The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 14, 1930, Page 4

ee etait cama Published by the Comprodaily 18th Street, New York City, Address and mail all checks to Page Four N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7936-7. Cable: Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 50 East the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. Y. ° “DAIWORK.” al "THE LESSONS OF THE ELECTIONS By LEON PLATT HE results of the elections must be viewed in the light of the existing economic and political conditions. The economic crisis, and as a con- sequence thereof, the sharpening of the inner- capitalist antagonisms, the immediate w ation, the growing inter-imperialist differences and, last but not least, the anti-Soviet cam- ‘paign of the capitalist world, of which the United States is a decisive part, were the factors that determined the outcome of the elections. The fact that the elect took place in a period of serious economic c , in which industrial ac- tivity has declined over 31 per cent, with no spect of its “normal” liquidation and with 9 lion unemployed, is sufficient to give special character and meaning to the last elections and their results. The Political Effects of the Crisis. The political life of the country can not be separated from the existing economic conditions. Consequently, it would be wrong to think that the deepening of the economic crisis and its effects upon the masses had no bearing on the strategy of the capitalist class and the outcome of the elections. The economic crisis had defi- nite political repercusions in the United States, as can be de ly seen from the following: 1, The collapse of the illusion that prosperity associated a Republican rule. The smash- ing defeat Hoover administration and the Republican party. 2. The great discontent of the masses and their refusal to live under the present conditions. The desire for a political change, though not yet a change of government on a class basis. 3. The workers and farmers were not indif- ferent to their political problems, on the con- trary, they were ready to listen to our political program, and enthusiastically received all pro- posals relating to their economic and political conditions. 4. Party allegiance was broken, Republican strongholds were captured by the Democratic party. States that were traditionally under Rep- ublican rule were replaced by Democratic can- didates. However, simultaneously- with the more sen- sitive political reaction on the part of large mas- ses, we have also seen manifested a great apathy of millions of qualified voters toward the elec- tions. This is proven by the following facts: Out of the 37 million who cast their votes for the presidential candidates in 1928, only 25 mil- lion registered in 1930. The decline is not only 12 million or nearly 31 per cent of those who voted in 1928, but it is a decline of over 14 mil- lion if we will add the 9 millions of first-voters. The Issues in the Campaign. It could not be said that there were serious political differences between the capitalist par- ties. One of the leading administration can- didates, Mr. Dwight W. Morrow, of New Jer- ey, openly admitted that such differences be- ween the capitalist parties do not exist. Nor is this loyalty to country the exclu- sive possession of any political party. Both of our great political parties are loyal to the country.” (Morrow in Newark, N. J., Oct. 14). “We shall have the same Constitution and probably not very great change in the general body of the laws of this Common- wealth (Massachusetts), whoever may be elected Governor.” —Cal. Coolidge radio address on Oct. 31). This shows that as far as the basic interests of American capitalism is concerned, it makes no difference which one of the two old capital- ist parties is in power. Nor is the tariff a divid- ing issue. There are no principle differences on this questior either. The chairman of the De- mocratic National Committee, Mr. Raskob, has already stated: “The Democratic party believes in fair trade, not free trade.” The statement of the seven leaders of the Democratic party has already given their assurance that “nothing is further from the minds of those who will direct legislation on the Democratic side than a general revision of the tariff.” (N. Y. Times, Nov. 8). If there is any difference it is because the De- mocrats want more tariff on such commodities, which are not included in the Smoot-Hawley Bill. ‘Yet the Democratic party made the economic crisis, unemployment and the responsibility of the Hoover administration, their chief campaign issues. The Democratic candidate for Senator from New Jersey, Mr. Simpson, declared that “the chief issue of the campaign is the rightful demand of the people to place the responsibility for the economic depression.” These serious problems were made campaign issues, not be- cause the Democratic party has a program to offer, or has a solution for these problems; no, this was not the reason. The anti-Hoover ad- ministration Journal of Commerce, stated very frankly that, “There has been nothing...to in- dicate that the Democrats have any effective program of action to offer in place of the Repub- lican program.” (Editorial of the Journal of Commerce, Nov. 6). The Democratic.party had to raise demagogic- ally the issue of unemployment first of all be- cause the st gles of the Communist Party forced this issue to the forefront; secondly, be- cause only by raising certain working class de- mands could the Democratic party get mass sup- port. 2 It is also necessary to point out that the demagogic utilization of the crisis and the misery of the masses was not only practiced by the Democratic candidates, but also by Repubtican candidates, who refused to take upon themselves the stigma of the Hoover administration and some of whom pretended to fight their party machine, such as Pinchot in Pennsylvania, La Follette in Wisconsin, Norris in Nebraska, etc., not to speak of the Socialist party. The extent of this social demagogy is best illustrated by the statement of Pinchot of Pennsylvania. It is interesting to note that this millionaire exploiter of labor makes his campaign issue “the right | of the exploited against the privileges of the ex- ploiters.” “The battle is set, and I welcome the contest. An out and out issue between the rights of the exploited and the privileges of the exploiters can have but one result. The enemy is out in the open, the one over-mastering issue of the campaign has come to the front, and the people are go- ing to win.” The resort to such social demagogy is not only done as vote-catching scheme, but for more fundamental reasons. The basic underlying fac- tor was the struggle for the masses. The purpose is to keep the workers chained to the two party system, to make the workers and farmers be- lieve that their economic and political problems can be solved in the realm of the two-party system. The Strategy of the Bourgeoisie. The economic crisis, the growing unemploy- ment, and the radicalization of the working class, created special problems for American capitalism and consequently forced the bourgeoisie to adopt a certain system of strategy. The first basic problem was to exonerate American capitalism from the responsibility for the economic crisis and the misery of the masses; to show that the || crisis was due to factors beyond their control. The first problem could not be solved by opti- mistic forecasts, nor by declarations of faith in the American capitalist system. Therefore other means had to be resorted to, and these were to place responsibility for the economic crisis in the United States upon the world crisis, to make the success of socialist construction in the U.S. S.R. responsible for the bankruptcy of the Am- erican farmers and to make the revolutionary struggle in the colonies against imperialism res- ponsible for the decline in factory production and the unemployment. Secretary of War, Patrick J. Hurley, declared: “The major causes of the crisis lie outside the United States.” Former president Coolidge, gave the following explanation: “We have a world-wide recession in trade. There has been a chronic revolution in China, economic chaos in Russia (!) and grave disturbances in India, so that one- half of the population ‘of’ the globe has been turned into a’ financial liability. South American states have been in revolt. These had their influence.” The implications in this analysis of the ruling class are more than mere exoneration of Amer- ican capitalism from its responsibilities for the economic crisis and unemployment. This is part of their strategy for war preparations, particu- larly against the Soviet Union. This is ideolo- gical war mobilization of the masses. It is a means through which American capitalism wants to get approval of its irperialist war policies in the colonial countries. The second basic problem was to prove the soundness of the capitalist system; to offset the effects of decaying capitalism hampering fur- ther progress of society; to divert the struggle of the workers into proper channels, and prevent the revolutionary solution of the crisis. The bourgeoisie is afraid of the consequences of the crisis, especially its effects upon the working masses. One of the leading democrats, Senator ‘Wagner of New York, declared, that if the mas- ses see that capitalism can no longer feed the workers and provide them with jobs, then the capitalist system will be in danger. “Unemployment is increasing and our economic system cannot last unless we ar- range things so that every person who wants work can work.” It is to save this system, that the democratic party and the so-called progressive candidates had to resort to social demagogy in order to prevent the political crystalization of the mass discontent along revolutionary channels. In other | words, the aim of capitalism was, to select such a@ government leadership that it could carry capitalism out of the crisis, by placing the bur- den upon the shoulders of the workers. Painters’ Conditions Are Desperate; Must Organize Statement on the situation in the Building Trade by the Publicity Committee of the Painters T. U. U. L. Group. ¢ EGINNING in the early part of 1927, when the ‘building boom came to a close, the building trades underwent a steady decline until today, the Wall Street Stock Exchange crash has brought it to an enormous standstill. In many » leading cities of the country building permits have declined 75%, as compared with 1927. The average decline all over the country is 27%. The December month showed a decline of 24% as compared with November. One building trust is trying to beat the other in prices by cutting the wages of the workers, by speeding them up to their physical limit. The capitalists use the Building Trades Council of the, American Federation of Labor as its agents to rationalize and rush up the workers in the industry. Terrible Unemployment. The unemployment among the building trades reaches today proportions unheard of before. ‘The great majority of the building trade work- ers are out of a job for the greater part of the year. ‘The American Federation of Labor officialdom has never done anything to organize the un- organized building trade workers. In fact, at the time of the building trade boom it raised the initiation fees from three-hundred to five- hundred dollars in various branches of the in- dustry in order to keep the workers from or- ganizing, and to provide the bosses with cheap labor. The corrupt policy of the A. F. of L. officialdom clearly showed that they are be- trayers of the workers and agents of the bosses. “Union” Speed-Up. The foreman on a job, while he is a union member, takes his orders from the bosses to speed-up the workers to make them work longer hours and this is done with the approval of the officials of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. Every rank and file worker is well acquainted with its corruptions through their bitter experience. In the present decline in the building trades the alteration and maintenance becomes the main stay in the building trades. In’ New York City almost 8,000 painters out of the 10,000 are un- employed. In order to appeace the growing discontent of the membership, Sauzner, the well known grafter, proposes a fake organization drive to or- ganize the unorganized painters. It is done in order to get the big real estate companies, hotels and big tenement houses of the alteration trade. This is not done in order to provide the rank and file membership, but to provide the bosses for the machine supporter. Sauzner further pro- poses to elect 12 business agents (at a very high salary) to organize the alteration trade. He further proposes that the brotherhood of painters ayo Moker -of -Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mali everysnere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 See a eR Today in Workers’ History November 14, 1885— Brockton, Mass., shoeworkers struck against wage cut. 1916 —Seven railroads filed injunction suits in federal courts to void eight-hour law. 1918 —Fifty-five thousand men’s clothing work- ers in New York, New Jersey, and nearby towns, struck for eight-hour day and 20%, wage increase. 1918—General strike at Havana secured release of nine leaders of harbor workers’ strike, sentenced to eighty days in jail. 1919—Compulsory arbitration of labor disputes defeated in United States Congress. 1921— 60,000 New York cloak- makers began successful nine-weeks’ strike against wage cut and piece-work. join in the building trade council. This man- euver is to assure himself. and his henchmen long jobs because in order to be affiliated with the building trades council the business agents of the painters locals must be elected for a period of three years. Sauzner Scheme. Under the camouflage of organizing the un- organized trades, Sauzner wants to get all these “favor jobs” for himself and for the 12 newly proposed business agents. The A. F. of L. Bureaucrats are unable to com- bat the growing attacks of the bosses on the working standards of the members. It is divided into graft unions. While one branc® of the in- dustry strike the others are allowed to work. Sympathetic strikes are not arranged officially as a weapon against the bosses, but whenever a sympathetic strike of one branch of industry is to help, the other is called. It is done pri- vately by one business agent grafting the other. All these facts illustrate clearly that the A. F. of L. burocrats with its graft ideology and cor- ruption, being agents of the bosses are unable to organize the building trades to activtiy, into a fighting union, to struggle against the terrific speed-up, low wages and long hours. There is today a new industrial center. This center is the Trade Union Unity League. Its policy is that of industrial unionsm. It organ- izes all the trades of an industry into one in- dustrial union, having its departments. This new unionism is the only weapon with which the workers are able to combat the attacks of the bosses. The policy of the Trade Union Unity League is one industrial union built on the prin- ciple of class struggle against the A. F. of L. class collaboration policy. The T. U. U. L. has shown in the short time of its existence its ability to lead the workers in their struggles. The splendid combat in the South, North Carolina, of the National Textile Workers Union has shown that the T.U.U.L. leads the workers in the struggle for better wages, shorter hours, and against the terrific speed-up. Wherever the T.U.U.L, leads the workers it leads them under the slogan of “Class Against Class.” Now Organizing ‘The Metropolitan Area of the Trade Union Unity League has now taken up the organiza- tion campaign of the unorganized painters. It has already held in New York two mass meet- ings in which more than 150 workers were taken in. Its next mass meeting will be held on Feb. 14, at 133 East 103rd St., Harlem. The organization campaign of New York will be the basis for a nation-wide organization cam- paign amongst the unorganized painters. The unorganized painters find themsevles in the des- perate economic situation and are ready for organizing and adopting the policy of the T. U! UL. Every member of the group is an “organizer for the union. With a program of activity the T.U.U.L. will in a short while be able to rally the tens of thousands of unorganized painters in.New York City into its ranks. ‘The immediate program of the T.U.U.L. for the painters is as follows: 1-1 the seven-hour day, five-day week. 2.—For a minimum scale of wages. 3.—For sanitary conditons, for safety devices. 4—Against the terrific speed-up, rush system. 5.—For an unemployment insurance fund paid by the bosses and administered by the workers. Fight against fingerprinting, registration, deportation bills; demand asylum for the working class political refugees; -elect dele- gates to the National Conference for the Protection of Foteign Born, Nov. 30th, Dec. 1st, Washington, D. C By BURCK Mining Conditions in Minnesota and Wisconsin By KARL REEVE (Dist. Organizer, Dist. No. 9) IN the iron and copper mines of Upper Michigan and Minnesota, there are now not much. more than 18,000 miners, where a few years ago there were 32,000, The effects of the economic crisis have already been severely felt, but the unem- ployment, wage-cuts and speed-up is continu- ously increasing the misery of the workers. Shipments of iron ore from the Lake Superior district in the first nine months of the year, up to Oct. 1st, decreased more than fourteen million gross tons as compared ‘to the nine months period. last year. Copper production has declined similarly (Skillings Mining Review, Oct. 4). What does the economic crisis mean to the 18,060 or more metal miners and the thousands of smelter ‘workers in the smelting mills of the district? “Labor conditions in the Michigan copper district are below normal . . . in recént weeks the number employed has been cut from 15 to 20 per cent. The majority of emfloyees are working on a curtailed schedule of opera- tions.” Thus does the Skillings Review com- ment on unemployment. We can best get a picture of the misery among the metal miners of the district caused by the crisis, by referring to the reports from the mine nuclei of the Party and from the organizer of the Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers’ Union, John Miller. “The economic crisis is deepening with increased speed. The mining companies are laying off men right and left. . . . The workers are many times forced to work in un- heard of places from the safety point of view. . .. Their latest tactic has been to keep a cer- tain nationality working and lay off the other. In Ironwood for example, the workers are made to believe that there is plenty of work for every- one but the Finns. This is only a bluff of course, because the situation is getting such that they will soon be laying off others also... . On wage cuts. In the copper mines they cut wages in organized fashion, first cutting the Quincy mines 10 per cent and then later the Calumet and Hecla Co. mines ten per cent. Where as in the iron mines they have been cutting little by little, at one mine at a time or even part of amine. The men were waiting for last spring to get work in the open pit iron mines, but many of them were not opened up at all in the spring, except those which have most modern machinery and few workers, and work at ter- rific speed.” Another report says, “Within a radius of 50 miles near Ironwood, there are over four hun- dred men living in the woods, in ‘jungles’. Be- fore the miners had a refuge in the lumber camps, but now they can’t get jobs there.” Here is a report from the Messaba Range, which contains the largest ‘iron’ mines in the world. “Around Keewatin’ and Carson Lake wages are cut, working conditions worse than ever, speed up bad. In bad places men are fainting for lack of air. Men are forced to pay ten per cent extra for their powder in case they are forced to use more than $120 worth in a month, No toilets are in the mines. No wash rooms or changing rooms. In Ely wages are cut from 85 cents per car to 60 cents. No ventila- tion. Bosses bully the men. Work is very dan- gerous on account of the stopping system. “In some places the stopes are more than 690 feet, hollow in every direction where the rocks just rain down, sometimes putting out the lights two or three times per.day through thé concussion caused by the falling rocks. There is no air. Even the carbide lamp does not burn, not to mention the possibility to, light a match or take a smoke. Fainting is a daily occurence to the miners.” + “Men are forced to come and go way down into the mine on their own time,” says another report from Ironwood. “They have to travel back and forth in the lunch hour. In reality they have no. lunch hour,..no shelter, and the safety of the miners is’ entirely ignored. They are forcing the men to break eyen the. elemen- tary safety laws which exist; although the com- pany is boosting the fake safety. Men have to lie and cheat to the safety engineer in order to hold their jobs. They receive no pay for holidays and are .receiving straight time for overtime. They used to get double pay for overtime but this was abolished. They pay an insurance fee of 25 cents a month. They live in company houses, the rent being as high as 16-dollars a ts month. The average pay is $4.54, the same for the night shift.” In Crosby, on the Cayuna Iron Range, the mines are working three and four days a week. “They used to have over one thousand men work- ing. Now less than 400 are working and there are about 350 left there out of work. Last Sat- turday night one mine closed completely.” Comrade John Miller, district organizer of the M.O.S.W.1.U. reported to the last district con- vention of the union: “The miners have to struggle against the severest blacklist and spy system. The working conditions have become worse. In the last three months alone, the wages of the miners have been cut from ten to thirty per cent. In the copper country all wages were cut ten percent July 1. The average wage is less than five dollars a day. In Michigan the men are forced to work alone in the mine., A man is taking a great risk. Furthermore this is breaking even the state laws, for the state law says that no miner is allowed to work alone underground. The speed-up is used more and more. There are dozens of other evils for the miners. The constant fear of losing one’s life by the caving of the mines. No ventilation, poisoned air, etc.” In this situation of merciless unemployment, wage cuts and speed-up, the only union in the field is the Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers In- dustrial Union of the Trade Union Unity League. The union was started somewhat over a year ago. It has faced incredible difficulties. The steel and copper trust stool pigeons are trying to pry into the union and the party. Cases are frequently reported by members of being ap- proached with offers of big bribes, to betray their fellow-workers. Once the blacklist is im- posed the miner is done for in all mines. Con- trol of city and county government with conse- quent control of jobs, police, etc., is made full use of by the steel and copper trust. The rene- gade Halonen group has also been put to good use by the steel trust, a number of party mem- bers active in the miners union in the copper country have been reported to the boss by the Halonenites, and placed on the blacklist. The remnants of the once militant I. W. W. in the mining field are acting as the fascist agents of the steel trust. The A. F. of L. Farmer-Labor machine of Minnesota entirely ignores the problems of the metal miners. In all the years of misery and struggle endured by the metal miners, the FLP- AFL machine has never even made a gesture at concerning itself with the fate of the metal miners. The Young Mine Oil and Smelter Workers Union, a part of the revolutionary trade union movement, is the organization which holds out the only program for the metal miners of the district, the program of revolutionary struggle, the program of organization and. strike against wage cuts and speed-up. The work of the M. O. S. W. I. Us has many shortcomings and is still very weak. The old tendency for agitational tours rather than thorough concentration and organization, still prevails to too great an ex- tent. The efforts of the union to establish local unions which will function actively at all times, concentrating with its leaflets and its organiza- tional work inside its own mines, acting as per- manently functioning body, have not been suc- cessful to any extent as yet. There is too much of a tendency for the local union to lie dormant and wait until the field organizer comes along. The work is still spasmodic, The M.O.S.W.1.U, is not by any means as yet a mass union, in spite of the terrible effects of the economic crisis and in spite of the possibil- ities for work which this gives, in spite of the vital necessity of a mass union to lead the work- ers’ struggles against these conditions. The union is still too much based upon one nation- ality, the membership still being a decisive ma- jority Finnish.~The Italians, South Slavs, Poles, Russian, etc. hove not been concentrated on enough. It is necessary to develop local organ- izers from among the miners themselves, house- to house workers. It is necessary-to concentrate the forces of the union on decisive mines; "bring- ing local issues to the fore, and around the work inside the mines building mine committees, It is necessary to pay more attention to illegal and semi-legal methods of work. It is necessary to build miners’ defense corps as fascism is al- ready in evidence in localities like Hancock, . ‘These are some of the tasks of the MOSWIU in the metal mining area. The miners feel the BOSSES PERSECUTE WORKERS IN ESTHONIA By VAL. S. KOPPEL y ed fascist movement in Esthonia didn’t find as warm a reception as was expected by them, The “war march” on Tallinn (capital of Es- thonia) didn’t take place, the sweeping out the Communist movement and many more anti- workingclass movements were just dreams of fascists. The only thing that took place was sending their delegation to the State head, and their demands, regarding the revolutionary movement, were presented to the State Assembly. Everything was put into motion by the fas- cist leaders to make their movement a success, but it just didn’t go. But there was something that threw sand into fascist machinery, and that something was the Esthonian working masses all over the world, especially at home, who even in the face of fas- cist terror showed their solidarity and their hate to the white regime. Even if the fascist terror was avoided for the present, it certainly didn’t lessen the per- secution of working masses by the so-called “de- mocratic” government of Esthonia. During the month of September three mass trials were held, and more than twenty members of the working class, regardless of age and sex, were sent to prison from four to twelve years. In last month the Trade Union League, suc- ceeded in publishing the working class paper under the name “Meie Haal” (Our Voice), of which only 2 issues have so far reached us. Probably the white regime has done away with this working class paper, same as it has been done dozens of times before. This last fact shows that the white regime has not relaxed its hold at the throat of Esthonian working class, since its last effort in calling for fascist government, was futile, but instead they have strengthened their hold. The working masses in Esthonia have called the bourgeoisie bluff of establishing the fascist government, and the workers won. The bourgeoisie, all over the world, has been preparing for a war on Soviet Union. And al- though they hold conferences against war, the preparations go on, and with increased speed. And in the imperialist minds, to win in this coming war, the anti-war elements, in all the bordering countgies, should be swept aside. The Esthonian workers have held back the onrush- ing wave of fascism, and they also know, that the struggle does not end right there. They know, that this is just the beginning of the great struggles. : The ruling class has shown its true colors, the colors that mean exploitation of the working class, through the’ power that they gained with the aid of French, British and United States imperialists. It does not take long for the ruling class to start with another rush towards the establishment of fascist terror in Esthonia. The first try to establish a fascist government in Esthonia, received hearthy support from the socialists, and when the working class pointed an accusing finger on the whole ruling class, the socialists were the last ones to deny their co- operation with the fascist elements. But the bourgeois elements without any explanations started to suppress the workers by throwing their leaders into jails under the old accusations, that they, participated in the workers’ uprising in 1924, killing of the chief of garrison, General Unt, etc. The only way out for the working class from this bourgeois frame-up is to overthrow the cap< italist system in Esthonia. This can be done with the support of the working class all over the world. Our best support to our fighting comrades in Esthonia is whem we join in the workers’ fighting party—the Communist Party of the United States, and the Trade Union Unity, League. This is the only way we can interfere with persecution of workers in Esthonia by the white regime which in turn receives the support from the United States imperialists. This is the only way we can interfere with the imperialist war preparations against the So- viet Union, and only by joining the Communist Party can we, overthrow world imperialism and establish a workers’ and peasants’ Soviet government all over the world. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Com~ munist Party. Name Address . ons € a steeteeeseeeeseces. State Occupation .. st eeeesenen ABE ...008 -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y. ~ vital need of a paper, around which to draw in new elements, make new contacts and build up a@ mass following. This must be established quickly and the program of the union must be immediately gotten out-on a large scale. The steel and copper trust are preparaing for struggle. They are adding to their vast army of spies and stool pigeons, tear gas and police, soldiers and thugs and armored cars. ‘They are building military roads. They are bringing the American Legion into Play against union ace tivities. In Hancock they offered five hundred dollars over the radio for those giving informas tion as to who distributed th: party shop paper, “The Copper Miner,” and the’ union leaflets, They are firing all young men and retaining only family men whom they think will be less ready to strike. They are piling up vast ree serves of ore. They know the vital Amportancd of the copper and iron mining industry in time of war. The party and the union cannot lag any longer behind the needs of the masses, The union must become a mass union. The workers feel actively the starvation which thousands of them now endure. Especially has the party been negligent in bringing unemployed miners into the union. The masses of miners are more and more discontented. The National Office of the miners union and the District Party and TUUL, drganizations, must meet this responsibility quickly. We have got to really represent their and demands in action ih a concrete way. Plans have been made. This is not enough. They must be carried out. In this task the whole party membership and the other workingclass organizations, such as the cooperatives, must get on the job in the building of mass unions,