The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 24, 1930, Page 4

Published by Page Four 13th Street. the Comprodatly Pu net N s to the Cabl Street, New “DAIWORK.” York, 50 Bast orker Porty USA By mail everywhere of Manhattan and RATES two months, Foreign: One year, SUBSCRIPTION One year, $6; six month Bronx, New York City. $1; Shanghai Demonstration Support: ing Chinese Soviets CTOBER 10 is the annive of the Republic of Ch Day of the Chinese lando’ To a certain exten! N was observed by the Government. On the s of the birth the year d by the Red Armies in Nanchang, the capital of Kia an important port near to on the verge of the “Communist bandi hough h boasts that the civil war was and that hereafts er time to exter yet the c Chang Ks: ment is enla liang cares ment. fall falling hands of “ended’ bandits,” the orders of the Nanki a new civil hand there j is no certainty troops under the command ih can win the against , the S and the Ty movement, especially the present of supporting laboring class in the Chinese Soviets Shanghai, are daily ntirely new to Chinese that the masses ‘waged demonstrations on the National Day to support the Chinese Soviets. The laboring masses at Shanghai or elsew in China con- sidered that to celebrate the National Day was the business of the ruling class and that the affairs of the masses themselves were to sup- port the Soviet Regime. While all the govern- mental organs were being busy with the prep- @ration of all sorts of lanterns and with plan- ning how to observe the anniversary, the Shang- hai laboring class were very active to spread their propaganda and agitation about the So- viet movement and to hold meetings to oppose the rule of the Kuomintang and to support the Soviet power. Prior to October 10, thousands of colored leaf- lets were distributed in all streets of Shanghai and revolutionary posters written on all the walls with the Chinese pens and chalk sticks. Their contents were as radical as expected by the people in general, e. g., “Down with = Kuomintang for the support of the Sovi “Down with imperialism, for the support of the Soviets”; “Participate in demonstrations for the support of the Soviet”; “Carry out strikes for the support of the Soviets,” etc. There were many passersby who carefully read the posters on the walls and picked up the handbills from the ground to bring home for themselves and for their friends to read. From the above mentioned we can see that the sphere of the agitating work of the labor- ing class at Shanghai was really and extra- ordinarily broad. October 10 was the settled day of waging the Soviet supporting demonstration by the Shang- hai laboring masses. It was carried out in var- fous sections. As the eastern section is the sec- tion of workers, I decided to go there to watch them how they were going to do in order to know some real condition of the demonstration of the Shanghai working class. At 6 o'clock Pp. m. of this day I reached the Yangtzepu Road by the tramcar where there is a factory called the Shang Seng Seventh Cotton Mill. When I was coming down from the tramcar there were no workers at all in the road but groups of armed police patrolling here and there to search everyone who passed there, though I was not searched because I am an European (Europeans, Americans and Japanese in Shanghai or else- where in China have special privileges in travel- ing and in doing everything). After half an hour all the workers in the said mill came out dust after the blow of the whistle for dismission. ‘They marched to a neighboring mill named the will devote his | | Kung Dah Second Cotton Mill. Just when they | arrived there all the workers in this second mill also came out to the street At this time these workers of two mills, about 6,000 in all, most of them being female workers, | were chatting and laughing as usual. While I was doubting whether the demonstra- tion foretold in the leaflets previously distrib- uted and in the posters on the walls would be carried out or not, two firecrackers were unex- pected broken out in a lane. As soon as this signal was given all, the mill workers were at once converted into the brave demonstrators, unanimously shouting: “Support the Soviet Re- gime”; “Prepare armed uprisings to overthrow the Kuomintang”; “Fight against the attacks on the Red Armies by the imperialists and the Kuo- mintang”; “Support the National Soviet Con- gress”; “Support the Red Flag Daily News,” etc. At the same time tens of thousands of colored leaflets were thrown to the crowded masses look- ing like butterflies flying in the sky. Then, they marched eastward. When they arrived at the Ewo Cotton Mill over three thousand workers who were waiting for them in the front of the mill at once joined them in shouting the slogans and in distributing the handbills. Because every one of them took active part in shouting the slogans, their unani- mous shout was far louder than the lion roar- ing making the police wonder what they should do. They then marched northward for twenty minutes as a procession to end the demonstra- tion, though there were three men arrested by the police. Though I personally watched the demonstra- tion, yet I quite wondered under such a severe precaution of the police and detectives how could these skillful Chinese workers outbreak the firecracks as the signal of starting the demon- stration and how could they previously arrange to bring so many handbills (not Jess than 100,000 copies) to the spot for distributing them in time. ‘When I was coming home through the inter- section of the Nanking Road and the Chekiang Road (the most prosperous part in Shanghai) I met a similar demonstration and all the roads nearby were entirely covered with the colored leaflets. Afterwards I was told that on October 8th and 9th there had been some preparatory demonstrations simultaneously waged at sections of the French concession, southern Shanghai, Chapei, Pootung, etc. Now let us see how the Kuomintang cele- brated its National Day. On the eve of October 10th at Chapei(Chinese section) the followers of the Kuomintang) actually carried out their long | prepared lantern procession. But at the time when they were most cheerful in proceeding to ® prosperous road, a signal firecrack was unex- pectedly broken out and hundreds of workers converged to this spot from all the directions. They at once gave severe blows to all the par- ticipants or faithful running dogs of the Kuo- mintang and tore all the lanterns into pieces. Simultaneously such slogans as “Down with the Kuomintang”; “Support the Soviets,” etc., were shouted and a great many leaflets were distributed. All the police were scared to death and hid themselves in crooked lanes and all the Kuomintang men tried their very best to save their lives by escaping. Three of the Kuomin- tang members were severely injured and four slightly wounded. At 10 o'clock a. m. of the so-called National Day the Kuomintang held its “mass” meeting at the Public Play Ground to celebrate the anni- versary. There were less than three hundred persons participating in it who were officials from the governmental organs, members of the Kuomintang, Yellow Leaders of the bureau- cratic trade unions and a few students under the oppression by the Educational Bureau. Among such “masses” no single one of the workers could be seen. Yet all the adjacent places were full of the troops "and police who took great caution to prevent the workers from making “trouble” as last night. It is reported that the Kuomintang are very much worrying about the movement of the workers as they have been so hot to support the Soviet regime in their demonstrations. St. Louis Convention of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights By CYRIL BRIGGS. Article No. 2. iT. LOUIS.—It is the unanimous verdict of the delegates to the anti-lynching convention of the American Negro Labor Congress (now the League of Struggle for Negro Rights) that his- tory was made in this city during the past few days. It is a verdict that the imperialist oppres- sors of the Negro masses will be forced to concur in sooner or later. ‘The convention concretized the struggle of the Negro masses for unconditional equality, for the right of self-determination and by its decisions and its selection of the new name the League of Struggle for Negro Rights fully crystalized the idea that it is an organization of struggle and that struggle is for Negro rights from the very smallest fight against oppression and for all immediate demands of the Negro masses clear up to the ultimate liberation of the Negro masses, with state unity of the “Black Belt” and the right of the Negroes to decide their relation- ship to other governments with the right of separation from the bourgeois United States gov- ernment if they so desire. In a ringing manifesto to the Negro and white workers and poor farmers, the convention ave a bitter incident of American bourgeois democracy, pointing out that: “In this so-called democratic United States, the citadel of capitalist civilization and culture, the white ruling classes carry out the most shameless and barbarous oppression of millions of Negro workers and farmers. Economically super-exploited, socially ostracized, in many places denied even the most elementary human rights, the Negroes are relegated to the lowest rungs of the social ladder and exist as a nation of “untouchable” or “social lepers,” subjected to the most flagrant persecutions and abuses. “It is an infamous lie perpetrated only by a government of slave drivers and their agents to maintain the yoke of slavery has been listed from the Negroes in these United States. The ' so-called “proclamation of emancipation” only signifies a formal abolition of slavery without YTemoving its real basis—the monopoly of the land by the plantation owners of the South, eee they still enjoy—after the civil war— the connivance and support of the so-called of the Negroes, the northern capitalists, The fact is that in the South millions of Ne- gro workers and poor farmers are still in the position in many instances worse than chattel slavery.” The manifesto declares that the right of self- determination with confiscation of the land for the Negroes who work it is the only solution of lynching and Negro oppression and calls upon the white and Negro masses “to fight for the right of self-determination of the Negroes in the ‘black belt’ where they are the majority of the population by securing the land to the Negroes who work the land, by establishing the state unity of the Black Belt and by securing to the Negro majority the right and possibility of deciding its relations to other governments.” It calls for “the removal of all armed forces of the white ruling class from this territory— in the Black Belt.” It declares that “in con- tradiction to the fallacy of the ‘peaceful’ return to Africa, this convention declares its determin- ation to struggle for the unqualified rights of the Negroes in this country” and that further “in contradiction to the illusions spread by Gar- veyism, of revolutionary granting by the im- perialists of freedom without struggle for the African masses, this convention supports the revolutionary struggles of the masses of the vari- ous African colonies against the imperialist rob- bers and for the establishment of independent native republics.” The manifesto points out to the Negro work- ers that they cannot free themselves by merely fleeing to the North. “The heritage of the plan- tations still cling to them in the northern in- dustrial centers. The chains of the convict labor in the South extend to the cities and enshackle the Negro industrial worker. The Negro in the North cannot free himself as long as his brother remains a slave in the South.” It calls upon the white workers and poor farmers to support the struggles of the Negro masses, pointing out that “the interests of the great masses of white workers are diametrically opposed to any special oppression of any section of the working class. The existence of a section of workers specially exploited and oppressed is 4 constant threat to the living standards of the working class as a whole. The presence of cheap labor is a weapon with which the bosses are able to nullify all the economic gain of the cent. Of course it is to be remembered that, a) THE BOSS’ DREAM SOVIET WORK $8; excepting Boroughs ERS AMERICAN WORKER The Offensive on the Building Trades Workers: | By A. FISHER What is the situation in the building industry? Of the 250,000 building trades workers in the city of New York and vicinity about 100,000 be- long to the various craft unions of the A. F. of L. and the rest of them are unorganized. Dur- ing the years of so-called prosperity the build- ing industry was in the first ranks of develop- ment. The workers gaining the 8-hour, 5-day week and $13.20 a day on construction jobs. But with the general crisis the building trades was one of the first industries to be severely effected. The official figures of the A. F. of L. for the month of August for unemployment was 36 per these figures are not to be trusted, coming from the A. F. of L. b.) that this percentage only ap- plies to the members of the A. F. of L., the num- ber of unorganized being greater, c.) that even this perecentage of unemployment is taking place during the height of the season. It is gen- erally believed that there are 60 per cent of the workers unemployed at this time and a much larger percentage will be unemployed a month from now. While the A. F. of L. is giving so- called figures on unemployment they completely cover the wage cuts and speed-up taking place in this industry. Officially the wages of the or- ganized workers is $13.20 per day but this should not mislead anybody, the majority of the workers are forced to work for $6-8 per day at a neck breaking speed-up. The restriction on the num- ber of rooms to be painted or the number of electrical outlets to be installed is a matter of the past only. The conditions are even worse among the unorganized. The number of unem- ployed among the unorganized is greater, their wages range from $4-6 per day while the speed- up is intolerable. In brief this is the situation in the building industry. ~ What are the officials of the A. F. of L. unions doing to prevent the attack upon these workers? The same answer holds true in this industry as to all others where the A. F. of L. succeeded to mislead a small section of the workers. It helps the employers put through their program against the workers. They have agreed not to strike against wage cuts, speed-up, etc., they have adopted Hoover's stagger system (the Painters District Council No. 9) they fight against the unity of the employed and unemployed, against social insurance etc. In short they are doing everything the bosses want them to do. As a result of this disgust with the betrayals of their “leaders” thousands of workers are leaving the A. F. of L. unions, refusing to pay dues and the (Continued.) By JOHN LITTLE The tactic of the united front from below is very important in our work for the broadening out of the struggles of the young workers. This basic tactic is not as yet clearly understood by the entire membership of the Y. C. L. and espe- cially by the youth comrades involved if trade union work. The recent Flint, Mich., auto strike is an outstanding example. Despite the large percentage of young workers involved (approxi- mately 35 per cent) and in face of the sharp attack upon the standard of living of the young workers, we failed to utilize the youth issues in- volved in that struggle for the general mob- ilization of the young workers. Mass solidarity demonstrations of the young strikers, together with the young workers not directly involved in the strike is one of the most effective means of developing this united front. This alone, how- ever, is not sufficient. The solidarity demon- strations must be combined with the endorsing and support of the young strikers’ demands by the broad mass organizations (sports, cultural, fraternal) of the young workers. ‘The tactic of the united front from below can be applied in any youth issue that reflects the struggle for the betterment of conditions of the young workers generally. As, for example, the struggle for relief of the unemployed youth. The main emphasis of this united front from below tactic must be based in the shops and in the neighborhoods. This is especially true in the fascist and bourgeois youth organizations where we must struggle to split away the working-class youth. In all events the culmination of this united front must result in closer cementing the ties between the revolutionary trade unions and the broad masses of the workers. Youth Shop Organizations and Shop Committees. Shop committees of the T. U. U. L. are to be formed in all shops. These committees are to be composed of workers duly elected by the workers high assessments. But do these discontented workers willing to fight if leadership were pro- vided, come in to our League in justifiable big numbers? No they do not, and this is due to the weakness of our League. Our League although an improvement is noticeable did not yet reach the great masses of discontented organized and especially the unorganized workers. The main weakness of the Building and Construction Workers Industrial League lies in the fact that it does not pay sufficient attention to the un- organized and unemployed workers. The Building and Construction Workers In- dustrial League is confronted with the important tasks of organizing the unorganized as well as those still following the leadership of the fascists of the A. F. of L. for a counter attack against the employers and the fascist leadership, to tighten the independent leadership of the economic struggles, to build up genuine united fronts from below in the shops and on the buildings as the issues may come up with organized as well as unorganized workers. It is up to our League to bring the fight of the unemployed into the A. F. of L. unions and having them endorse their demands. And finally it is our task to win those rank and file workers, who still follow the treacherous leadership of the A. F. of L. to our program and into our League which alone will lead the workers into the struggle against the bosses and will build an industrial union workers. The poisonous venom of race hatred injected into the ranks of the white workers becomes converted into an instrument for the destruction of working class solidarity, the only guarantee for successful struggles.” The manifesto was thunderously received by the convention and unanimously adopted. Both the delegates and the large number of specta- tors present were electrified with its militant demands, especially the demand for confiscation of the land of the Southern land-monopolists in the Black Belt for the Negro toilers who work the land and who today are shamelessly tobbed and oppressed by the land owners, feet in the various departments and are to be con- sidered the basic organizations of the T. U. U. L. ‘The task of the shop committees is to take up the grievances and conditions of the workers in their factory. In the factories and industries where the majority of the workers are young workers, the majority of the shop committee should be comprised of young workers. In all cases the youth should receive adequate repre- sentation with voice and vote on the shop com- mittee. Where the factories are large and em- ploy a large proportion of young workers, youth shop committees are to be set up. In these cases the work of the youth shop committees is to co- ordinate the joint struggles of youth and adults. The youth shop commititees take up the question of wages, conditions, hours, etc., of the youth in their shops. It will be responsible to the youth section of the union for the development of special youth activities and forms within the factories. ‘The shop organization committee is comprised of members of the T. U. U. L. The task of this committee is to organize the entire factory into the T. U. U. L. The members of the organiza- tional committee are not be known to the bosses but only to the workers. This committee leads the fight against the attempts of the bosses to worsen the conditions of the workers. All work- ers that are willing to fight against the bosses are eligible for this committee. Here it is im- portant to point out that we have confused the roles of shop committees and shop organization committees. Very frequently the slogan of “Or- ganize a shop committee” would be put forward in a factory in which we don’t have sufficient contact. In this case the correct slogan to put forward is “Build a shop organization commit- tee.” Labor Sports. ‘The development of sports presents to the Red ‘Trade Unions one of the best means of reaching large masses of young workers. The Y. C. L., together with the T. U. U. L., have neglected this form of mass organization. The Labor Sports r r PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION Young Communist League, U.S.A. Trade Union Work and the Role of the Young Communist League ; tacts and organizing. Union should be utilized in combatting the fas- cist and company unions. The capitalist class fully realizes the effectiveness of sports among young workers and uses this means of diverting the workers’ attention from their worsening econ- omic conditions. With this method it tries to prevent them from organizing to fight for better conditions. In regions where fascism and gangsterism are obstacles in our work of reaching the workers with our program (South, steel and mining) sports is an effective spearhead for forming con- The recent Labor Sports Union Convention (Cleveland, Ohio, Nov. 8) has already laid the basis for this work. The task for the T. U. U. L. and Y. C. L. is to apply these deceisions irf their everyday work. In order for the T. U. U. L. to prove itself the daily organizer and leader of the workers it must fight for the everyday demands of the workers. The fight for the immediate economic demands of the workers is the key to our success for rally- ing the workers under our leadership. Up to the present time, in many cases the deman@s put forward by our unions have not been based on nor formulated by the workers themselves. In- stead, general demands have been presented to the workers, which they are not ready to struggle for at the present time. Our organizers do not understand that this is the reason why in some instances the workers have not responded suffi- ciently. In all cases the immediate demands must be simple and express the grievances of the workers. Demands, concerning increase in pay, sanitary conditions, safety devices, lockers and washrooms, ventilation, hours of work, etc., must be put forward. Separate demands for each sec- tion and large factory must be worked out on the basis of the given conditions. Ninth Int’l Conference of - Revolutionary Miners By JO ETASH. Part I. We chaos and anarchy exist in the capi- talist countries, while wages are being slash- ed and the rationalization schemes of the bosses put into effect of the expense of the miners, while millions of miners throughout the capitalist mining world are being thrown out of work and the figure of unemployment grows by leaps and bounds, while the mine workers and their fam- ilies are being driven into destitution in all capi- talist mining countries, the conditions under which the miners in the Soviet Union work are just the opposite. The wages instead of contin- ually being cut, are being increased, every phase of their lives being improved. Rationalization now, is being introduced in the Soviet Mining Industry, but this rationalization is used for just. the opposite purpose to that of the capitalist countries. Rationalizatoin in the Soviet Union means better conditions, lighter work and short- er hours for the miners. The construction of the Soviet mining industry and the extent to which the conditions of the miners have im- proved simultaneously can be seen in the fol- lowing figures: ‘ Already in 1927, the coal output in the U.S.S.R. reached the pre-war level, while by the end of the economic year 1929-1930 the coal output will be 55,000,000 tons as against the 29,000,000 tons prior to the war. The development of the min- ing industry in the U.S.S.R. exceeds the tempo of the Five-Year Plan, which will be accomplish- ed within the space of three years, and in the oil industry within 2% years. According to the plan, the output for the coming year will com- Prise 71,000,000 tons of coal and 22,000,000 tons of oil. By the end of the 5 year period (begin- ning 1928) the output will be 140,000,000 tons of Coal, 42,000,000 tons of oil, 34,000,000 tons of ore and 33,000,000 tons of turf. These figures are being achieved due to the mechanical forms of production coupled with the revolutionary enthu- siasm of the workers. By the end of 1930, 45 per cent of the mining industry will be mechan- six months, $4.50. Whom to Thank By JORGE Blouse | While on Friday night the Riga correspondent of Reuter’s famous lie factory broke the “news” that Stalin was assassinated, the New York papers were all a-fiutter with headlines. What a nice story? They could scarcely con- ceal their pleasure. But among the workers Some of them felt appalled—quite naturally, of course, since it is no light thing to lose a valu- able leader. One comrade, in dismay, called the Daily Worker to see if we had other news, and when told that the report was denied, blurted out in relief—“Thank God!” Well, we can understand the feeling, of course, but assured the comrade that if somebody had to be thanked, she might select the OGPU, which defends not only Stalin, but the whole gains of the working class and the Soviet Power. While we are thinking about this, we might add that any hope of the murderous capitalist class, that the murder of Stalin or anyone else, would help them to break the Soviet Power, is rank lunacy. The Russian working class has “grown up” in thirteen years, the Party of Lenin is steeled in struggle, there are hundreds and thousands of devoted and trained and schooled Communists to step into the breach. No matter who falls, Leninism and the Soviet will live and grow! REL ee) Heywood Broun says: “The hours after mid- night are those in which the mind is most alert.” Which leads us to conclude that Broun writes his column before midnight. Shoes and Shortages We had almost become convinced that nobody in the Soviet Union has a pair of shoes, in spite of the fact that 110,000,000 pairs were made there last year, just twice as many as in 1913, when | we discovered something. In the N. Y. Times of Nov. 21, page 3, we learned from an obscure paragraph that the committee gathering charity gifts for the un- employed has gotten some 2,000 pairs of shoes, it says, “for distribution to pupils who cannot attend classes because of lack of footwear.” Now we have not noticed any “shortage” of footwear. The stores are full of them, with “buy now!” signs in all windows. We can't understand just why these kids or their parents are so ob- stinate in not “buying now.” But they are that cussed obstinate that they would rather go bare- foot than buy, Beats all, don’t it? Yes, it don’t! ized and by the end of the Five-Year Plan 80 | per cent, whereas prior to the war the process | of obtaining coal in Russia was not at all me- | chanized. In spite of the rapid growth of me- | chanization in the Soviet mining industry, the number of workers is continually growing. Dur- ; ing the last two years the number of miners | went up by 114,000 or 21 per cent from 530,000 | to 644,000. Simultaneously, the conditions of the miners improved and the wages were increased by 18 per cent, living conditions and the pos- sibilities of rest and medical treatment for the | miners have improved. The number of miners staying in Soviet rest homes is steadily growing. In 1926, the number of miners staying in these institutions was 22,000, in 1927, 27,000; 1928, 33,000 and in 1929, 35,000. The newspapers of the capitalist countries would make the workers believe that the con- ditions of the Russian miners are inhuman and that poor wages are being paid. The delegates from the Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers In= dustrial Union of America had a chance to make themselves acquainted with the conditions of the oSviet miners, they were told in huge mass meetings of the miners to come back to Amer- ica and tell the miners that they had plenty to eat and were happy. To tell the American work- ers of the six-hour day and the four-day week, of the continued improvement of their condi- tions and of the rises in their wages. The above are facts and all the slimy lying papers of the capitalist world cannot blur them, the miners of America and other countries will hear of them and will be spurred to fight under the leadership of the R.LL.U. for the realization of the same, not under capitalism, of course. The Red Union and Oppositions. The degeneration of the reformist unions on an international scale, and the betrayals of the social fascists who as is in. the case of America are acting as “left wings” of the out and out fascist unions have been two great factors in the growth and influence of the Red miners’ unions and opopsitions under the leadership of the R.I.L.U. Greater still is the fact that our forces displayed revolutionary leadership in the struggles of the miners since the last world con- ference of the I.C.P. The conference while point- ing out great gains made in the period of two Gnd a halt years, also exposed the weaknesses and shortcomings manifested during activity in that period. One of the great weaknesses was the underestimation of the will, of the miners to struggle as in the case of the strike in Illinois in December, 1929. ‘The failure to apply correctly the line of the L.C.P. as regards the united front from below and the election of broad rank and file strike committees. Insufficient preparations for strikes and lack of consideration for local and immediate demands, arbitrary action not involv- ing masses of miners in their own struggles, ap- Pointment of strike committecs, etc. as in the case of the French miners strike. Agitational activities of the Red unions are still weak, the press organs appear irregularly, and have not yet been raised to the right plain. The confer- ence stated that our forces did not pay sufficient attention to the activities of the social fascists and failed to expose them to the miners, These were the outstanding shortcomings and weaknesses of our union in the past struggles. The conference clarified the line and demanded the correct application of it to the struggles and organization of the miners for their fight against the mine owners and their agents, the govern- ments, the reformists and the social fascists. The conference called for a relentless fight espe- cially against the social fascists who in America are presented in the U.M.W.A. by such people as Howat, Fishwick, Gormer and Walker, these people as those from other countries most of whom hail from the yellow socialist party which long ago betrayed the working class as in the case of Germany and England and even in the U. 8. where this party denies the existence of the class struggle. i =