The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 28, 1930, Page 4

J x y Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co, Inc, datly, except Sunday, at 80 Bast : Pee ne Pe Page Four 13th Street, New York City, N. ¥, Telephons Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DATWORK.” 8 By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, 2 sector pocanen ‘ ‘ Coated New . Foreign: One year, 3 six mol 50, Address and mail all checks to the Dafly Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. Ys UsA of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City eae oe = : Posty Bement i eee ee By BURCK source saeaerewane cine mer ome enenuba oN site TASKS OF NAT'L CONFERENCE PROTECTION FOREIGN-BORN By LOUIS KOVESS. HE chief task of this conference, opening Sun- day, Nov. 30, 11 a. m. at Press Club, Wash- ington, D. C be to m: clear to millions of foreign born and all other workers in this country, that from now on the persecution of the foreign born workers will rise to the extent as never before. For this reason the foreign born. workers together with the Negroes and white native workers must unite and struggle, to beat back the att Why are the bosses and their government de- termined to pass new laws against the foreign born? Because the workers do not stand more for unemploy wage cuts, slave driving, hunge: A great wave of strug- Organization into, the unions of gle is s the Trade Union Unity League, strikes against wage cuts, struggle for immediate unemploy- ment r for the adoption by Congress of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, these are the things the bosses are afraid of. So they want to weaken the working class, di- vide their ranks, turn white against Negro, Ne- gro against white, native born \against foreign born, terrorize the Negro and the foreign born, so they can crush the native, foreign born and Negro separately and force them to suffer the starvation and persecution and carry the burden of the economic crisis What are the tasks of this conference? To unite the foreign born workers together with the native white and Negro workers for a concrete program, for action. On a national scale—to mobilize the masses to demand from Congress to abolish those para- graphs of the Immigrations Laws which provide the basis for deportation of foreign born work- ers, under the pretext, that they are for “force and violence against the government.” On the basis of this paragraph’ the bosses can deport strikers, picketers, workers fighting for imme- diate relief, against eviction, etc. To abolish those parts of the immigration laws, which limit the number of immigrants to an insignificant number. The abolition of the Harris law aimed against the Mexicans, and the paragraphs barr- } ing Chinese, Japanese and Hindoos. Same time the conference should take a definite stand against anti-labor legislation (criminal syndical- ist and sedition laws, etc.) on the basis of which the ruling class jails foreign born and native workers alike when their struggle against wage cuts, or unemployment relief.» It is also neces- sary. to take a determined stand against the lynchers of Negroes demanding death penalty against them. There are many other questions which must be taken up at the national con- ference and formulated as the concrete demands of the foreign born and other workers from the Congress. But demand alone does not bring results. The committee presenting the demands to Congress must have the support of hundreds of thousands of workers, ready to fight for these demands and organized in a solid front capable to fight. On a state scale—Besides fighting for these national demands the organizations of foreign born, Negroes and native white workers must be organized to fight for concrete demands from the state legislatures. For example, there are states, where foreign born do not receive the same ac- cident insurance as the native born. In many states foreign born cannot be employed at public works. There are many discriminationg state laws. The organizations unitedly must struggle for the abolition of these laws. Mass delegations representing tens of thousands of workers who are determined to struggle for these demands, must present them to the state legislaturess. On local scalé—There are many municipal or- dinances discriminating against te foreign born and Negroes. Foreign born or Negroes cannot be employed on city jobs, etc. But it is not suff- cient to present the demands to the municipal administration. The demands presented inside the municipal buildings must be backed by mili- tant demonstrations outside. In mines, mills, factories—In the mines, mills, factories, the foreign born, native white and Negro workers must organize joint committees of action against discrimination. For example: In many factories only those foreign born can get work, who have their firrst papers. Even more cases only citizens. What is still worse, thousands of foreign born workers are layed off to make the native workers believe, that they will be replaced by native born workers. But this is not the case. This is the usual lay off of workers, but in this case with the aim of creating competition and struggle amongst the native and foreign born workers for jobs. This leads to antagonism and the boss is the only winner. When the workers are divided, the next step is wage cut and further speed-up. Can then the native born workers alone fight succesfully against these wage cuts? The situation is the same with the Negroes. The foreign born work- not work, who have their first papers. Even missal of Negroes also, together with the native white workers. They must unite against foreign born or Negroes getting lower wages than the native white. They must all get the same wages. And more than the miserable wages they re- ceive today. But for all these demands they must organize and struggle. Against the Cable, Ashwell and Blease Bills and the proposals of the Fish committee, all aimed for the registration, photographing, finger printing and deportation of foreign born, foreign born workers must struggle, unitedly with the rest of the working class. Also, for assylum for political emigres and for the release of the po- litical prisoners, against the deportation of Serio and the other foreign born workers. Just as the conference takes a definite stand against the domestic policy of the government based on persecution and terror, so this confer- | ence must take a stand against the foreign policy of the government, the sharpest expression of which is the provocation for war against the Soviet Union, together with France, England, Poland and the Russian monarchists. Defend the Workers’ Republic, must be a slogan of action of the conference, It will be the task of this conference, to con- solidate the forces represented at the conference and go forward, to win over other hundreds of thousands of workers, for the above and similar demands, which must be worked out and clearly formulated at the national conference, with the actual participation of all the delegates in for- mulating these demands. A Glance at Collective F arming in the Soviet Union By N. STEVENS. ‘WO hundred and ninety-one (291) families of the village of Lemishtchicha, two miles from the town of Zashkow (Kiever Gubernia), or- ganized a collective in July, 1929. They named it the Stalin Artel. The nine other families in the village. three of whom ar kulaks, and six middle peasants, refused to join it. The mem- bers of this collective are not yet building their new collective homes, but in each one of their old thaghed roofed houses there is a raido, which 4s connected to a central distributor in the club house. It sure does look quaint to see the an- tennae stretched above these stray roofs. These peasants spent 4,000 rubles to install these radio Sets in each house before constructing other more essential necessities, because, as they told us, “To build up and develop our organization, we need a simultaneous cultural growth and a radio helps immensely.” Then they set aside two of the best houses in the village for a children’s nursery (Yaslow) and a kindergarten (plusht- chatke), Here three city girls, recent college graduates, are in charge of 150 children. The peasant women bring their children to the low of lushtchatte at 7:50 in the morn- ing their way to work in the field. They know that the children will be fed three times during the day, washed and other ways well cared for, all at the expense of the collectie. In the evening, when the mothers return from the day’s work, they take. the children home with them. Prior to the organization of the col- lective, the mothers would take the children with them to the fields, leave them there ex- posed to the scorching sun, without proper food or any other attention which a child must have, while the mothers would labor from sunrise to sunset, on a ration of black bread and cucum- ber. Today 365 women and 308 men of the village work 8 hours a day and at noon have a hot meal served to them in the field, which is prepared in the co-operative kitchen. This summer the colelctive workers produced 25 per cent more wheat and sugar beets per hectar of land than the individual neighboring farmers. As we approached the fields where they worked it seemed as though we were ap- proaching a carnival. They sing and laugh and are playful at their work, ‘Work now is not so dreary as it used to be, or as it still is to the individual small farmer or to the farmer in capitalistic countries. On the collectives the workers work in groups called brigades, the number in each varying according to the type of work, and the work is so dis- tributed that the stronger in the group make up for the weaker members who cannot do as much, The Comsomols, or Young Communist League members, form their own brigades and fo into Socialist competition with the other brigades to see who can produce more. The technical staff of the colelctive showed us, with much pride, their new mechanical devices with whieh the threshing and cleaning of the wheat is performed automatically in one process, right in the field. The older folks in the meantime ‘were working on the collective gardens. Seventy- ‘six individuals in the collective are entirely too ‘old or otherwise incapacitated to do any work. These are taken care of by the collective which lays aside a special fund for this purpose. ‘Tw onew stables, a silo and brick kiln were in the process of construction. “In another two years,” said one of them, “this old village will be @ modern little socialist city.” About two miles away we visited another vil- lage. In July, 1928, a group of 28 poor families formed an artel and named it the Comintern. The government gave them land and credit to obtain a few horses and some plows. In duly, 1929, the artel increased to about 50 families, and by August, 1930, we found that it had grown to 250 families. Being over two years old, this artel is already much stronger, organizationally, than the artel Stalin and has many more improvements. ‘In the office we were introduced to the man- ager, the agronomist, bookkeeper, clerk and typ- ist. They proudly showed us the three newly completed dwelling houses, with running water and baths, a new, modern stable and stall, a re- pair shop, a mill and a bread magazine (store- house), They also had many agricultural ma- chines and two tractors. A young doctor, re- cently graduated, was in charge of the clinic and first aid station. He also acted as one of the teachers in the school to liquidate illiteracy. The members spoke more determinedly about the advantages of the collective farming. ‘They were growing and flourishing. On the day before we arrived there was a great deal of excitement here, One brigade re- ported that they found a series of iron bars and spikes dug into the ground, intended to damage the machines at work. “This is kulak sabotage,” one peasant explained to us. A meeting was held and the Comsomuls, “Young Communist League,” members arranged that henceforth they would patrol the fields at night. Every night another group goes out armed to guard the fields against the mischief and sabot- age of the enemies. Wie It might benoted that in the villages the “Comsomuls” are playing a very important role in transforming the old village into a modern “Socialist Community.” This artel also included in its membership a couple of shoemakers, a tailor, blacksmith and a few mechanics. The enthusiasm of the mem- bers was wonderful and their optimism for the future even more wonderful. ‘The artel, “New Life,” in the village of Zytniki was even further advanced than the “Comintern Artel.” Having started in February, 1928, with 26 families, they had grown to a membership of 305 families in August of this year. They had over 2,000 hectaires of land, 220 horses and 75 cows, modern barns and stables, a brick kiln, three chicke nincubators, 100 in‘ each, 200 bee hives and many rabbits. They told us that all plans are completed to wire the houses and that the motors in the mill will supply the entire village with power. We found the school and club particularly well attended. Tlliteracy is being liquidated and they are busy raising their cultural level. The or- ganization boasts of 50 Comsomols, 150 pioneers and 60 Octobrists (children younger than the pioneers). _ The Comsomols live right next to the “CONVICT” LABOR cl ipnosaiitons By SHERMAN BELL. (The following speech by Sherman Bell, a Negro delegate to the St. Louis Convention of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, is typical of the militant utterances from the floor and expressive of the will to struggle of the frightfully oppressed Negro masses of the South.—Ed. Note.) Friends and fellow-workers, I hope you will consider the invitation to this platform to speak as I did when I received nomination by the Communist Party as a candidate in the last election. I did not consider that I was a great man, myself, but to think of the people standing back of it, the nerve .of the people who dared to do such a thing and had the success they did. I told many of them“that I did not plaée the honor on myself, but I did on the Party, and, particularly, Comrade Dalton, I think she de- serves all of the credit. In other words, I con- sidered that was the greatest move ever made in the way of solving the problems in the South. Those of you who have never been in the heart of the South don’t know how bad it is, and how easy it is for Negroes to get in the hands of the law, in the penitentiaries, lynching, telegraph poles for violating what they call the law. Ne- groes do not have to violate the law-in the South to be put in jail. He has to ride the street cars, be on the street with the whites, yet he has no privileges. He can get on the street car and is Jim-crowed; the white people can take all the car but one seat and they haven't broken the law. If a white man has anything against one Negro, he can start something and all the Negroes will be killed and there is noth- ing done about it. Comrades, I might tell you about the condi- tions in the South all day, but unless you go to the South and test it you will never know. Im- agination is alright in a dream, but you had better go and experience how it is in Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, etc. Now, when I was nominated for U. S. Senator, the bosses thought that was the worst thing that ever happened, and they talked about it so much that I got a little scared. Comrade Dalton felt the effects of it also and she told me she thought it would be safe for me to stay " away for a day or two,,and she took me off and I was very gldd to go. I went off and spent two or three nights. But the thought came to school house. After work they attend the classes or participate in the activities of the club. They form the nucleus of the new communal life in the village, Prior to the Revolution, this land was owned by a “Pomeschik” (rich land owner). Many of the members of this very collective were his ser- vants. Now these former servants are free mem~- bers of the collective. They are most active members and constitute the backbone of the col- lective. They are very enthusiastic, for it is their collective and they see it grow from year to year, From each of these collectives many young peasants are sent to Umann, Kharkov or Moscow for special courses in agriculture and are trained ‘to be tractorists and mechanics, Thus each year new trained forced are supplied to the collective. In the Soviet Union there are thousands of such collective villages. We could visit but a few. In each we found something new, some- thing different. In the recently organized col- lectives there are some peasants who are doubt- ful and hesitant about the outcome of this new undertaking. But any one who had stuck one harvest became a strong and ardent advocate of collective farming. i Life in the collective is buoyant, joyful and optimistic. The contrast betwen this new life and that of the old individual farming is so striking that one becomes inspired and imbued with it, ‘ Me The St. Louis Convention of the League of Struggle of Negro Rights my mind that here was Comrade Dalton that. they already had a death sentence hanging over because she had dared to hold a meeting for laboring people, and she had the nerve to stand the trial and I was dodging it. After realizing the condition, I said I was going back, I am not going to be a bigger coward than she is. She had the nerve to take a chance on her life to rescue the Negroes in Georgia, when since 1861 there had been 3,000 lynchings on the account of supposed to be raping of white women, and she had the nerve to come there and rescue the few Negro men left, I felt it would be less than man to run. The time is limited and I haye to make my discussion brief. I will wind up with these re- marks: I hope everybody here will go back home and make it known that this is the only rescue for the Negro man and population. The Social Roots of — the! Counter-Revolutionary Bour- geois Sabotageurs . (This is the last of a special series of articles on the background of the invasion and sab- otage plot in the Soviet Union. The series gives some of the activities and connections of leaders associated with the eight now on trial at Moscow.) ee ie MOSCOW, U. S. S. R., Nov. 26—Kondratiev’s kulak party and the allied menshevik “socialist” group of Groman And Sukhanov could not base themselyes on a more or less broad section of the population of the Soviet Union. They re- ceived no support whatever from among the working class, the farm laborers and the middle, sections of the peasants, nor from among the broad masses of the Soviet intellectuals, ‘They tried to penetrate the Red Army for the purpose of recruiting supporters there, but with no suc- cess, for the simple reason that, in their own words, there are many workers and trustworthy- Communists in the commanding ranks of the Red Army. Their only hope for support was the kulaks, tich farmers and the remains of the “former nobility”—the declassed and degenerate elements of the old exploiting classes which had been broken up by the revolution, forces which the Working Peasants, party set itself the task of “consolidating.” « About 1,000 of Them. ‘The small membership of the W. P. P. (about own subscription or rene’ mate to subscribe. Use the blank below. I hereby pay $ CItY s.ecrcccereeccescees New York City. NOTW: Print all Names Spread the Daily Worker Readers, join the campaign for 60,000 circulation by sending your Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13t NAME .eecccccecsegeccescscccsons AUGICES ..csescccscsssccecssensacece ve Tear off and mail directly one thousand in all the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics), without any mass following, con- sisted of the highest specialists in the Soviet economic organization, chiefly in the land de- partment and the agricultural co-operative so- cieties, bourgeois ideologists and their support- ers working in the lower ranks of these organs. ‘The social composition of this counter-revolu- tionary bloc can be seen from the social posi- tion of its leaders. Kondratiey is a professor, who until 1919 was a member of the socialist revolutionary party which fought against the revolution and was a director in the Market Institute of the Comniissariat of Finance of the U. S. S. R. Kurofski was a professor at -the University of Saratoy,. He occupied the position of manager of the Currency Board of the Com- missariat of Finance. Makarov was a professor, a member of the Presidium of the Land Plan- ning Department of the Commissariat of Fi- nance, Chayanov was a professor, the director of the Institute of Agricultural Economics. Sad- irgin was an old member of the Central Com- mittee of the Cadets’ party, “Freedom of the People,” a member of the management of the State Bank of the U. S. 8. R. and prominent. in the co-operatives.’ Fabrikant was a professor, an old “socialist” mensheyik,. editor of the magazine “Agronom.” Groman was a statistician and economist, an old mensheyik, member of the Presidium of the Land Planning Department of the Commissariat. of Land, etc., the rest of their leaders bear sim- ilar records to these. “Drift Toward Ca These elements believed at. first that the pur- pose of the New Economic Policy was to abandon socialist construction. Therefore, they honestly began to assist the Soviet Government, thinking that they could assist in the development of the Soviet economy along capitalist lines. But when the Communist Party of the U. S. S. R. took the line of fully collectivizing agriculture and tearing out the roots of capitalism in agricul- ture, and in spite of the Trotskyists and the right wingers, undertook to accomplish the Five- Year Plan in four years, these capitalist ele- ments took up an attitude of counter-revolution- ary sabotage and advyenturism. The G. P. U. has liquidated this counter-reyo- lutionary band, and the Moscow trial is exposing their plot to the whole world. Every Party member, every Young Communist must sell 25 copies of the Daily Worker before fae- tery gates each week to be in good standing. wal. Get the paper regularly. Get your shop- for. s+ers+e:Months subscription to the ith Street, New York City. © seveees State +» Industry. ‘ta the. Daily Worker, 60 Wast 13th Street, and Addresses clearly to avold error, And 1,200,000 Demonstrated in Moscow Did you notice all the harvest of funny stories about the Bolsheviks that broke loose in the capitalist press as a sort of screen to obscure the tremendous revelations at the Moscow trial of the eight counter-reyolutionists? Some of them were so brazenly arranged for the occasion that the game was obvious. For example, that the Fish Committee should again call the unshot rascal, Mr. Delgass, to testify against the Soviet is enough to show a put up job. But what he said was too silly for words, 60 darned silly that the unusually ornery State that wants to—or has the money—including the and War Departments had to say so. Anybody Soviet Union, can buy Liberty motors, but this guy made a dark and dreadful mystery about it. And they were shipped, these motors, he said—“in disguise”! They were “disguised” as “machinery,” which is. still funnier, as if a motor is not a machine but a case of eggs! And all this weird business was done by “OGPU agents” who are over-running this country in droves, etc. Well, he did his best, we suppose, but failed to cover up the story of real spies, but against the Soviet’ Union, operating there. And {f some more exposures are given, brethren, you will find that not only France and England, put the old U. 8. A., too, has a flock of spies in the Soviet Union, directed, we have an idea, from the U. S. Consulate at Riga, principally, and also from Warsaw and Berlin, the last a more recently established American spy center. Sec retary Stimson’s sister-in-law has been taking care of connections between American and: the Czarist group in Paris. You should know that already. But we mustn't forget other stories, put out to distract attention from the Moscow exposure, Among the first order of prevarications was that one the N. Y. Times put on the front page from London, That London story was a bird for vagueness. It was chock full of things that “are reported,” that “according to” somebody “it is understoo then “it is suggested” that something was dona by somebody who “is credited with being” such and such, Among all these phrases the story was that the Soviet ambassador in London was “holding as prisoners” three “Stalin emissaries” who are, of course, G, P. U. agents and naturally “en- tered the country” illegally without asking Scot- Jand Yard about it, to conduct the ambassador “back to Moscow” where he was to be made into hot dogs, or something. And although the interesting lie was that the ambassador's wife was “credited with being” the “chief of the GPU section in London,” she seemed to be jailer of the imported GPU men, having chosen her huse band in the conflict betwixt love and duty. It was a whale of a story, and appeared in the London Daily Mail, but the papers Wednes- day had to admit it wasn’t true. So beware of all these fairy tales being played up in the capi- talist papers now. They are put out deliberately to distract attention from the real exposures of the war plot against. the Soviet Union. Not a Bad Notion Our explanation of the absence of Red Sparks for a couple of days brought some results. In @ way remarkable results. A comrade from the land of milk and honey. beyond Jordan, or rather the Hudson, sent us three cans of choice honey, for one thing. We said he sent it. But, alas, he trusted it to the capitalist government, ensconsced, but not safely, in a box of excelsior, With misgiv- ing we noted that the box was’ stamped “re- ceived in bad order.” It decidedly was. ‘The honey. was all in the excelsior but nary a drop in the: cans. A hungry guy on the staff suggested we cut up the excelsior and use it for breaktast food, honey and all. Well, that may be all right, but another comrade from Dakota had just sent us a letter telling us that what we needed, as dis- tinct from what we wanted, was not anything to eat, but on the contrary was a dose of. salts, Another success was to come in and find a real air-valve functioning on our radiator, and some real steam in the darn thing. Showing the usefulness of having a pet crocodile around the office. Then we began to receive air-valves by mail from far and wide. Guess we'll have to go into the wholesale hardware business. A nice letter of condolence came from some Portland, Oregon, workers whose names we can’t mention because they didn’t sign any. But we turned it in to the $30,000 fund, boys. Along with one of the air-valves, from the city of Buffalo, there came a letter, suggesting that the small wants of the office and other offices, might be furnished by a “Need of the Hour” department. Which is not a bad notion. The staff has been feeling that the office should be rationalized to the extent of getting a radio. Not just to tickle our ears with music, but to get occasionally important political speeches. We don't want to interfere with the $30,000 Fund drive, but we wonder if some com- rade who is long on radios would be willing to contribute one that would talk*English for the benefit of the Daily Worker. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist. Party U. 8. A, 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Com= munist Party, Name Address Corey Olty oo seiieisiessascevesseiee Bates. ccsececce * Occupation .....ssseccvereeeecerees ABC secnve +Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. ¥, 7