The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 12, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, dafly, except Sunda: Page Four 13th Street, New York Ci Address and mail all chec! N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cabl: s to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, ) w York, N. Y. at 50 East ‘DAIWORK.” Daily, Worker of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: t ; * ; ting Boroughs By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excep’ 5 ibid Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 SUPPORT FIRST ALL-CHINA SOVIET CONGRESS! By LI. 'HE enlarged Plenum of the Provisional Com- mittee, elected by the First Conference of the Soviet Areas on May 30, has met in Shang- hai on Sept. 12th. It decided, besides other im- portant measures, to convene the First All- China Soviet Congress in the center of the So- viet Districts on Dec. 11, the third anniversary of the Canton Commune. The First All-China Soviet Congress which will create the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic is of tremendous im- portance to the world proletariat and colonial masses in their struggle against imperialism and for a World Soviet Just about one month after the celebration of the 13th year of the Soviet Union, the toilers throughout the world will celebrate the birth of a Chinese Soviet Republic. Thirteen years of proletarian dictatorship in the Soviet Union with successful building-up of socialism through the gigantic 5 Year Plan of industrialization and collectivization of agriculture, has deepened and is deepening the general crisis of international capitalism and accelerating the upsurge of the world revolution. The Thirteenth Anniversary of the victorious November Revolution marks the advancement of the World Revolution along | all the fronts of which the establishment of the Chinese Soviet Republic is a part and an im- portant part, as it is the first time in history that a Soviet Government will be found in the very heart of brutal colonial exploitation and suppression. Since the First Conference on May 30th, the revolution has made great strides forward. It develops by leaps and bounds. The Soviet dis- tricts increased to more than 200. The Red Army grew from 14 corps to 21, from 100,000 to more than 200,000. Peasant uprisings ex- tended to the north of Yangtse even in Shan- tung and Hopei provinces. The struggles of workers in the big industrial cities ‘showed growth in number and in militancy, Thanks to the imperialist gunboats, the Red Army did not succeed in retaining Changsha, one of the important centers in Central China. But on a whole the development of the revolutionary tide on a national scale is maturing every day. In contrast with the regime of the Kuomin- tang which signifies by famine, starvation, hun- ger, white terror and all forms of exploitation and suppression, the Soviet Power offers a real solution to the long wretched toiling masses. In the Soviet Districts, the-8 hour day is in operation and wages ivgreased. Land is dis- tributed among the poor peasants. All kinds of extortionate taxes have been abolished. Socis! and Political equality for women is secured. Schools are established. This is the reason why the toiling masses are fighting for and defending the Soviet Power of the w rs and peasants against the power of the © bourgeoisie and land- lords. This is the reason why the masses from | the neighboring districts still under the white regime are constantly sending delegations to the Red Army and Soviet authority to help them to drive away the militarists and landlords. And this is also the reason why the Red Army is invincible in the country-side and will be in- vincible throughout the nation. The tremendous success of the Soviet Revo- lution and particularly the establishment of the Central Soviet Government, which threatens the very foundation of imperialism in China, arouses the fear of the imperialists. They employ mili- tary intervention against the revolution. The retaking of Red Changsha by the white: forces was only effected under the heavy shells of im- perialist gunboats. American, British and Jap- anese warships are regularly patrolling the Yangtse and its main branches and bombarding | the village Soviets. A joint armed intervention on a large scale is in formation. Workers of the United States, you must take special notice of the fact that simultaneously | with the dispatchment of 100,000 soldiers into | the Yangtse alley, the representative of the | Nanking Government, Judge Paul Linebarger, is | at Washington to negotiate the $1,000,000,000 | silver loan which is the largest loan ever made | by the Chinese government in its intercourse | with foreign imperialist powers. This loan will | be primarily used in an attempt to crush the | rising Soviet Power of the Chinese workers and peasants. Besides, airplanes and ammunitions have been regularly delivered by U. S. imperial- ists to the bloody walking dog, Chiang Kai-shek. While millions of dollars are being used to maintain U. S. warships in China and $360.- 000,000 lending to Chiang to mur“r the Chinese workers and peasants, the Wall St. bosses and | their government refuse to relieve the 9,000,000 unemployed who are facing starvation and cold The same bosses who are delivering murder- ous attacks against workers of the United States, { are also vigorously crushing the Chinese Revo- lution. Therefore, workers of the United States, you must rally to the support of your struggling brothers in China. You must demand that all funds and money for war against Chinese work- ers and peasants be turned to feed the unem- ployed. Fight against wage-cuts and speed-up. Demand the immediate withdrawal of the U. S. warships from China. Deliver your powerful counter-blows against your bosses. On the occasion of the First All-China Soviet Congress, the American workers must show their substantial greetings, their mass support and powerful fight against U. S. imperialism, to the Chinese workers and peasants who are estab- ' lishing the Soviet Republic in China. Organize to Fight Persecution ot Foreign-Born! GQQJE are approaching a stage of actual white terror against the Foreign Born Workers,” writes the anthracite I. L. D. organizer to the National Committee for the Protection of For- eign Born. liery and held for deportation. A south Slave worker has been told that if he will join the army for three years, then he will be permitted to stay here, otherwise he will be deported. Last week a Finnish Boarding House, where a num- ber of workers live, was raided. About 20 po- lice, including the chief, surrounded the house while three of them made a search of the house.” All these and other similar events are indica- tions of the intensified campaign of terror on the part of the bosses’ government against the foreign and the native workers. Registration, finger-printing and deportation threatens the foreign born workers. Besides the many existing state laws directed against the foreign born, there are new proposals before the U. S. Congress for Federal laws. The Blease Bill provides the registration and photographing of all foreign born. The Cable Bill requires that the foreign born shall report annually to the authorities and receive a new certificate. Heflin, the southern Ku Klux Klaner, proposes the de- portation of foreign born on mass scale. All the capitalist parties, the socialist party and the fascist A. F. of L., are in favor of discrimina~ tory laws against the foreign born. “We have just learned that five | workers have been taken out of the Pliss col- | ‘The policy of the capitalist class is to turn the native and foreign born workers against each other. So, they shall not dare together with the native born, white and Negro workers, fight for unemployment insurance and fight against starvation and police terror and against | the new imperialist war prepared by the capi- talist masters of this country. | The working class must answer the bosses and | their government in their efforts to divide and | rule by unity and fight! To combat the persecution of foreign born workers throughout the United States, a national conference for the Protection of the Foreign Born will be held in Washington, D. C., on No- vember 30 and December 1st, 1930. The con- vention will be held under the auspices of the council for the Protection of the Foreign Born. The National Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born calls upon all unions and other working class organizations to elect dele- gates to the national conference which will mob- ilize the whole working class for a struggle against all existing discriminatory. laws,_against anti-foreign born legislation, and to fight for the release of all political prisoners. All organizations which have elected dele- gates to the National Conference for the Pro- tection of Foreign Born are requested to send in the credentials of the delegates and the six dollars carfare for each delegate. All mail must be addressed to 32 Union Square, Room 603, [NY.o Why Read the Communist? By MYRA PAGE \ eam are many comrades working day and night for the movement, yet whose efforts are largely wasted, if not actually harmful, because they lack a thorough grasp of the fundamental principles on which all our work must be based. This situation can be remedied, by districts and sections seeing to it that there are more frequent .and politically-realistic discussions in the units, that classes and discussion groups are not only organized but carried through, and that the membership is given more incentive to read and discuss the articles appearing in The Communist and other theoretical organs of our Party. Also, each comrade must show self-initiative in this respect, and recognize it as part of his proletarian duty to acquire a firm understand- ing of Marxism-Leninism and the dialectic method of approaching the many and varied problems which we constantly meet in our work. This involves study of the basic works by Marx, Engels and Lenin, and of such books as Stalin's “Leninism.” It also means the careful and steady reading of The Communist, for here the current econo- mic and political situation is analyzed from month to month, and our strategy and tactics discussed in view of the objective conditions. Also our achievements and shortcomings are studied, and in this way the experiences and les- sons of the struggle in all parts of the country are made available to the other centers. In ad- dition to the “Notes of the Month,” some of the recent articles by leading comrades have dealt with the problem of organizing the unemployed, the struggle against capitalist rationalization, the role of the socialist party, the growth of fascism in the United States, and the revolutionary up- heavals in South” America. Revolutionary Theory and Practice What party member, whether he be carrying on activities in the Illinois coal fields, the Pitts- burgh or Chicago steel areas, in southern tex- tiles or the far west, can afford to be without this equipment which The Communist offers? Yet the uncomfortable truth is this—less than two per cent of the party membership read The Communist. Although its circulation is growing, it is still only two thousand a month. In New York City, a check up of the membership re- | vealed that more non-party workers read The | Communist than party. This speaks well for the | rendiciad workers, but not so well for the mem- | bers. | Here is one insight into the serious errors in applying the party line, mistakes, which have | been made not only in the distant, but also in the recent past. It used to be that The Communist was little more than a factional mouthpiece for Lovestone’s group, and the monthly's prestige among the membership fell correspondingly low. But this condition was remedied more than a year and a half ago. The monthly gas been rapidly devel- oping into its true role, as the theoretical organ of our party, and as such is invaluable to every comrade. | . No worker would think of working without the tools of his trade. No one would suggest that @ sky-scraper be reared or a bridge built across the Hudson without there first being a plan of work based on sound engineering principles. So no Communist can afford to be short on his theoretical equipment, the tools of his revolu- tionary work. It is generally recognized by the party that organizational activities must be greatly ex- tended, in order to overcome the gap between the influence of the party and the T.U.U.L. among ey ee “I CONGRATULATE YOU, GENERAL” rip emer ee we” By BURCK By CYRIL BRIGGS. No worker who reads the series of articles depicting the suffering of the crew and the gross misuse of funds by the Garvey officials on the cruise of the “Booker T. Washington,” can fail | to realize the treacherous, exploitive nature of the fake Garvey program for Negro liberation. Those articles, written by-a Negro seaman on | the cruise of the “Booker T. Washington,” and | relating for the first time the crew’s story of | the cruise—the starving of the crew, the cynical | disregard of the Garvey misleaders for the health and comfort of these Negro workers, the evident intention to rob them of their wages, the ghostly disappearance of thousands of dollars collected from impoverished Negro workers in the West Indies and Central America—have thoroughly exposed the characteristic petty bourgeois out- look and attitude of the Garvey misleaders. A Petty Bourgeois Leadership. In its organizational aspects, Garveyism rep- resents the leadeship of the Negro petty bourg- eoisie (parasitic preachers, rent gouging land- lords, prostitute intellectuals, careerists, etc.), over the Negro workers. Through various capi- talist enterprises, through the statements of Gar- yey and his lieutenants, its object is revealed as merely to exchange white capitalism for a black capitalism. With the social emancipation of the Negro masses it is no more concerned than are the white imperialist oppressors. For this reason Garveyism deliberately tries to cover up from the Negro masses the class char- acter of capitalist society and of Negro oppres- sion. Presents False Picture of United White Race. Garveyism presents to the Negro masses the false picture of the white race as an entity, con- fusing the oppressed white working class with the capitalist class which exploits and oppresses both white and black workers. Garveyism feeds on the natural resentment of the Negro masses against their oppressors, but the Garvey mis- leaders have never yet categorically pointed to the imperialists as the. oppressors of the Negro masses. Garveyism takes no cognizance of the irresponsible and constantly sharpening conflict between the white ruling class and the white workers of the home countries, as expressed in strikes, uprisings, and the growth of the Com- munist Parties (which make no secret of their struggle to overthrow the capitalist system) in most of the capitalist countries. Instead it preaches “loyalty of Negroes to all flags under which they live” (Marcus Garvey). Garveyism derives no inspiration from the gigantic struggles of the Chinese and Indian masses against for- eign imperialists and their native tools, nor from the mighty Russian Revolution whereby the working class won control over one-sixth of the earth, scrapping the imperialist policies of the Czars, abolishing racial and minority oppression, and challenging the continued existence of im- perialism throughout the world. Garveyism in- stead acts as an apologist and defender of the capitalist system under which Negroes are op- pressed. Like Rest of Negro Misleaders. Like the rest of the petty Negro bourgeois mis- leaders (Du Bois, Kelly Miller, etc.), the Garvey misleaders are not interested in the social lib- eration of the Negro masses but merely in ex- changing white capitalism for a Negro capital- capitalists as the exploiters and oppressors of the Negro masses. Like the rest of the mis- leaders, the Garvey misleaders are quite con- tent to compromise with the white capitalists in exchange for a greater participation in the ex- ploitation of the Negro masses. The Garvey misleaders not only refuse to carry on any strug- gle against the white capitalist enemies of the the masses and our organizational strength. One necessary element in conquering this problem is adequate attention to raising the theoretical level of the party membership. It is a question of better relating revolutionary theory to revo- lutionary practice. Lenin summed up the matter for us in these words: there can be no revolutionary practice without a revolutionary theory. It is not enough that the party leadership and functionaries be theoretically equipped. The entire membership, as members of the vanguard, must also be equip- ped. The responsibility for this rests on each comrade. There is no other way for the party to be prepared to live up to its revolutionary tasks and opportunities in the eventful months ism under which they would replace the white | Garveyism Calls for Black Bosses Instead ot White | become a millionaire if only he be “patient” and Negro masses but they actually collaborate with the white bosses. Spreads Illusions Among Masses. The United States capitalists spread the illu- sion that every worker in America can some day “save his money.” How workers are to save their money out of the miserably low wages they receive, is, of course, not explained. Garveyism spreads the same illusion of escape through capi- talism for the frightfully oppressed Negro mass- es—all that is necessary, says Garveyism, is to “build factories, develop plantations, launch steamships” (Marcus Garvey in Negro world, Sept. 6, 1930). The fact that the great masses of the capital- ist countries are still impoverished after four hundred years of capitalism means nothing to misleaders who are seeking their own personal advancement at the expense of the toiling mass- es of their race. Exchange your white oppressors for black oppressors and everything will be well, says Garveyism. And the Negro World wants to be sure that Marcus Garey gets all the credit for that brilliant idea. In an editorial on No- vember 16, 1929, it boasts that: “Years ago Marcus Garvey startled, not only America, but all the world with his demand that Negroes should go into business, and build a safe and secure foundation which will enable them to secure the wherewithal to grease the wheels of progress.” And Garvey himself, in the same issue of the Negro World, boils down the Negro liberation struggle (as he sees it) to the assisting “to in- dustrially, agriculturally and commercially help the great Negro homeland, Africa.” For the purpose of stabilizing capitalist economy in the colonies and facilitating the exploitation of these countries and their populations, Marcus Garvey asks the Negro workers to donate him six hun- dred million dollars! How Garveyism actually defends the capital- ist system of oppression of Negro and white workers and acts as apologist for imperialism will be told in tomorrow's article. We Have the Goods “I do not want to miss a copy as you surely have the goods. Enclosed $3.00.” : F. M. LOVELACE, Cuyahoga Falls, O. WORKER—YOU TOO! RENEW! SCRIBE! SUB- Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. Please send me more information on the Com- muhist Party. NAME .....cccsecenseserscacccecsevceceoccocsees CIEY -.secrecescessrersseeeess SHAH ..ceeceseee Occupation -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y. Today in Workers’ History November 12, 1014—People of England re- volted against tax collectors of King Canute and slew them, 1869—Woman suffrage be- came effective in the Territory of Wyoming. 1908—Explosion in Radbod mine, near Hamm, Germany, 339 miners killed. 1917—Six thou- sand men struck in shipbuilding plants at Port Newark, N. J. 1918—Hapsburg rulers abdi- cated in Austria, bourgeois republic set up. 1920—Detective Draper Hand confessed frame- Soviet Prisons ‘HE entire Soviet prison system is being re- organized along lines in conformance with the most advanced ideas of prison practice. The object of Soviet places of confinement is to re- form the criminal through work and education and fit him to take his place in a society of workers. The idea is not to punish but to cor- rect, and the very term “punishment” has been dropped from Soviet jurisprudence. The prisons received from the old regime were totally unfit for the new system. There was no provision in them for shops and schools, and the Soviet Gov- ernment, while forced to use the old prisons temporarily, has gradually been replacing them by modern institutions provided with class rooms, auditoriums, workshops, laboratories, and land for agricultural purposes. Several fundamental steps have been taken to assist in making the prison system serve primar- ily for the social rehabilitation of the individual, rather than for punishment. A recent decree by the Council of People’s Commissars calls for the replacement of closed prisons, as the basic form of confinement for wrongdoers, by settlements in which the wrongdoers may regain a normal life and be restored to productive work. Prisoners with a special trade are permitted to work at their own trade for wages while serv- ing their sentences. Those without a trade are given technical training. When they leave prison every effort is made to help them find the kind of work they are fitted to do, Already many cases are on record of criminals with several previous convictions to their record being con- yerted into skilled and reliable industrial workers In addition to training for special trades the prisoners also receive systematic general educa- tion. Every place of confinement has its classes, club, cinema, theatre, radio, and soon. The edu- cational work is conducted largely by those of the prisoners who have received the necessary educational preparation. Each settlement pub- lishes its wall newspaper describing vividly the life and work of the place. The prisoners elect their own editors. ‘The Soviet prison regime is based upon a strictly individualized treatment of each pris- oner. The prisoner’s social and economic back- ground, education, age, health, and fitness for this or that form of labor are carefully studied. Only after a thorough examination carried out by a doctor, psychiatrist, and criminologist is the prisoner given a work assignment. Soviet crim- inology and penitentiary practice is based, not ‘on the acceptance of the “criminal type” of the old school of criminology, but on the considera- tion in each case of the various factors leading to the offense. Special laboratories and offices for the study of the prisoner's background and personality have been established in the larger cities of the Soviet Union, while in Moseow there is a Central State Criminology Institute. This institute em- braces all the foremost scientists in the Soviet Union making a study of crime. Professors Ger- net, Liublinsky, Gannushkin and Kanabich, well known for their work in this field, take an active part in the work of the institute. Although indeterminate sentences have not yet been ‘introduced in the U.S.S.R., the court sen- tence is not fixed and final, and there are various provisions for the reduction of séntences. Chie! of these is the custom of counting every two days of work as three days of imprisonment, which automatically reduces the term by almost one-third. Paroles and pardons are used exten- sively, so that practically all prisoners are re- leased before the expiration of their terms. Re- leases on parole are frequently granted for good behavior. The law permits the different repub- lics to release prisoners on parole after.serving one-third of their terms. Finally, the system of leaves of absence for prisoners of the middle and highest grades is applied extensively. Every prisoner passes through three grades—an initial, middle, and highest grade. The grade is fixed with a view of the danger to society of the criminal after the expiration of from one-fourth to one-half of the sentence. Prisoners of the middle grade receive seven days’ leave a year, those of the highest grade are given fourteen days. All prisoners who have farms are al- lowed to go home for the entire summer season regardless of the grade to which they belong, the leave period being counted as part of the term of imprisonment. There is no case on record of any prisoner failing to return from his leave. Paroles, leaves, and other privileges are granted by a supervisory commission made up of representatives of various public and labor or- ganizations and of government officials, the two first-named groups constituting the majority of the membership. x Life sentences do not exist in the U. S. S. R. Soviet legislation provides for a maximum term of imprisonment of ten years. At the present time a new criminal code of laws is being ad- opted, reducing -this period to five years. By JORGE Who Are “Comrades”? A worker who, for reasons he thinks good, is not yet a member of the Communist Party, writes us at some length, and, we think, takes up a matter that needs a lot of drilling to penetrate the heads of some Party members: In part he says: “Quite recently, I happened to learn, through discussions with several C.P. members, an opinion that I would be horrified to think is, perhaps, a prevalent one. I was told that a worker who does not belong to the C.P. is not a comrade, should not be called so,..and is indirectly a counter-revolutionary. “A worker may, then, vote Communist, dem~ onstrate, support the movement, and yet be call- ed a counter-revolutionary. The word “com- rade,” then, becomes a title applicable only to members of the Communist Party.” The worker, the comrade—I wish to specifical- ly point out—goes on to argue very effectively against such a viewpoint. And we want to add right here that he is correct in two ways. First, that this stupid, sectarian and non-Communist viewpoint is much too prevalent in our Party; and, secondly, that it is such Party members who are “counter-revolutionary” rather than the non-Party workers to whom they apply such terms. Communist Snobbery. It is downright “Communist snobbery,” so termed by Lenin, and is responsible in no little measure for the organizational weakness of the Party. If some fools think that they can compel workers sympathetic to our Party to join by such kind of blackmail or ideological blackjack~ ing, they are looney. Such snobbishness is clearly a petty bourgeois tendency, which does not appreciate the fact that the Party is part of, bone of the bone and flesh of the flesh of the working class, though of course the most advanced and conscious part. Feeling a separation from, a distinction from. the working class, rather than a unity with it, such snobbilsh “Communists” drive away sym- pathetic workers from the Party with super= cilious treatment. If a worker does not at once say “yes” when asked to join the Party, these wise fools give him a sneer and an insult—which is their bright idea of how to “attract workers to the Party.” Of course, workers who really wish to help the Party, can do so better as members, and should try to overcome obstacles which seemingly pre= vent them giving the most help. In the Central Committee Plenum during Octo- ber, 1929, this matter was brought up and sharp- ly condemned. It was there stated that each real Communist should have a circle of sym- pathizers around him or her; that for eery mem= ber, the Party should have ten or a dozen sym- pathizers. A Problem of New Members Otherwise, the problem of keeping new mem- bers can never be solved, becausé a wotker does not exist in a vacuum, but comes to the Party in spite of the objections of various relatives, friends and so on, who have not yet felt the attraction he or she does. And at once he or she is faced with the problem of defending the Party among these others. To do so, many new members try to prove their case by bringing their relatives, fellow workers or friends to the Party meetings. But here the wise guys leap at them with a demand that they join or get out of sight. A new mem- ber, filled with enthusiasm for the Party, sees before his eyes that a fellow worker who he in- yites to approach the Party, is insulted and treated like a counter-revolutionist just because he does not yet understand the Party. Coupled with the lack of elementary educas tion for new members, sometimes an inquisi< tional attitude as if the duty of old members is to “get something” on new members, some- times a lack of responsive comradeship to new members whose warmth of feeling toward the Party is doused in ice water of a kind of clique- ism, this practice ruins all attempts to build the Party. The Evil of Cliqui-ism. This clique-ism, incidentally, is most marked in New York. A new member, or an old one for that matter, who is NO.S. (not our set) is not made to feel at home—no, not even as much as if he or she would be if they had joined a church where at least the preacher shakes hands with the convert and the deacons all pat him on the back and ooze hypocritical solicititudes as to his welfare while they ask for offerings. Here, we pretend to be “above” the warmth of comradeship shared by soldiers in the trench- es of class war. Actually we are below it. One comrade, who lives in the same tenement with another, is surprised and hurt that the other doesn’t seem to give a damn if he lives or dies. When the other calls in a few of the clique to a pleasant evening, the first comrade can hear the laughter and songs floating up to him in the flat above, but because he hasn't, perhaps, “been formally introduced,” can but scorn such “comrades” as being as indifferent to his fate as the landlord—probably less concerned. This, attitude may be unconscious, but it is nonetheless damaging to our Party. Each com- rade should examine himself to sce if he or she has this vile disease. “How about the 4.590.000 German workers who voted Communist?” asked our non-Party come rade. “And the hundreds of thousands of Rus sian workers who died defending the Revolution ~who did not belong to the Communist Party? Were they also counted-revolutionists?” Decidedly not, comrade! And Lenin invariably addressed his speeches and articles to the non Party workers as “comrades,” Let us judge workers by their actions, be ever patient with their backwardness, and invariably comradely in our response to those. who, inspired by the vision of a new and fraternal world, stretch out a hand, however timidly and ques= tioningly, to our Party as the instrument of its attainment, Len Tm | Things may be all right in Brazil. But they aren't, if we guess what means the departure of Senhor Tavora, one of the leading “Liberal” demagogs, from Rio to the North, with the ob« ject of “preventing undesirable elements from taking advantage of the unsettled conditions arising from the revolution.” We imagine that a lot of those “undesirable elements” want a revolution, that is, they want something to eat, which to get they have to make a revolution. Pa oes Signor Mussolini's hankering after scalpiny parties for “enemies of fascism abroad” et ip e oe as atin @ bit, now that he found some of the country’s leading citizens sharpening wu thelr knives with the amiable intention of cary. ing him up for Christmas, j {