as shown by their revolts and strikes. Death for All Lynchers. In Atlanta, in order to still the indignation of the masses, the bosses women met and said that the lynchings for rape is not true. We find that some Negro masses are following this movement, and we must break down this movement, by de- manding death penalty for the lynchers, by organizing Defense Corps. White and Negro workers must build themselves into Defense Corps and we can answer by mass meetings. That is our answer. The Negroes must have the right to bear arms, the right to the schools and of local communities governing themselves. | Step by step we can build up these movements. We must also fight against vagrancy laws. | Eighteen hundred Negroes during eight months have been put on the chain-gangs, charged with vagrancy. No Negro worker dares to walk the street without being put in jail on a charge of vagrancy and work free while on the farms, Confiscate the Land! We find that the Negro press is criticizing the State, the government in Sherman, Texas. We can utilize this criticism by the Negro. press in order to build up a movement for the Negro workers, taking over the land which belongs to them. This can be done by building up the movement step by step and our demands must be | “To him that tills the soil belongs the land.” The white landlord class is going to answer us. In Birmingham, Ala., they have recently passed the Anarchist law. Our answer to anarchy, to vagrancy laws, to Jim-crowism must be that we must go down to the South, we must give these workers what they want. They have been tilling the land, and it belongs to them. We must se- cure the land for the Negro workers and demand death penalty for the lynchers. Our answer to Hoover and the bosses government must be that we are going to the Black Belt, Mississippi, Ar- kansas, Tennessee, Georgia, and organize them into’r giant struggle. We are going to be guilty of insurrection until these landlords are wiped out. Every Party member, every Young Communist must sell 25 copies of the Daily Worker before fac- tory gates each week to be in good standing. Down with deportation, lynching, Jim- Crowism, segregation; elect delegates to the National Conference for the Protection of Forelgn Born, Nov. 30th, Dec. Ist, Washing- ton, D. C. Hurrah For the Youth The Young Communist League is going to try it too. That is, it too is going in for a Plenum, and we hope and expect it will come out all to the good. We feel quite sure of it, in fact, for haven't we been invited to a banquet Friday night? A Y.C.L. “banquet,” of course, gives us visions of corn beef sandwiches and soda pop only, but then Hoover forgot to invite us to help eat those six turkeys—and we have Hob- son’s choice. - The Youth have been doing things lately and intend to intensify it. But we hope they noted one of the funny mistakes told of in the Party Plenum. It seems that a nucleus, somewhere, had cor- rectly heard the slogan, “Face to the shops,” and though there wasn’t any shop in easy walking distance, there was a dock. What better than to penetrate the masses on the docks? Noth- ing, and dauntlessly they held meetings week after week in front of this dock. Workers gathered round, and heard all about the Chinese revolution, the overthrowal of the president of Peru, the astounding deepness of the economic crisis and how things would be O. K. after the revolution. Somehow or other, somebody got an extraordinarily bright idéa of trying to get to talk to some worker on this particular dock, find out their conditions there and say something about that, too. And in pursuance of this strange notion, which entered the mind after weeks of speak- ing before that dock, it was discovered that nobody had been working on that dock for three years. If there's any moral in this story it is to get your bright ideas first about getting contacts inside the shop. And we hope that the youth, learning from their elders—or even setting an example for them—will get help to this notion pronto. ee Our Foot Slipped In commenting about the pernicious habit of comrades who have an attitude of command toward workers, ordering them, so to speak, to step lively and carry out “Party instructions,” perfectly good instructions, by the way, we our- selves, Red Sparks, fell into the mire! Mea culpa! Like the engineers on trial at Moscow, we make no defense, even of the miti- gating circumstances that existed in the fact of trying to do two men’s work and attend a Plenum at the same time. We explain our mistake in detail. In com- menting on a Paterson “commissar,” we swal- lowed too readily the joke that a fellow crim- inal on the staff got off, about this guy think- ing “the revolution has already occurred.” It was a good joke, maybe, but cock-eyed. For after the revolution the workers in general, in- cluding non-Party workers, are NOT ordered about like rookies by a Top Kick, as even bour- geois journalists admit is shown by the labor turn-over in Soviet factories. The support of the workers for the Commu- nist Party, both before and after a revolution, is won by convincing them, and even within the Party the discipline, about which enemies of the workers make so much fuss, is based upon the conviction of the members that it is necessary to win the goal which all are convinced is neces- sary to win. ee S He Violated the Game Laws “Ted” Brandle is pinched. And by Uncle Sam. But only for evading the income tax. But you should know who Brandle is. He is a General Organizer of the A. F. of L., thank you, for one thing, But he is other things: Head of the Iron Workers’ Union, he organized the N. J, Iron League “to handle re- lations” between iron contractors and the union! By becoming a businessman, controlling the Branleygran Company in Jersey City, he forced any capitalist who wanted to build in Northern New Jersey to pay what amounts to a graft to his Branlegran “bonding” company. The Atlantic & Pacific Company, with 7,000 employes in its warehouses there, moved to Yonkers rather than pay the high graft he demanded. Brandle is a little czar. But he is a demo- cratic party czar, prominent on the Democratic National Committee. This rhymes in nicely with his presidency of the Jersey State Building Trades Council and of the “Labor” National Bank of Jersey City. But because he was a democrat, and because he was getting too confounded greedy—not abid- ing by the game laws limiting the bag—and robbing capitalists rather than confining himself to robbing the workers, Brandle is pinched. But hold your tears. Brandle will not go to jail. He is too powerful a racketeer, too solidly @ part of the capitalist class. He will be slapped on the wrist and restricted to “labor” rack- eteering. fe tke S The Apple Racket Tammany's employment agent admits there are 800,000 jobless in New York, but we have counted an even million selling apples, or try- ing to sell 'em. Probably because the regular apple vendors are kicking, the N. Y. American is exposing the apple racket. The American's editor says he, personally, saw a gink making the rounds of jobless apple sell- ers, demanding to know how many they had sold and telling them to “do better.” The Associated Press, he says. states that three million apples were sold in three weeks—and at five cents each, making a total turn-over of $150,000. But apples from the wholesale dealer are NOT bought by the jobless and resold by him with him keeping the difference. A racketeer pays for them at the average of $2 per hundred, and puts the poor shivering jobless worker to selling them for twenty-five per cent commission. ‘The racketeer thus pays $60,000 for 3,000,000 apples, So the American editor figures out that of $60,000 profit the racketeer gets $52,5000 and all the thousands of unemployed apple sellers to« gether, for their three weeks’ work, got only $37,500. ‘ Quite correctly he asks: “Is there ANYTHING in New York that is not a racket?” To which we reply: Yes, there's one; the movement of all workers, under leadership of the Communists, to put all rackets out of business and, besides feeding, clothing and sheltering all workers right now, take the world away from capitalist rule, which isa racket from which all lesser rackets flow. iW