The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 18, 1930, Page 4

{ Page Four Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 50 East 13th Street, New York City, N. Y. c Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. ACUTE DANGER Cable: “DAIWORK.” IALIST WAR e By I. AMTER. «AS an indication of how gloomy the pros- pects seem, some German liberals be- lieve the promised debate is more liable to end in a declaration of war than in limitation of armament.” Thus the New York Times correspondent Speaks of the session of the Preparatory Disar- mament Commission at Geneva, at which the question of limitation of arms was being dis- cussed. The Versailles treaty is breaking through into the discussion, and this will neces- sarily include the Young Plan. The exposure by the Soviet Government of the war plans of the imperialist powers against the Soviet Union has suddenly met with silence from the capitalist centers. First indignant denial—then silence upon the declaration of the Soviet Government that plans had been pre- pared for an armed attack on the Soviet Union. The Danger Grows. Is there danger of war? No sane person will contend today that the Kellogg peace pact or the London naval treaty has aided in promot- ing peace. The mere scrapping of old battle- ships and vessels has nof diminished the danger of war. On the contrary, it has heightened it, for each nation is now building up to the limit and modernizing its navy. Imperialists Prepare. According to Congressman Britten, the im- perialist powers, outside of the United States (about which Britten is significantly silent) ex- pend more than $6,000,000 a day on war prepara- tions. France is building forts on her eastern frontier—300 forts within a range, of 200 miles. France, England and the United States are building forts on wheels. Italy is reorganizing her army and putting it on a basis never sur- passed. New guns, gas masks, chemicals are being invented “and discovered, and the story of the death rays will not down. Nearly $3,000,- 000,000 is being spent annually by the seven lead- ing powers, this not including the billions ap- propriated by the satellites and vassal states of the -powers, such as» Finland, Czechoslovakia, ete It is obvious that preparations are being Made for another massacre, and yet the work- ing’ class still is not convinced that war is ap- proaching. True, Hoover speaks about the peace- ful intentions of U. S. imperialism, just as every sabre rattler has done and does. Even Musso- lini, the wildest man of all, wants “peace’— peace that comes from the graveyard after the imperialist war. But when Comrade Litvinoff is denied the right to speak about “disarma- ment,” or even mention the word, when his speech before the Disarmament Commission is refused translation because he caustically ana- lyzes and exposes the hypocrisy of the imperial- ist governments in regard to disarmament, then it is apparent that the atmosphere is tense and must have a politica? and economic basis. They Admit It. “In the eighteen months since the commis- sion last met,” said General Kasprzycki of Po- land, “the tendency toward peace and the feel- ing of security have grown weaker and from day to day suspicions are growing more mani- fest, people are talking war and how to wage it, talking even more than before 1914. Can one fn the face of these facts admit that we are marching toward peace?” Kasprzycki spoke of the “menacing contradiction existing between the peace pact outlawing war and the spirit of hatred and the international and social up- hheaval which we see developing before our eyes.” General Ludendorff sees war in 1932, with the world divided into two fighting camps; Colonel Alexander Powell sees potential war danger in many situations in Europe, merging his im- pressions into the slogan “thunder over Europe.” Why So Much Talk? If there is no danger of war, then why 50 much talk If there is no danger of war, why the intensive preparations? If there is no danger of war, why does each statesman and politician emphasize the love of peace of his particular country? Because the world is fast approaching a war —perhaps not as expressed by Frank Simms, that we are as near to war as in July, 1914, for the international situation is different from 1914, and the impeding factors are much stronger. ‘Today we have the Soviet Union, the Commu- nist International and its sections in every cap- italist and colonial country. Today there is mass discontent throughout the capitalist and colonial world, and these are deterrents on the actions of the imperialists. What are the economic and political factors leading to war? The world economic crisis is deepening, with fully 25,000,000 workers jobless in the capitalist countries, and no sign of im- provement in any capitalist country. France, the sole exception to this situation a few months ago, is fast getting into the grip of the crisis with bank failures following one upon the other. ‘The world economic crisis cries for markets, but no markets are available, and capitalist indus- try sinks into the crisis as never before in the history of capitalism. To refer the critical econ- omic situation in the United States, England, Germany, etc., to the general crisis, does not help capitalism out of the morass. It merely begs the question when Hoover, MacDonald and Bruening @clare that the world situation must improve before the crisis will lighten in their respective countries. . The Economic Basis. Each capitalist country is searching for mar- kets in order to start industry once more and check the decline, but the outlook is black. The revolutions in Latin America, instigated by U. S. and British imperialism in rivalry for markets, are based upon the mass discontent and unrest due to the internal crisis. The refusal of British imperialism to give up India is based upon the diminishing trade with India, and to its being rapidly supplanted by the trade of other im- perialist powers with India. The need of mar- kets and colonies by Italian imperialism, which @irectly conflicts with the aim of French im- perialism, is fast creating a war zone in the Balkans. These conflicts may and can break out at any time and embroil the world in an im- perialist slaughter, such as the world has never rienced. oe Anti-Soviet Plot. . But foremost is the plot against the Soviet Union. This is based primarily on the splendid success of the Five-Year Plan, which is demon- ‘strating that Socialism can be built up in a and peasants’ country in the midst of world. This challenges the very | obstruction of wanton saboteurs, in the capitalist and colonial countries that there is no further need of tolerating the mis- erable conditions that capitalism imposes on the workers and peasants in the capitalist and colo- nial countries. The church crusade, the acts of sabotage in the transportation and food industries, the “anti- dumping” regulations against Soviet products adopted in the United States, France, Belgium, England, Ireland and other countries, the fic- tion of the dumping of Soviet grain being the cause of the agrarian crisis, the formation of the agrarian block of the Balkan and Baltic states under the leadership of Poland, the re- newed attacks of the white guards in Man- churia, against the Soviet Union, inspired and equipped by British, American and French im- perialists, the new threat of the British govern- ment regarding propaganda of the Communist International in England, and finally the war plot of British, French, Polish and Rumanian imperialists, with the aid of counter-revolution- ists in the Soviet Union and supported by the Socialist international, are some of the facts that point clearly to the preparations of the imper- ialists for military intervention in the Soviet Union. In the U. S. S. R. The Soviet Union is going through a different period of the building of Socialism. Hampered by inexperience, lack of trained forces, organ- ized sabotage, continued disorganization and lack of organization of work intensified by lack of raw material, the Soviet Union is carrying out a task that has never been undertaken by the working class in history. And yet throurh the enthusiasm of the workers and peasants, led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. the industries are building up and meeting with the unqualified admiration even’ of every cavitalist representative who has participated in or wit- nesses this growth. The collectivization move- ment goes on apace and will supply the Soviet Union with the needed raw materials and food for the continuance of the work. The imperialists know that this difficult period is the time to provoke war—but they also face difficulties, owing to the mass unemploy- ment, wage-cuts. discontent and unrest in their own countries. Hence, their war plans cannot be realized so readily. But the need of markets drives them on, and only an “incident” is needed to start the blaze. Workers, Be Warned! The war danger is acute— and the workers must be warned. What can the workers do against the coming war? What You Must De. The Communist Party is mobilizing the work- ers to struggle against the intolerable condi- tions that the workers are suffering: against un- employment, for the Workers Unemployment In- surance Bill, against wage-cuts and speed-up. These struggles will mobilize the workers for action and will make the governments and capi- talists understand that the masses are not to be inveigled into another slaughter. The manu- facture and shipment of arms and war supplies to the colonial and capitalist countries—to Latin America, China, ete—impose tasks upon the Communists and the workers, tasks that the workers in the munition plants, on the. rail- roads and the sea must carry out. The mob- ilization that is taking place, through the press, radio, etc., must be combatted and the workers be rallied to the side of the struggling work- ers and peasants of China under the leadership of the Chinese Soviets, of the workers and peasdhts of Latin America, India, etc. This will build up a mighty anti-imperialist move- ment, not, only giving courage to the colonial revolutionary movements, but building up the re- sistance of the American workers to increasing exploitation. The workers must be mobilized against mili- tary intervention in the Soviet Union, which is being prepared under various guises. ‘The at- tacks on the. Communist Party, revolutionary unions, militant workers, the foreign-born and the Negroes, are evidences of the war plans of the U. S. government. The role of the social fascist socialist party in these war plans must be fully exposed as part of the social fascist character of this agglomeration, together with their fellows in arms, the fascist leaders of the American Federation of Labor. The danger of imperialist war is real and grave. An August First can easily again break on the horizon. Unless the workers are pre- pared they will not be able to meet the crisis. Hence the organization of the workers in the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League, into the Unemployed Councils, into the Communist Party, the carrying on of systematic work in the vital campaigns are the best means of rallying the workers for ACTION against the war danger. f Ford Fires Married Men; Re- hires Single Men at Lower Wages ‘WO months ago about 20%, of the men were fired at Ford’s. Recently a few of the men have been re-hired, while other married old-timers were fired. What was the reason behind this? Was it because Ford wants to “distribute jobs equally” for the benefit of the workers? No, it was because these re-hired men were single men who took the places of the married men at much lower ‘wages. Every one of these single re-hired men had to buy a Ford car on the in- stallment plan. Most of these married men had children to support. They were working for Ford’s 10 and even 15 years. But that makes no difference to “big-hearted” Ford. He is pri- marily interested in his profits; he is not inter- ested in the living conditions of the workers. Young single men can speed-up better, and as they are not married and have no families to support, they can accept lower wages and still take a Ford car on the installment plan. “That's Your Own Hard Luck” Ford workers were divided into three classes a few months ago by the foremen. The third class (consisting of the older men around 40) were fired some time ago. Lately the attacks were made on the workers of the first and second class. Those that bought Ford cars on the installment plan told the employment office that they could not make their payments if they were fired. The answer was “that’s your own hard luck.” In this way the Ford Motor Co. divides the married men from the single men, firing married men while re-hiring single men at much lower wages. After you are given a job at Ford’s aid buy a Ford car“bn the install- ment plan—if you are fired and your car taken away from you, “that’s your own hard luck!” OF IMPER: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six mont! of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: hs, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 By BURCK Bloody November By JACK SODERBERG. “THERE will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you are strangling today.” These words were spoken by Spies as the rope was being placed around his neck in Chicago, November lith, 43 years ago. November 11, 1887, marks one of the most callous of frame- ups in history pregnant with murder and blood | of the working class. On this date, the four Chicago martyrs were legally murdered by the bosses. November! Bloody November! On Novem- ber 19, 1915, in Salt Lake City, Utah, the final chapter was written with the legal murder of the I. W. W. songbird, Joe Hill. On this date the bullets of the firing squad sniffed out the life and stilled the voice of this rebel song writer. “Don’t mourn, but organize” was the last words of Joe Hill as he died as he had lived, a rebel to, the last, breathing defiance to the end. November 5, 1916, stands out as one of the bloddiest days on the blood stained trail of the revolutionary workers. On this day, no less than 17 workers were brutally shot and killed as they stood unarmed, packed like sardines, on the deck of the S. S. Verona in the port of Everett, Washington. Some were deliberately shot and killed as they were swimming for their lives in the icy water of Pouget Sound that Sunday Morning, November 5th. Others were killed out- right on deck of the steamer by the gunmen and sheriffs of the Lumber Trust. John Looney died in a pool of his own blood with no less than 11 bullets entering his shivering flesh as he lay on the deck. A year later, Novemher 15, Frank Little, na- tional organizer of the I. W. W., already crippled with a bullet in his knee cap, was dragged out of his bed 4 o'clock in the morning and tied with a rope behind an automobile, and dragged through the streets until nothing remained but a pile of broken bones and a bundle of bloody rags. November 11, 1919, one of the defenders of the wobbly hall in Centralia, Washington, was beaten half dead and his bleeding body thrown on the cement floor of the cell in full view of his comrades in the cell opposite. Here he lay, the life blood slowly ebbing from his body until that night when he was dragged out by a mob led by some of the most prominent business men of Centralia, placed in an automobile, and after being fiendishly mutilated and unsexed with a razor, he was finally hanged to a railroad trestle and his body riddled with bullets. His last words to his comrades in jail before being dragged out were; “tell the boys I did my best.” So died a hero of the working class. So died Wesley that we may live. In November, 1926, comes the raids and ar- rests of our comrades in Woodlawn, Pa., with the subsequent conviction and sentence. In No- vember, 1917, comes the bloody massacre at the Columbine mine in Colorado where 6 workers’ lives were snuffed out by the machine guns of the bosses’ hirelings and more than a score wounded. Truly November stands out as one of the bloodiest in the history of the working class in the United States. Wherever capitalism has gone ahead, it has left behind it a trail of blood, a trail of murder, and November stands out as the bloodiest of them all. Fight against fingerprinting, registration, deportation bills; demand asylum for the working class political refugees; elect dele- gates to the National Conference for the Protection of Foreign Born, Nov. 30th, Dec. 1st, Washington, D. C. This shows the real hypocrisy of Ford, who tries to pose as a “humanitarian.” It proves that he is no different than the rest of the parasites; in fact, he is more brutal and un- scrupulous in his scientific, rationalized methods of exploiting the working class. Ford workers, as well as all auto workers, must learn these important lessons and realize that the only way out for them is to organize and fight against this damnable system which exists only for the profits of the bosses, while workers are kicked out of their houses with their fam- ilies. Mrs. Henry Ford has plenty of money to spend $16,000 for a fur coat in New York, but thousands of Ford workers’ children have no clothes and shoes. Ford Workers! Fight Against Wage-cuts and Hunger! 'HE Y. C. L. PLENUM despite a number of shortcomings marked a step forward in the work of the League. It showed that the League is making the very first beginnings to carry out in practice the turn outlined by the Y. C. I. The composition of the Plenum was as follows: There were 36 delegates without the Party dele- gation (five). The average age was 20. The dele- gation was nearly all American but had an en- tirely. too high percentage of Jews—48.5%. There were nine Negro delegates, but only one Mexican and only one Italian. The social composition from the viewpoint that only a few were there from large factories, and that the majority were unemployed. The largest single group were metal workers of which there were nine. The second largest’ group was food, of which there were four. The main shortcoming of the Plenum was the low political level of the discussion. At the same time, the Plenum by its failure to discuss con- “cretely the question of anti-militarist work, showed a complete underestimation of the war danger. The Plenum allso failed to discuss ade- quately the question of children’s work, which is still in a crisis. The T. U. U. L. was also inadequately discussed, showing a failure to un- derstand the importance of the T. U. U. L. and the necessity to win the youth in the struggle the unemployed. The coal fields were also ne- glected, plus the question of building the Young Worker into a mass youth organ. The Plenum, however, discussed concretely the unsatisfactory situation in the Y. C. L, the progress of the Shock Plan and showed ’an un= derstanding of how to cope with its present ‘problems. The spirit of the Plenum was very good and marked by a confidence that that League was on the path of changing its poor situation. The Plenum opened the fight especi- ally against the “left” danger, such as phrase- mongering, and the entire sectarian outlook and character of the League. The Plenum also hit expressions of the right danger, which is the main danger, suchas, capitulation to difficulties, underestimation of our. membership and forces (Chicago), white chauvinism, hiding the fact of the League, etc. The Plenum must be the be- ginning of the mobilization of the entire League was good in so far as there were only three | students, the rest being workers, but was bad | for partial demands in the shops, and among | PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION | Young Communist League, U.S.A. Chicago Polburo Resolution against the right and left danger, which must be carried concretely to every unit and every member of the League. The Plenum itself proved the necessity of mercilessly combatting left sec- tarianism and phrase-mongering in the League, which still remains the main obstacle to the turn to mass work. The leadership of the Party was felt through- out the Plenum, together. with the concrete lead- ership of the Y. C. L. Bureau. At the same time the Party core in the Plenum was very small, and reflects the small Party core in the League leadership and membership, which must be raised to at least 15 per cent immediately. The Plenum hit very sharply certain expressions of vanguardism on the part of the League towards the Party. It also pointed out certain tendencies in the Party that fail to see any progress on the part of the League. The. Plenum brought out clearly that the Party in the last analysis is responsible for the work of the League, and that the Party from top to bottom aid the League in making the turn. Intensify Mass Work The Y. C. L. Plenum laid out the tasks for the next two months. These tasks are based upon the situation in the League, plus the ob- jective conditions. The main tasks are the build- ing of shop committees of the T. U. U. L. and shop nuclei for the League. The building of the special youth forms such as the Young Liberator and the Labor Sports Union is of utmost im- portance. The turn of the Pioneer movement into a broad children’s movement is also of immediate importance. The tasks set by the Plenum must be considered as a minimum step of the League in carrying out the next steps in its turn to- wards mass work. The Party Bureau in estimat- ing the results of the Y. C. L. Plenum points out that the Party must feel itself responsible in the carrying through of these tasks. Without the aid of the. Party, and the closest working together of League and Party from top to bot- tom, these tasks eannot be accomplished. The Party Bureau recognizes that the League today is seriously engaged in changing its bad situation, and must receive the everyday political, practical guidance and help from the Party. Note:—We are quite certain that this resolu- tion will be carried out. This is an example for all other Party districts. By BILL LAWRENCE. GENERAL strike of textile workers in Berks County, Pa., that: will affect 26 large mills and involve thousands of workers may break out any day. The strike movement began with an- other wage cut in the Berkshire Knitting Mills. The struggle centers around Reading, Pa., where the socialist city administration promises the bosses “protection.” Part of the reduction is due to general un- employment situation which resulted in reduc- tion in time. Another contributing factor is a cut in rates. The most recent and drastic re- duction suffered by the Berkshire workers was imposed last week on “Bemberg” silk work. On the job the knitters were reduced from 48% cents to 30 cents per dozen. As 80 dozen is the | usual output of a knitter at present this one re- | duction takes approximately $15 a week from the income of each worker. More Cuts Coming. Some time ago the Berkshire abolished its bonus system and further “adjustments” of wages are to be made by the firm soon. In addition to losing their wages the workers of the Berkshire knitting mills are feeling the effects of rationalization and efficiency more keenly than ever before. The old spy system is still in force, and expression of independent opinion is still cause for discharge. In addition the workers there are now being pressed for pro- Berkshire Textile Workers Deter- mined to Fight Wage Cuts The textile workers of Berkshire County are de- termined not to accept any wage cuts and stay ready to fight it out. Sunday, Nov. 9, a great mass meeting was held where the workers rep- resenting 26 mills raised their voice against wage reductions and for a fight against the bosses. The “leaders” of the “Full Fashioned Workers,” Hoffman, Gallaghan and others are trying their best to prevent the workers from a militant fight against the bosses. Instead of encouraging the worker's to organize and fight against wage cuts, as the only means through which the workers can force the bosses to give them better conditions Mr. Hoffman al- ready makes it clear where he is driving to by telling the workers at the mass meeting, “It is impossible now to say whether the strike will be necessary.” U. T. W. For “Business.” In a resolution adopted at the mass meeting the misleaders of labor are worried to death, not over the fact that another wage cut affects the very existence of thousands of workers and their families but rather over the fact that these reducions seriously affect the business and com- munity life, and prevent bringing capitalist economy back to a sound and’ stable basis. In- stead of calling upon the workers of other in- dustries to soligarize themselves with the work- ers of the textile industry in their struggle against the employers, the resolution of the fak- ers calls upon “persons in public life and busi- ness, and patriotic social and civic and business —— Ee By JORGE — Against Bashfulness “It happens,” writes Comrade 8; 8. T.. with some reason, “that there exists a very peculiar brand of bashfulness in the ranks of revolu~ tionary trade unionists. Mention the ©. P. in their presence, link it ffp somehow with their activities, and note the flutter of uneasiness. This delicate reaction is even extended to spheres not directly under their guidance. “As for instance their attitude toward the A, N. L. C., in whose behalf I once conducted an open air meet. I had the temerity to utter the words: ‘The C. P., in conjunction with the A. N. L. C., is carrying on a campaign against lynch- ing,’ and, lo, the acting chairman and commit tee, all T. U. U. L. dignitaries, shivered dis- approvingly at such ‘insinuation.’ “At several open-air meets of the Office Work~ ers’ Union, of whose dainty Unemployed Coun- cil I am a member, my avowed declaration of allegiance to the C. P. almost netted me a sound thrashing at the hands of O. W. U. function- aries. I was let off with a private lecture on the ‘psychology’ of approaching office workers (unemployed) by studiously omitting any sort of connection which might indicate that that or- ganization is red or revolutionary.” He says some more which we will deal with later. But in general we can’t say anything in general. Because there are two evils. One of them we mentioned recently on the question of “who are comrades?” ‘That evil is the making of a red union into @ duplicate of the Communist Party, making it so to the point where any worker not a Com= munist Party member feels out of place or uns welcome, where the Party members conduct themselves as “above” the non-Party workers, as an exclusive inner circle whose interests ara separate from those of the general membership. Then there is this absurd fear that the work- ers are too delicately reared to hear anything about the Party, that it will “frighten” the workers. Which is rot—and Right Wing rot at that. Both are based on the same opportunist conception of a distinction between the inter- ests of the masses and the interests of the Party, If these interests are harmonious, we need not, in the first case, be afraid ourselves that if non= Party workers. flood the red unions that somes thing dreadful will happen if we do not impress on each and every one of them that the Com- munists are running things and demand forth- with endorsement of each and every Commu- nist article of faith. Such endorsement is won by deserving it in practical struggle for the workers’ daily and simple demands. In the second case, if the interests of the workers and the Party are in harmony, upon what basis can objection be made that they will not recognize this harmony—if properly pre= sented? A Communist does not conceal his revolution ary beliefs, but does not make the acceptance of them by others a prerequisite for participation in the struggle for immediate demands. On the contrary he takes the lead in such struggle, in- vites all to join it, confident that in the strug- gle they will learn. But he consciously points out at appropriate times the lessons of the strug- gle-and does not allow the “learning” to result in mere confusion. To fail to do so, to fail to draw from concrete struggle, Communist conclustons for the work= ers’ consideration, is not to “keep politics out” but to allow bourgeois or reformist politics in. There is never a political vacuum. Marx said and Lenin seconded him, that trade unions are “schools for socialism.” We must have teachers who know their business, yes. But if we are not to follow Marx, we are not Communists. * * «& Do You Like Eggs? Government reports show that in the wares houses of this fair land there are 6,777,000 cases of eggs in “reserve,” which is 1,847,000 cases more than were in reserve this date last year. Each case has thirty dozen, so that makes 102,100,000 dozen eggs “in reserve,” with the hens still prodcing. Will some bourgeois expert kindly step for- ward and explain why, in this situation, the price for Grade “A” eggs went up in the New York chain stores from 69 to 71 cents a dozen last. week? Probably society notes will soon remark that Henry Ford, besides buying his wife a $16,000 fur coat, has purchased her a necklace of hard= boiled hen fruit. But seriously, this gftwing robbery on eggs and a thousand other necessities, should be fought against. And nobody is doing it. That's what makes us peeved. Particularly so in view of the deliberate campaign in the capitalist papers, to make workers’ believe that the cost of living is being reduced. * ar ee What the Captain Says One of the staff, trying to get warm in the public library, was browsing over the “Infantry Journal,” which is practically the official jour=. nal of the army officers of infantry. A column= ist in the Infantry Journal, Capt. M. B. Driscoll, O.R.C., contributes a column called “Modern Maxims.” In the November issue it gives the following, which aren't so worse: 1, Many a spy sneaks around for a month to get what the Statesmen’s Year Book would give him®in two minutes.” 2. “Not to recognize another nation may be moral, but it is foolish not to recognize another nation’s army.” 3. “When an enemy talks war, he may+be bluffing; when he talks peace, he always is.” + 8 oe What About It, Boston? “Dear Comrade Jorge:—For purposes of re= ference, in case you send out any more Sparks about Rhode Island, that state is NOT in the Connecticut district. We have all the criticism we can handle in Connecticut, without shoulder= ing the sins of Rhode Island as well. Comradely yours, Wm. Schneiderman, D.O., Dist. 15.” organizations to interest themselves in this paras mount issue.” ‘The National Textile Workers Union is on thé job, preparingAeafiets and calling upon the work- ers to organize and fight against the wage cuts as well as proposing some real working class demands. (i