The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 20, 1930, Page 4

Page Four 18th Street, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily, except Sunday, at 50 East New York Cit: Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. “DAIWORK.” Dail HOOVER ASKS FOR PEACE By L. AMTER. ERBERT HOOVER, recognizing the difficult situation in which he and the republican party have been placed by the elections, has begged for peace. He asks the assistance of the democrats in Congress in order to meet the com- ing problems. Seven leaders of the democratic party have promised assistance, but “rebellion” is beginning in the democratic ranks. One should not be fooled by this “rebellion,” led by Senator Glass, for Glass rightly declares that he is not a party leader. narrow partisan standpoint of the democrat who wants the spoils that the election campaign promised, does not understand the problems of national and international significance that U. §. imperialism confronts, and to solve which Hoover wishes to consolidate all capitalist forces. For analogy let us look at England. The so- cial fascist labor government, in true socialist fashion taken from the history of the German, Polish, French and Austrian socialist parties, and in carrying out the role of social fascism in the present period of struggle, is steering British imperialism into deeper and more difficult chan- nels. British imperialism, further in decline and ‘with less resources than American imperialism, faces similar questions and problems. Mass un- employment, which is growing, wage cuts en- gineered by the government, the breakdown of the empire conference, with the likelihood of the dominions making agreements among themselves to the exclusion of England, the revo- lution in China and India, revolts in Egypt, Pal- estine, Malta, indicate some of the problems that British imperialism is trying to solve—and cannot. ‘The conservatives are not content with the policy of the labor government. The recent bye- elections in England indicate a rising discontent With the labor government policies. And yet neither Baldwin nor Lloyd George dare propose a dissolution of parliament and the calling of new elections. They know the situation is not only difficult but dangerous and therefore do not wish to be responsible for the government which is to drag British imperialism out of the swamp. Similarly, but on a more moderate scale, Hoover knows that the republican party which suffered a smashing defeat in the elections, can- not handle the situation alone. The possible deadlock in the House and dubious situation in the Senate—and the expressed unwillingness of the democrats to take over the organization of the House—indicate the difficult situation in which the capitalists of the United States are. They know the growing and deepening economic crisis. With gravity they assure us that the situation in the United States cannot be im- proved unless there is a change in the interna- tional situation. “Prosperity” has disappeared as a slogan. “Adjustment” is now the prevailing issue. They know the mass discontent of the workers, and that there is neither confidence in their vast charity schemes to tide the workers over the coming winter, nor a belief that the slogans of a rise in production in January will materialize. They know they are floundering from position to position, with the outlook of the crisis deepening to an appalling extent. Hence Hoover appeals to the democrats not to Glass, from the | | obstruct, but to aid in pulling American capital- ism out of the crisis. It is a mobilization call to the capitalists to get together against the ris- ing discontent of the masses, workers and poor farmers, who are fast being disillusioned not only as to the republicans, but as to the basis of capitalism. This is due to their own desper- ate condition, to the rise of socialism in the Soviet Union, and to the work of the Commu- nist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. Even though the Party and revolutionary unions have not been able to capitalize the situation organizationally to the exfent that they should, nevertheless, their propaganda and agitation have convinced millions of workers of the sit- uation and its causes, and mobilized them ideo- logically for struggle. How otherwise shall’ we explain the orders of the war department to the national guards to be in readiness for “trouble” this winter? How ex- Plain the registration in the national guards as to whether their members are employed or un- employed, and the efforts to get work for the unemployed members? How explain the tremen- dous efforts on the part of the “finest” citizens in forming committees and raising relief? This situation demands united action on the part of the capitalists, and Hoover appeals for unity in action against the working class. The democrats, out of partisanship, and hav- ing conducted a campaign on the failure of the Hoover republican government to avert the crisis and on its having intensified it by blatant slo- gans of “returning prosperity,’ do not wish to accept responsibility for the crisis. On the con- trary, they wish to profit by it, and prepare the way for returning to the White House in 1932. But the “rebellion” of Senator Glass will not materialize, for though his partisanship is wrong, he will be made to understand, just as Baldwin and Lloyd George have been made to under- stand, that unity is necessary if the rising tide of unrest in the United States and America’s colonies is to be subdued and capitalism con- tinue to hold power. The workers must learn from the elections. Mass discontent was expressed in the disastrous defeat of the republican party, and in the il- lusion that the democrats, by adopting anti- Hoover, liberal slogans, would be able to improve the situation. There are no “issues” between the republicans and democrats. They represent different sections of the capitalist class, but in opposition to the workers and poor farmers, and | facing the sharpening situation, they will unite— even if on the surface lines of difference are maintained. Both will fight against unemployment insur- ance—and only yield through the pressure of the workers. Both favor wage slashes—‘“revisions,” both favor war preparations, both favor attacks on the revolutionary workers and their organ- izations. Alike they will act on the recommenda- tions of the Fish Committee, and against the foreign-born and Negro workers. Only mass organization with revolutionary pol- icy and leadership will be able to resist the united attacks of the capitalist parties. Hoover's appeal for peace in Congress is a signal for at- tacks on the workers. The winter will be bitter; bitter struggle is ahead. American capitalism will help to destroy more of the illusions that the workers still harbor. International Workers Order In the South By TOM JOHNSON. ECENT events in District Seventeen have clearly shown the necessity of clarifying once and for all the fundamental policies of the I ‘W. O. and in particular the stand of the South- ern Branches of this organization on the Negro question. The International Workmans Order is not based on the Jewish workers in the South. Al- most without exception its members are grocery store owners or petty business men of one type or another. Many of these people are former members of the Party who have dropped out in the natural process of elimination of dead wood as the struggle grew sharper. There is no Jew- ish proletariat in the South and in consequence the activities of the I.W.O. are entirely based on the small shop keepers. For years these left wing petty bourgeois ele- ments have quietly vegetated in their isolated branches in the South. Then in the early part of this year the Party for the first time under- took serious work in this section of the South. The I.W.O. Branches welcomed the Party organ- izers with open arms. They took a new lease on life and dug deep in their pockets to pro- vide the Party with funds. In this district two branches of the I.W.O. raised since March close to $1,000 for the defense of class war priscners. As the work of the Party progressed and new sections of the workers were brought under our influence, by far the majority of them Negroes, the Negro question inevitably arcse in a rather sharp manner. As early as last March this question came up in the Chattanooga Branch of the I.W.O. in connection with the presence of a Negro organizer of the T.U.U.L. in the I. W. O. hall. At once a howl of protest came from a section of the membership—“their busi- ness would be ruined—the hall would be raided by police—they would be hounded out of town if it were found that Negroes frequented their hall”—such were the arguments used. The Par- ty fraction in the I.W.O. took a firm and correct stand on this issue and after a bitter fight a motion was passed stating that the I.W.O. wel- comed Negroes in their hall at all times. This would seem to have disposed of the issue but events were soon to prove that this was a paper face-saving decision only. In Atlanta the same question came to the fore in all its sharpness only when the I.W.O. Branch arranged an affair for the International Labor Defense to raise funds for the Atlanta Six, and announced that no Negroes would be allowed to attend the affair in their hall. The repre- sentative of the Jewish Section of the LL.D. promptly refused to speak at this kind of Jim Crow meeting and the chauvinists were forced to beat a temporary retreat. But not for long. They then proposed that no meeting be held but only a quiet little “social” be arranged, and the question of Negroes being present be dropped by common consent. The LL.D. repre- sentatives and the two Party members at that time members of the I.W.O. in Atlanta weakly agreed to this “compromise” and the “social” was held—with no Negroes present. The Party fraction was sharply criticized for this unpar- donable 0 of principle and instructed to bring sider to a head and settle it once and for all. the present writing this has not been t done and this question still remains to be thresh- ed out. In Chattanooga the paper decision of the Branch remained in the minutes book and no objection was made to the very occasional pres- ence of a Negro comrade at the meetings and lectures of the I.W.O. Branch. Then the Chat- tanooga Branch of the I.L.D. came before the 1.W.O. with a request for use of their hall for a basket party to raise funds for the Atlanta cases and to build the LL.D. Branch. Immed- iately the question came up, “Will Negroes at- tend the affair?” On being informed that every effort would be made to have Negrose present and participating in the affair, the chauvinists jumped into action. The same old arguments were advanced and a long fight took place. The struggle was finally settled in typical opportunist fashion by evading the issue altogether, and by deciding that inasmuch as the I.W.O. is willing to rent their hall to any organization, they will allow the LL.D. to use it. At the same time the I.W.O. carefully refrained from endorsing the meeting or calling on their own members to attend, and by implication at least, showed clear- ly that most of the members will not attend the affair. The basis of this chauvinism is of course clear. It arises from the bad social composition of these branches which contain hardly one actual worker and from the fact that due to the ab- sence of a Jewish proletariat in the South the whole prospective of the I.W.O. branches for future work and for increasing their influence and membership is one of work among the petty bourgeois Jewish elements. They realize quite clearly that these elements will be antagonized by a revolutionary stand on the Negro question and they are quite ready to compromise prin- ciple in order to maintain and strengthen the position of their branches in this strata of the population. The Party fractions in the I.W.O. have some- what contributed to this bad situation by bad tactics. In some instances the fractions have been stampeded into taking a weak position due to the pressure of the chauvinists. In other instances the Party members, relatively inex- perienced in fraction work, have incorrectly put the question as if the Party line were something coming from outside the I.W.O. to be arbitrarily imposed on the membership with or without their consent. There has been insufficient effort made to show the members of the I.W.O. that the practice of social equality with the Negro workers is not some mysterious decision of the Party which the Party is determined to force on the I.W.O. membership, but that it is the only correct revolutionary line for any organ- ization which bases itself on the principles of the class struggle—that only through the firm application of this revolutionary line can the I. W. O. grow and become in actual fact an In- ternational Workmans Order contributing its bit to the destruction of capitalism and the emancipation of the working class. The I.W.O. membership must be made to realize that one of the fundamental problems of the revolution, not only in the South but in all America, js how best to break down the racial barriers the bourgeoisie has erected be- tween the races. They must realize that it is the primary duty, not only of the Communists WHO PAYS? DIED TC SAVE THE WORLD FROM THE orker Porty USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: Don’t Be Fooled Twice! By BURCK Fish Committee In Atlanta By HELEN MARCY ATLANTA, Ga.—It was very evident that Mr. Fish and the State of Georgia were out to “prove” two very different things inthe hear- ings of the Committee on Red activities in Atlanta. By far the most interesting witness was an | old Negro, brought into the courtroom guarded by a number of detectives. He delivered an oratorical speech, taught him by the dum dicks of Atlanta. Very dramatically he portrayed him- | self joining the Communist Party in Rome, Ga. to find out the “secrets.” He comes out with the ridiculous statement that he was elected as District Organizer of District No. 16 before M. H. Powers came in, and that he refused to go to New York although everyone pleaded with him to do so. The Communist Party wants its members to swear allegiance to Soviet Russia, and that’s why I left them,” he memorized. Under questioning he became very confused, and his speech did him no good. MR. FISH.—‘How many Negroes are there in the Communist Party in the South?” MILLER—“About 100,000, I should say.” (Poor Fish. Here he had been giving state- ments to the Press that the Negro in the South had absolutelyy nothing to do with the “damn Reds,” that they were good Christian folk, and now every witness testified that 75 percent of our movement was composed of Negro workers.) FISH—“Isn't it a fact that the Negroes are too patriotic, and love their country too much to listen to the Reds?” MILLER,.—"The Communist is preaching for better living conditions and the Negro wants to listen to him.” FISH.—“But the Negroes are a religious race and the Communists don’t believe in God. Sure- ly the Negroes won't stand for that.” MILLER.—‘The Negroes will do anything, no matter what it is to get a better living wage.” FISH.—‘Are the Communists making any headway among the Negroes now? MILLER.—“They surely is. They is distributen lots of Southern Workers and other literature and the message of the Communist Party is carried in the bosom of the Negroes of Atlanta.” FISH (Very ambarassed, to newspapermen).— From evidence I received in other Cities it ap- peared the influence among the Negroes was negligible. (This isa lie, because at the hear- ings in Chattanooga and Birmingham it was continually brought out that the largest per- centage of our influence in the South was among the Negroes.) The police department showed by its testimony during the entire hearing by actually overesti- mating our influence among the Negroes, a de- sire to give the impression that the insurrection charges against the Atlanta Six was well found- ed. Mr. Fish, on the other hand sought to prove that “although propaganda had been spread among the Negroes, the Communist Party has made very little headway among that group, as they are essentially patriotic and loyal to the eid its institutions and to the American lag.” Those present at the hearing were the investi- gating committee, a few newspapermen, a few dicks and cops, and two Communists. The Com- munists were in very poor company. The Fish committee became quite informal—they spit tobacco, lolled around, and among other things, Representative Eslich found time to flirt with one of the Communists. Mr. Nelson wore the usual red carnation. Special emphasis was put on the fact that Powers was of Jewish origin, and the fact trat the arrested organizers came from the North. Deportation and criminal syndicalist laws are twins; elect delegates to the National Con- ference for the Protection of Foreign Born, Nov. 30, Dec. Ist, Washington, D. C. but of all revolutionary workers, to smash through this racial wall of the bourgeoisie at all points and on all occasions. The IWO members must realize that it is not the Negro workers, but precisely the white workers, who must lead the assault—must force the first breaches in this wall between black and white—that it is the revolutionary white workers who must dem- onstrate in actual practice their contempt for the Jim Crow laws and institutions of the white tuling class and must by their precept and ex- ample prove conclusively to the masses of the Negroes that the slogan of full social, political and econcmic equality for the Negroes is not an abstract slogan, but a revolutionary slogan of struggle around which can and must be mob- ilized the white-and Negro workers for militant struggle against the white bourgeoisie. Renegades trom Marine Union Exposed (Statement of the National Bureau of the Marine Workers’ Industrial Union.) SELF styled “opposition” group in the M. W. I. U. is attempting to utilize the organiza- tional weaknesses and shortcomings of our union as a basis to split our union and to launch an attack not only against the leadership and pro- gram of our union, but also against the revo- lutionary line and leadership of the Trade Union Unity League, the American section of the Red International of Labor Unions. This group, composed of John S. Morgan, Joe Golden, and John Anderson, in their attempt to prevent the building of the Marine Workers’ Industrial Union, have issued a so-called “rank and file appeal” which is in the main a distortion of facts and unfounded charges, and which in- stead of offering constructive criticism, to help overcome the unsatisfactory situation in the M. W. I. U,, advocates a program of action that would lead to the liquidation of our union. Before analyzing the program of Morgan & Co., which is based on the opportunist line of the renegade Cannon, Lovestone groups, it is necessary to expose the unprincipled attack and tissue of lies of the so-called opposition. It is significant that the opposition group has insti- tuted a slanderous atack against the M. W. I. U. similar to that pursued by Matthew Woll of the A. F. of L. and the Fish Congressional Commit- tee. By raising the red bogey of Moscow gold objectively, they have aligned themselves with the enemies of the working class who are seek- ing to illegalize all militant working class or- ganizations, particularly the red unions affiliated to the T. U. U. L. The opposition’s infamous document charges Comrade Harvey with arming organizers of the M. W. I. U. with blackjacks. This is a deliber- ate lie, being circulated by Morgan & Co., none of whom were in Baltimore at the alleged oc- currence. Such charges as this are worthy only of agent provocateurs of the police, and cer- tainly would not be made by revolutionary fighters of the working class. In the so-called appeal Morgan & Co. charge “the foisting upon the organization of the ter- ribly bureaucratic machine and the wiping out of all semblance of democracy” yet it is signifi- cant that this “bureaucratic machine” was unanimously elected at the rank and file na- tional convention in April, 1930, an election in which Morgan and the rest voted to “foist” the present “bureaucracy” on the union. While it is true that because of our loose or- ganizational structure, certain bureaucratic methods of work have crept into our union, it is certain that these will not be eliminated by the ieadership of a bureaucratic group com- posed of Morgan, Golden and Anderson. Bu- reaucracy will only be eliminated on the basis of merciless self criticism. Self criticism which will result in self correction. And this can only be done in the process of fighting oppor- tunism in practice in carrying the program of the M. W. I. U. out in our daily activities. It cannot be done by attempting to split the union. We must unify our ranks building a militant organization which will mobilize and lead the marine workers in a counter offensive of mass struggle to resist the starvation and wage cut- ting policy of the bosses, to fight to improve our working conditions and standards of living as well as to wage a relentless struggle against the whole system of capitalist exploitation. Since the national convention in April of this year, our union has made certain steps forward. It has recruited hundreds of seamen, longshore- men and harbor boatmen, including a large number of Negroes. It has established head- quarters in the principle ports, has actively par- ticipated in the longshoremen’s strike in New Orleans, in the strike of the seamen in Su- perior, etc., and has broadened its influence among thousands of marine workers. However, it must be stated, that in building our union, in giving independent and revolu- tionary leadership to the organized and unor- ganized marine workers, our union has pro- gressed far too slowly. It has lagged behind the mood of the workers for struggle. And be- cause of our organizational shortcomings and tactical mistakes, we have failed to fully utilize the favorable objective situation to strengthen and build our union. The fact that we have failed to apply the revolutionary strike strategy of the R. I. L. U. in the New Orleans strike and in the recent Philadelphia situation, have failed to stabilize the unemployed councils and to mob- ilize the employed and jobless marine workers in an effective struggle to fight for immediate relief as well as for unemployment insurance, have not developed self-criticism on a broad scale, have not applied the united front tactic from below in order to win over those workers who still remain in the ILA, ISU, etc., clearly shows that the situation in the MWIU is un- satisfactory and that we must effect an imme- diate change in our methods of work if we are to carry the line of the TUUL and the deci- sions of our National Convention into practice. Instead ot helping to overcome the organiza- tional weaknesses in our union and to make a sharp break with our past methods of work and tactics, such as were employed in Philadelphia, the correction of which is essential to the build- ing of our union, the “opposition” has gone over to the camp of the renegades and have pro- posed a program of action which would only result in the open betrayal of the thousands of organized and unorganized marine workers into the hands of the A. F .of L. bureaucrats. In brief the opposition group proposes to split the MWIJ, to liquidate the revolutionary unions and to surrender the masses of organized and unor- ganized marine workers to the class collabora- tion policies of the old unions. This program of Cannon and Lovestone which is now brought forward in the MWIU through Morgan, Golden and Anderson thus proposes: that our main task is to organize the unorgan- ized into the old unions. In other words, to give up the MWIU and the revolutionary unions of the TUUL. It is a policy aimed to split our union and to enable Furuseth, Ryan and Polly Baker to more effectively sell out the seamen, longshoremen and harbor boatmen. The line and program of the self-styled ‘op- position would thus place our union as an aux- iliary to the class collaboration unions affiliated to the A. F. of L. and would mean that we would be giving active support to maintaining and extending the control ot the fascist bu- reaucracy in the old unions which is an in- tegral part of the employers’ war and wage cut- ting and speed-up apparatus. It is a policy which is not based on our perspective of sharp- ening struggles in which we must give inde- pendent leadership, mobilizing both the organ- ized and unorganized based on the united front from below to lead them in struggle on a clear cut policy of class against class. In short, it is a policy which would mean a revision and repudiation of the line of the Red International of Labor Unions and in practice would result in the separation of the MWIU from the 21% million revolutionary marine workers who are united under the fighting program of the RILU. It is thus clear that the actions of this so- called opposition places them definitely in the camp of our enemies, for they have joined the united front of the ship owners, stevedore bosses and their government and agents, the fascist of- ficialdom of the ILA, ISU, etc., and the social fascist Lovestone, Cannon, Musteite elements; in order to crush our union, the revolutionary leader of the marine workers. In view of the seriousness of the disruptive activities of Morgan, Golden and Anderson, the National Bureau refers all disciplinary action to the meeting of the national committee of the MWIU in December. In the meanwhile, the na- tional Bureau calls upon the sincere class con- scious elements who have been misled by this renegade group to immediately disassociate themselves from Morgan & Co. and their coun- ter revolutionary line. ‘The National Bureau feels confident that the marine workers will repudiate the union-splitting tactics of the renegades, and the members of the M. W. I. U. will instruct the National Com- mittee to take disciplinary action. While the situation in the MWIU is at the present far from satisfactory the National Bureau has full confidence in the correctness of its program Which is based on the revolutionary experience of the world trade union center of class struggle, the RILU. It has full confidence in the fighting ability of the membership of the union, and is acsured that with the imme- diate change in our methods of work, with the development of self criticism and the correct application of the revolutionary line of and under the militant leadership of the Trade Union Unity League, we will give fighting lead- ership in the day to day struggle of the marine transport workers and will build the Marine Workers Industrial Union into a powerful sec- tion of the proletarian army of red unions. NATIONAL BUREAU OF THE MARINE WORKERS INDUSTRIAL UNION. By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. One year, $8; six months, $4.50 Rigue. | By JORGE Bad Organization When all Walker's horses and all Walker's men failed to roll that potato uphill last Sat- urday in time to feed the starving unemployed as was promised, it was finally explained that there was “plenty of food,” but that all went wrong because of “bad organization.” Well, that’s just too bad! If such things hap- pen in the Soviet Union, all the Jimmy Walkers of the U. S. A. prophesy that Bolshevism is on the point of “collapse” and the masses are being held down from revolt only by the terror of the OGPU. And, by the way, when there's a job of black- jacking the unemployed Jimmy Walker's cops, who got so balled up in distributing a few bun- dles of spuds, are right there! No “bad organ- ization” then! That only happens if they're making a show of being useful. The Hon. Fish Is a Liar The N. Y. Post, along with its second anti- Soviet story-on Tuesday, published a story about what some skinflint U. S. senators thought of the idea. Over the story was the headline: “Senaors Praise Post Soviet Series,” with the sub-head: “Borah, McNary, Smoot, Fess, Bing= ham, Commend Fact-Revealing Survey.” So! But just what did Senator Borah, for example, say? He said: “I would regard it as of great worth to have the real facts about Russia’ printed. I do not know, of course, Mr. Knickerbocker’s viewpoint. But if he is going to write the real facts. and the real truth, it will be a distinct service.” So, dear reader, you see that the N. Y. Posti headline was the usual capitalist lie. As a mat- ter of fact, the “opinions” of the “honorable” senatorial crooks, were obtained: by the Post before any of the articvles were published and without them having read anything. From this fact, there arose a beautiful contra- diction in the case of the “opinion” of that es- timable jackass, Mr. Fish. Listen to this: Knickerbocker’s first article, in Monday's Post, contained a statement to the effec!t that this in« formation showed that the Soviet was “dump- ing” coal, oil, wheat and rye. The Knickerbocker carefully specifies that: “The same sort of information! tends to ex- onerate the Soviet Union of dumping mang- anese, at least in its sales, to the United , States.” Now what does the Fish say? Tuesday tells us that: “Representative Hamilton Fish, Jr., chair- man of the House Committee investigating Soviet propaganda in the United States, throught the first article ‘comprehensive, fair and intelligent’ and that ‘there is no questen the article is correct.” The Post of ‘Then he goes on to gabble a lot about “red menace” and in the middle of it remarks: “Already the Soviet Government has prac- tically destroyed the manganese industry in the United States by dumping its product into this country at a price far below ours.” Now, the conclusion is inescapable that thé “Honorable” Mr. Fish is a liar. He says, first, that the first article of Knickerbocker's is “cor- rect” without question. The article flatly states that the Soviet is NOT dumping manganese in the United States. Then the Fish blandly goes on to say that it is. We leave it to you! That Wobbly Building “Seattle, Wash—Dear Red Sparks:—Some time ago you mentioned that you were sent a picture cut from the I. W. W. sheet here which showed the ‘new home of the Industrial Worker,” which was quite a commodious building, with the implication that they occupied the whole building. “I happened down that way the other day, and noticed their building on Western Ave, I walked around it and noticed the following com- panies in this ‘new home,’ besides the Central Printing -Co., which prints their paper, which is located in the basement on the left side: “1, The Northwestern Electric Co, 2. Mule tachrom Tube-Light Co. 3. White King & Misson Bell Soap. 4. Arrow Pump Co. 5. Dug- gout Cafe.’ 6. Kulien Construction Co. 7. Geo. Morrill Co. Inks. 8. Laundry Supply Co. 9. R. C. A. Photophone Co. 10. West Coast Painters. 11. New Way Mfg. Co. 12. A. G. Robertson, Inc. 13. Ross E, Hibler Co. Jobbers. 14. Durkee~ Thomas Corporation. 15. Bischoff Sales Co. 16. Tenny Confectionery Co. “I noticed this many companies sharing the building while'I was searching around to locate just where the Wobbly sheet could be found in its ‘new home’ that it bragged about.—Seattle Worker.” This reminds us that back in 1921, the L.W.W. was discovering that capitalism was just about to “collapse” and that the capitalists were going to turn over the works to the Wobblies to run. In anticipation of this miracle, the I. W. W. hired a number of industrial engineers or tech- nicians, to make “industrial maps and charts,” and the whole organization was enthused over the wonders of “industrial surveys.” At the cost of tens of thousands of dollars, great maps, covering the walls, were produced, showing raw material sources, their volume, the course of production into finished commodities and so on. This went on for two or three years. At the time we protested, telling them that they might take the picture of a factory, but couldn't take the factory; that industry would have to be seized by force from the capitalists as the Bolsheviks had done, before their maps and charts would be worth a damn. But they were scornful, claiming that seizing industry was “political action” which they weren't interested in, they being interested only in “running industry.” Being so infernally smart, they couldn't see that they might have difficulty running industry without taking it away from its present capitalist owners, which requires something of a fight. But they had the maps, and we wonder what they're doing with 'em, meanwhile the Bolsheviks not only have the factories they seized but are building hundreds of new ones. Now it appears that they have to be satisfied with the picture of just one factory ,their ‘new home,’ in one corner of the basement of which their printer allows them desk space. t