The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 17, 1930, Page 4

Page Four Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc. daily, except Sunday, at 50 East 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. “DAIWORK.” CHINESE SOVIETS WHERE CANTON DID NOT SUCCEED By I. AMTER. December 11th, Chinese Soviets. will be held, as the second step in consolidating the growing power of the Soviets in China. This is a challenge to the imperialist powers and their hirelings and tools, the militarist Chinese generals. Three years ago, when the Canton uprising took place, it was possible for the Chinese mili- tary leaders to slaughter thousands of C ese workers, for the working class movement was not consolidated and the leadership was weak. Chiang Kai-shek and his hangmen, at the orders of the imperialist powers massacred the revolutionary workers and earned the thanks of their boss But today, the situation has radically changed True, the workers of Canton have not yet or- ganized their Soviets. The workers of Shanghai and the other industrial centers still face the executioner’s sword, and especially the Commu- nists are the object of hatred of the fascist Chinese leaders. But all over the country, the workers and peasants have organized Soviets and built up Red Armies and, proceeding from section to section, are conquering more terri- tory and establishing Soviet power. While the wars between the military cliques continued bitter, the Communists and the revo- lutionary workers were able to move forward with increasing speed, for the workers and peas- ants learned from the lessons of the military wars and recognized that a change of military masters did not signify an improvement in their situation, but on the contrary subjected them to worse economic conditions. Conditions in the fascist armies became worse, and this induced large numbers of the soldiery to desert to the side of the revolutionists. When the revolutionary Red Armies and Lances moved forward,’ they became a menace to the imperialist powers, which utilized any incident to threaten intervention. England and the United States have continually threatened intervention. British and American gunboats and marines have shot upon the Red Armies in order to provoke an “incident” that would jus- tify intervention. This unquestionably would have materialized, if the situation in the im- perialist countries, with their mass unemploy- the First Congress of the | ] | we s organizations suppressed, the press outlawed. The Communist Party and Young Communist League have conducted -an heroic battle and have lost tens of thousands of their members who have been slaughtered by orders of savage militarist leaders who carry out the i: uctions of the imperialist powers. But the organization has been adapted to the sit- uation and the struggle goes on and will be in- tensified by the Congress of the Chinese Soviets. The Chinese Revolution is not the work of the Chinese workers and peasants alone. The work- ers and peasants of the Soviet Union are always ready to help their Chinese comrades. But the workers in the imperialist countries—United States, Japan, England, France—also have a major task. These tasks may be divided into direct and indirect tasks. Directly, the workers in the imperialist countries can help by pre- venting the shipment of war material to the Chinese war lords. In the ammunition, chem- ical, airplane factories, they can do militant work in aiding the Chinese revolutionists. The railroad and marine workers have their special job. In all sections of the amperialist countries, solidarity with the Chinese Revolution must be an issue on which to mobilize large masses of workers to struggle against their imperialist government. Indirectly, the workers of the imperialist counr tries can do very much to help the Chinese Rev- olution. The struggle against their own imper- ialist government on immediate issues arising from the present crisis will weaken the ability of the government to mobilize for intervention in the Chinese Revolution, and to carry on im- perialist exploits elsewhere. The present eco- nomic crisis presents the workers of the capi- talist countries with the necessity for struggle. Unemployment insurance and the strike strug- | gle against wage cuts, the organization and mob- ment and discontent, did not hamper the ac- | tion of the imperialist powers. England is ham- pered on all sides by the colonies: India, Egypt. Malta, Palestine, the breakdown of the British Commonwealth, which has bee nemphasized at the inter-imperial conference. The revolutions in Latin America, as a result of the provocation and intrigues of British and American imper- jalism; mass discontent in the Philippines; the tremendous vote for the Communist Party and for a Soviet Germany in the last German elec- tions; the struggle against the Young Plan— and above all the splendid achievements in building socialism in the Soviet Union, which is a direct challenge to capitalism—these are some of the problems confronting the imperial- ist powers, which prevent united action in China | and prevent even individual action in the Chinese situation. In the meantime, the situation in China has gone from bad to worse. Mass starvation, mass unemployment, the drop in the value of silver, have aroused the masses, who are flocking to the banner of the Soviets. Villages, towns, dis- tricts have gone over to the Soviets. Soviet authority has been established. The estates of the feudal landowners have been confiscated; mortgages have been burnt in the squares; the eight-hour day has been established, Red Armies have been established. A conference was held in May for consolidating the Soviet Power, and now the congress of the Chinese Soviets will : be held. The Chinese Revolution is another bright light in the workers’ and peasants’ movement. ‘The movement has many weaknesses—not suf- ficient organizational base in the industrial cities, where the uffions have been crushed, ilization of the workers for these struggles and the inevitable clashes with the imperialist gov- ernment hinder the government from mobilizing against the Chinese Revolution. The exploits of American imperialism in Latin America, which are leading to war against British imperialism, can be obstructed by the militant struggles of the workers for their immediate needs. The struggle of the Chinese workers and peas- ants is part of the struggle of the workers and peasants throughout the colonial and semi- colonial world—Latin America, India, Indonesia, Indo-China, Africa, etc——against world imper- ialism. The Chinese workers and peasants are at the front in this struggle. Their struggle is part of the struggle of the workers throughout the world against unemployment, wage cuts, speed-up, which the imperialists are trying to solve by making war on the colonies for the procurement of markets, for protecting their colossal investments, and for securing raw ma- terials. On the third anniversary of the revolt in Can- ton, we hail the First Congress of the Chinese Soviets, which are moving forward in struggle to unity with the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics, It is an event of world-wide signifi- cance to the working class all over the world. Solidarity and support must be given to the Chinese workers and peasants by the workers of the United States by the struggle for the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill of the Communist Party, for organization of the un- employed into the Unemployed Councils, of the workers in the shops into the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League, by strikes under the leadership of the revolutionary unions against wage cuts, by demonstrations and militant action in support of the Chinese Soviets and the rising revolutionary tide in Ger- many, Latin America, India, etc. Chinese Soviets where Canton did not suc- ceed—but where Canton, Shanghai and the | other industrial cities of China will soon take the lead in the struggle against world imperial- ism and for the establishment of the power of the Soviets throughout China! ~ Support the “Mineral Worker” Comrades: The National Buro of the Mine, Oil and Smel- ter Workers Industrial Union, in accordance with the decision of the last convention, and in view of the grave situation in the mine and oil in- dustries, decided to issue the official organ of the Union, “The Mineral Workers.” ‘The Mineral Worker will be published twice a month, on the first and fifteenth of each month. The first issue will appear on Decem- per ist. The subscription will be $1.00 a year, 50c for six months and 5c per copy. ‘The issuance of the Mineral Worker is neces- sitated by the crisis in the industry, unbearable conditions of the workers and the developing strike movement. The crisis in the mining in- dustry is the worst in the history. The over- whelming majority of the workers are totally unemployed, and the rest of the workers are working part time and starving. Wages have been slashed below the minimum. The murder- ous speed-up has reached a point beyond en- durance. Hunger and starvation is knocking at the door of every miner’s family. Diseases are spreading rapidly. Accidents are numberless. Death rates are increasing. Explosion after ex- plosion is taking the lives of hundreds of miners. As this is being written word has just come of the latest disaster in Athens, Ohio, where 150 miners were killed. Misery, starvation, slow dying and immense terror, those are the condi- tions of the miners. ‘The capitalists are savagely trying to solve the deepening crisis at the expense of the miners. Further wage cuts, speed-up, mass unemploy- ment, worsening of the conditions, lengthening of the working hours and reduction of the standard of living is the result. The misery and starvation becomes immeasurably greater. _ ‘The situation in the oil and smelting industry 4s not much better. It largely and essentially can be compared with that of mining. “Out of this misery and starvation a tremendous wave of discontent has been developing. This discontent is rapidly transforming itself into a mass strike movement, in the fight for the right to live. Strikes are already taking place daily in the various sections of the industry. . The capitalists and their fascist and social fas- cist agents of the U. M. W. A. and Farrington- Fishwick gang are doing everything in their power in an attempt to prevent the developing movement and to keep the miners in the M4 to the coal operators. Tons of thous- ands of pieces of literature are being distributed and their agents spreading poisonous propaganda among the miners. The very best fascist and social fascist speakers and organizers are touring the sections of the coal industry in order to check the developing strike movement. The Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers Industrial Union, the only revolutionary union in the min- ing industry, fighting these unbearably condi- tions, fighting for the organization of the Mine and Oil workers, is lacking its most important weapon, its official organ. The lack of an official organ which is to become the best agitator, prop- agator and organizer, hinders our union tremen- dously in organizing the workers and leading them in the strike against wage cuts, speed-up, unemployment, etc. Tens of thousands of workers who are deter- mined to wage a decisive fight against the misery and starvation, cannot be reached by our union simply because of the lack of its official organ. In order to reach these workers, in order to bring to them the revolutionary message and in order to mobilize them for struggle, the Na- tional Buro of the M. O. S. IL U. appeals to all mine, oil and smelter workers to subscribe at once to the Mineral Worker/and get subs and to collect and send donations, thus enabling the appearance of the Mineral Worker. It appeals to the entire working class for im- | mediate action in the form of contributions to the Mineral Worker. ‘ It appeals to all working class organizations for contributions to the fund of the Mineral Worker. Fight and strike against wage cuts and speed-up! Fight for the Workers Social Insurance Bill! Forward to the mass” Mineral Worker, the organizer and agitator for our union. Send all subs and contributions to the Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers Industrial Union, 611 Penn Ave., Room 512, Pittsburgh, Pa. Correction. The article, “The Meaning of the Democratic ‘Victory’,” which appeared on this page last Sat- urday was by comrade Leon Platt and was the second one in a series of articles, analyzing the results of the elections. This series will be fol- lowed by several articles dealing with the role of the Communist Party in the election campaign, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six mont of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. , SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ths, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 ee By BURCK re ; Clash of Empires in Panama By ROBERT W. DUNN “A watchfulness amounting to suspicion on our part” is demanded in Panama says Henry Kit- tredge Norton, professional writer and trumpeteer for American imperialism, in the current World’s Work. The sensational title of the article is “Why Britishers in Panama?” The Panama Republic is the American pro- tectorate that covers the isthmus. It is the piece of territory that President Roosevelt “took” to use his own words, from Colombia. That is, when Colombia refused to sell it to him he encouraged a revolution, sent arms to the reyolutionists, promptly recognized them and then bought from the new government the land needed for the canal. Years later, it was thought best to pay Colombia $25,000,000 for the stolen property, as this was a good way to smooth down Colombian feelings: when Andrew Mellon’s and Rockefeller’s oil companies needed concessions. Axis of Naval Machines The American Empire built the canal and fortified jt. It is now the axis of the American naval machine. And any move, especially by the rival British Empire, within several hundred miles of this precious imperialist possession is enough to give the Washington-Wall Street gov- ernment the shivers. It seems, according to the Norton story, that the British have been stealithy picking off con- cessions within American imperialism’s own keep-off-the-graze signs. The Panama Corpora- tion is the name of the company used to do the job. One concession was bagged in 1924, one in 1925, one in 1929 and the last one, right up along- side the Canal Zone itself, in 1930. This does not please the American expert, Norton, and the Hoovers and Mellons for whom he speaks. Hence the article in which he tells us that these conces- sions are supposed to be for mining, but that no minerals have been produced, at least nothing proportionate to the size of the investment. For Mining Or War? Furthermore, this is no mere stock-selling ven- ture. Some of the biggest names in British Em- pire development in the deal including Lord Mel- chett with whom British labor leaders have been so chummy in various class-peace programs in recent years. It looks, says Mr. Norton, us if the British Empire was behind the company, and that these areas supposedly for mining are really jumping off base for the British when they want to attack the Panama Canal. ‘This is the way Norton puts it: “It would be possible to bring into the concession, almost. within sight of the Canal, an appreciable num- ber of knockdown airplanes labelled as mining machinery. High explosives could be brought in the same manner “for mining operations.” A suf- ficient personnel for the operation of such planes could be gathered as engineers and superin- tendents.” Then, “suppose we (the Wall Street govern- ment R.D.) should arrive at the point of military conflict with Great Britain. What could those planes do?” They would slip by the defense of the canal and drop bombs. Norton adds: “This would be an exploit of the greatest value to Great Britain, were she at war with us.” Is It “Unthinkable?” So the “unthinkable war” with the “British cousins” is out in the open again! London con- ferences and oily words from MacDonald. and Hoover seem to fade away in the face of the concrete realities of the $10,000,000 Panama Cor- poration which Norton says has been stirring up hostility against the United States right under the defense of the canal itself. Those who refuse to face the “war danger” and think it is a mere slogan of radicals and anti-imperialists might well consult Mr. Norton. And for background data they might read again the substantial data on the same subject in Lud- well Denny's America Conquers Britain. This ‘is only one of many signs that point to the approaching imperialist war. Every Party member, every Young Communist must sell 25 copies of the Daily Worker before fac- tory gates each week to be in good standing. PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION Young Communist: League, U.S.A. Building the Labor Sports Union By SEYMOUR SIPORIN. HE Illinois District of the Labor Sports Union of America called a district basketball con- ference Sept. 25. Despite the fact that over 35 clubs elected delegates to this conference, only 16 clubs were there (many of these clubs having never before been approached by any working class organization). These sixteen clubs repre- sented 25 teams (basketball), coming from Chi- cago, Milwaukee and Gary, Ind. The member- ship of these clubs represented consisted mainly of young workers working in the real basic in- dtistries (steel, iron, etc.) also a great many un- employed young workers. Although the conference can well be called a success, judging from the sort of representa- tion (proletarian) at this conference, there were a number of shortcomings which must be avoid- ed at future such conferences. The fact that only two weeks time was given to the committee for the development of this conference resulted in not sufficient check-up of | the elected delegates. This being one of the main reasons over 35 clubs elected delegates to this conference and only 16 clubs were repre- sented. Another of the basic shortcomings of this con- ference was the failure to popularize the L.S.U. program and announcing this conference on a mass basis by: 1. Distributing leaflets before factories where worker spotsmen are to be found. 2. Little publicity in workers press and also in bourgeois press (altho a release was printed in one of the Chicago dailies). 3. Very féw speakers at clubs popularizing the L.S.U. program. The League also failed to concentrate on Ne- and organizing factory teams (Western Electric, stock yards, etc.), is a serious shortcoming. ‘The eLague also failed t concentrate on Ne- gro teams in Chicago, resulting in only one Negro delegate being present, and that one from Gary. Outside of Chicago very little work was carried on by the League in preparation for this confer- ence, Milwaukee using as an excuse, “no team would travel any distance for this conference,” despite the fact’ that no team was visited by them. In spite of this a team did come from Milwaukee, having only by a letter heard of this conference. This act smashes any such ideas as was shown by the Milwaukee unit which is really only an underestimation of the readiness of the young workers to join the L.S.U. on a class basis. This. attitude is a great resistance to the building of the L.S.U. ‘The real significance of this conference is that it not only established a basketball league, but actually made a start in rooting itself into Amer- ican sports, in-place of confining sports to soccer, calisthenics, track and field, and other such non- American sports, therefore making the L. S. U. an organization not consisting of American work- ers, but mainly of foreign born elements. Many of the ideas of the leading comrades in the district, who claimed it was not necessary to invite other than class-conscious worker sports- men to this conference because outside sport clubs would not come down to the conference on a class basis. The fact that clearly proved this idea to be wrong was when the conference unanimously accepted the secretary's report on the L. S. U. because it was an organization that was not corrupt and fought all corrupt sport organizations. The question of race equality was also brought out in the report, as a result the conference unanimously elected the only Negro at the conference to the office of president, show- ing how in actuality they intend to carry on the struggle for equality of all races. Another tendency that was brought out by some of the leading comrades was. that because of the lack of forces it is impossible to build successful conferences. This tendency has proven itself shallow when over 16 clubs were succeeded to be mobilized by three comrades. Looking over the membership of the clubs represented we find that these clubs can be a major recruiting field for the Y.C.L. in the build- ing of the Y.C.L. into a mass young workers organization in the future. ‘We must not be satisfied with ourselves hav- ing built a successful conference, but. must con- tinue with the work of broadening, the exist- ing basketball league. In involving “more com- rades into sports work in order to broaden our field of work. And to call conferences in other sections of the district using the experiences we have gained in this conference. ~ Electritication Progress in Soviet Union and Other Countries By GEO. KATSIOLIS. 'HE magnitude of any achievement is best ap- preciated when properly contrasted: with other such achievements in the same field of endeavor. Therefore it will be of vaiue 10 pre- sent a few comparisons with other countries: The output of electrical energy for the entire world in 1925 was 160,000,000,000 k. h. Of these the output of Germany was 11,521,000,000 k. h. That of France was 9,700,000,000 k. h. and that of the United Kingdom was only 8,320,000,000 k. h. (Commerce Year ;Book 1929, Vol. 2, Page 735, by the U. S. Department of Commerce.) The development in U. S. was somewhat dif- ferent. In the same book, Vol. 1, and page 287 is seen as follows: Output for the following vears in killowatt hours: 1902 — 4,768,000,000 1907 10,621,000,00 1923 .55,665,000,000 1912 . 17,572,000,000 1928 87,850,000,000 And in 1930 it is expected to be over 100,- 000,000,000. This might seem fast but look how Soviet Russia is doing it. From page 100, Soviet Year Book, we see that the output there in 1929 was 6,465,000,000 k. h— preliminary figures for 1930 indicate a 40 per cent increase, which brings the output up to 9,051,000,000 k. h, This leaves England behind, comes abreast to Germany and France and races with the U.S. There are now under construc- tion and enlargements of plants that will soon be completed’ and ‘bring the output up to 42,- 1917 — 32,679,000,000 000,000,000 k. h. by 1933. In three years to ac- complish as much as the first 15 years in U. S. But that is not all. The sale price of electrical energy forms a more astounding contrast between socialist and capitalist economy than the tempo of develop- ment. S. Y. B,, Vol. 1, page 291, informs us that the average sale price in U. S. was in cents 6.80 for 1927 and 6.55 for 1928 per 1 k.h., and that the average net profit to the companies was 2.85 cents per k. h. while U. S. 8. R. in Construc- tion, No. 4, page 2, informs us that the Soviet power plant under construction on the Dnieper will have a capacity of 3,000,000,000 k. h. per year, that the cost of production will be \% of a cent a k. h, (Soviet Year Book, Page 144) and will sell for four-tenths of a cent—namely—17 times cheaper than the prevailing price in U. S. and still this extremely low charge will bring a revenue of $10,000,000 to the plant. The potential tempo of developmnt after 1933 may be conceived from the fact that I. G. Alex- androv’ has been instructed to select the most suitable location on the Vaksh river and pro- ceed with the construction of a power plant with @ capacity. of 4,500,000,000 k. h. per year. Two stations of similar ‘size are recommended by Rudnitzky on the rive Yenisei, and sites are being selected for two more on the Volga. In later years this industry will get greater atten- tion than it is getting at present for every bil- lion k. hs produced every year by water power saves one’ million tons of coal a year and aii the | fonce | By JORGE We Explain “Dear Jorge:—Why isn’t the Red Sparks in the Daily Worker today? My friends and my- self are in a flame of protest! We demand an explanation! Don’t let it happen again! When they talk to you like that, you have to come across: You see, it’s a long story, but we try to short- en it. In the balmy days of September we moved. Not that it would have made much difference, as in the old building the heat was shut off the Daily on every excuse and none. But here there was a new excuse: the furnace wasn’t in. So for week after week in unseasonable cold weather, we sat in my old overcoat writing sparkles for you. Incidentally without enough pay to keep up proper steam internally. (Some people who think this is a joke should know that two of the most valuable comrades on our staff, the “desk man”’—who has a wife and three kids in actual want—and the “copy boy,” whom we wouldn’t trade off for a dozen District Agit-propers, have no home. One hasn’t paid rent for six months and remains in shelter only by sufferance, and the other has no other bed than a desk in this blasted cold office). We got a bad cold then. We did all. Red Sparks held up when others took the count. But failed to move the heart of Goldfeld, the building mis-manager, who said to us: “Vell, you vant steam, do you? So like the District on the fifth floor, give it to be $300 and you'll have it.” It seems that the District, which tells us just what they want and how they want it in the ‘Daily, is opulent enough to purchase a separate gas heating system for its own part of its own floor. Time went by, but the bad cold hung on. After much rebellion, the staff got moved into some half-baked offices where we were supposed to be kept warm by a string of radiators. But we know Goldfeld’s radiators from sad experience. The one beside Red Sparks was the last one on. the steam line at the corner of the top floor. And some of Goldfeld’s carpenters who put the plumbing in, didn’t know that a radiator | has to have an air-valve in it, especially at the end of the steam line. So while steam was warming up the other tovarishi downstairs, we sat beside a radiator that we had to wrap up in gunny sacks to keep it from freezing. We gathered the general idea that there’s a Five- Year Plan for this building and that Goldfeld hopes to complete it in four years. But we don't. Goldfeld did get interested in. it once. He came around and explained exactly why the thing was cold. We coughed sympathetically and he said he'd have it fixed right up. That was two weeks ago last Friday, and we had mean- while just naturally collapsed. We came back to life and the office on Friday, but there’s no air-valve here yet—and no steam if there were one. So don’t be surprised if, some day, you see a black border around Red Sparks, with the words: “Died to Help Finish the Five-Year Plan in Fourteen Years.” Reading the “Socialist” Press J. L., who picked up the “Milwaukee Leader” dated Nov. 6th, sends us the following from Brooklyn (don’t ask me why Milwaukee com- rades don’t see such things). These are bright spots of “socialist” life and politics: “The collapse of the Communist system in Russia, would stand out in much bolder relief were it not for the similar collapse of the capi- talist. system.” Since everything had collapsed, Allen Benson, once a star performer as vice-presidential can- didate with Debs on the socialist ticket, finally got elected sheriff of Milwaukee. So the “Leader” prints the following from his statement to thy press:—“Captains of industry have nothing to fear at the hands of the new sheriff.” ‘Then to top off the whole, the “Leader” an- nounces that one of the newly elected “social- ist” assemblymen in Milwaukee (J. L. failed to give his name)—“will not relinquish his job as trainer of the chimpanzee at the Milwaukee zoo. He will get a leave of absence instead.” Comment might seem superfluous. But we are tempted to suggest that the “socialist” as- semblyman is correct in retaining contact with the chimpanzee, only the role of trainer and pupil should be reversed. ey Se Making Meetings Odious No California Monopoly Another bourgeois habit of Party practice, customary to functionaries who can thentselves sleep late and have no boss on their neck, is this: “Comrade Red Sparks:—I like to call your attention to one thing, the opening time of mass meetings. I do not know the situation in other places, but I do know we have a very bad habit in Los Angeles. “Last night we had a fine meeting to support the cotton pickers strike in Bakersfield, at Co- operative Center at Brooklyn Ave. But the meet- ing, due to begin at 8 p. m. was opened at 9 o'clock. I arrived at the hall at 7:45, and there were then 19 workers there. At 8 this de- creased to 17. Many workers came, but went away again, thinking we have no meeting. Yet at the front of the cooperative restaurant hun- dreds were crowded around, but never came up to the hall till 9 p,m. ! “We call this ‘Boyle Heights Time.’ 4 Of three meetings due to open at 8, the Simon's Election meeting started at 9:15, the foreign born meeting at 8:45. the report of the T.U.U.L, State Conference at 9 o'clock. “Our main slogan is work among factory work- ers, But how can we? Workers do not want to go to bed at 12 or 12:30 at night. They want to get enough sleep to go to work. And they cere tainly do not want to waste time, waiting for meeting supposed to open at 8, until 9 or 9:15. “When revolution will come, how can we work quickly and systematically? I do not belong to the Party yet and can’t take this criticism up that way. So, please call attention in our Daily Worker! Comradely—K.H.” 4 labor that it takes to mine it, transport it and shovel it, Such are the essential differences be« tween the economic systems and while the capie talists are worrying how to break their own deadlock and forcibly prevent the ascent of so~_ cialist economy, might find themselves too in- , competent for the job.