The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 27, 1930, Page 4

Ort Ome HEHE the a te oe Ss 4eSH 6 apm mis mn Published by the Comprod: 18th Street, New York City Address and mail a laily Publishing Co., N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 50 East “DAIWORK.” checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Dail forker nist Porty U.S.A. / SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 THE ELECTIONS IN SOUTH By FRED FIRESTONE. (Election Campaign Directo: analyzing our achieveme: and short- comings in our Election Campaign work in Southern California we st take into con- sideration the pecul t conditions our section finds it . he attack of the Chamber of Comm on our section leader- ship almost completely shattered our section apparatus. And the police terror on the left wing labor movement since rch 6th unem- Los Angeles.) ployments demonstrations has been intensified. Not a week has passed since Feb. 26th with- out arrests and trials ving the most active having comrades. This terror is, of course. its affect on our membership and is cc ly weakening our section. Achievements in Election Campaig’ However, with all the shortcomings and weaknesses ‘we can record some achievements The section arranged ele n rallies with Com- rade Simons, governor car in Bak field, San Bernardino, San Pedro, San Diego and Los Angeles with the attendance varying from 50 to 400 workers. In Bakersfield it was the f time that the Communist Party held a meeting th Sev- eral contacts were made. In San Bernardino, the city that instigated the famous children camp trial, it was the first time that the Communist Party held a meeting there and was not broken up by the“police. Fifty work- ers were present, in spite of the police and press threats. In San Pedro an open air meet- ing of three to four hundred marine workers and sailors was broken up by police and Com- rade Simons and three more comrades were arrested. In San Diego 85 workers attended the meeting. Eight workers afterwards made applications to the Party. In Los Angeles Comrade Simons was greebed by a well attended banquet on Sept. 20th. On the following day he spoke in the morning be- fore Mexican workers and in the evening at a big rally attended by about 400 workers. Thousands of leaflets as well as Daily Work- ers and pamphlets were distributed. Though we made little headway in the sig- nature drive we cannot at all discount the fact that the comrades have visited hundreds of working class homes and brought the Com- munist Party to their attention, Several Vote Communist Clubs were organized and though we did not succeed in drawing in many out- sidegworkers it was nevertheless a good start. Ideological Shortcomings. Our ~ideological shortcomings manifested themselves in an underestimation by the sec- tion committee of the difference between this election campaign and previous election cam- paigns, lack of political guidance and organ- izational leadership to the Party membership. A complete lack of understanding by the entire membership of the rofe of the Party in the election campaign and the tremendous possi- bilities for mass work. It may seem strange that after what has been written and spoken about “Third Period” our membership did not grasp the great economic changes taking place in this country and throughout the capi- talist world. For how else can we explain such an attitude as displayed by our section _membership? First of all the great majority of our mem- bers still have the old ideas of the role of the Party in this election campaign, mainly that we use the capitalist elections as a means of propaganda only, leaving out of account the great organizational opportunities. It also shows that the comrades do not believe that in this country the workers can force some concessions from the capitalist government. By looking at the present election campaign the same way as on the previous election campaigns means to leave out of account the present economic crisis, and not to see the readiness of the workers to struggle against misery and starvation. Such ideas, of course, lead the comrades not to take seriously the Party’s Election Platform, the Social Insur- ance Bill, etc. Some comrades stil] hold the opinion that “electioneering” is demoralizing and corrupting the morale of the membership and the Party should have nothing to do with it! Organizational Shortcomings. Organizationally our section displayed more Serious weaknesses. The election campaign began with a drive for signatures, Twelve thousand for southern California as a quota, and twenty thousand for the whole state. But right at the outset the comrades showed an indifference towards this important mass work and remained so until the last day of the drive, with the result that an insignificant number of signatures (700) were collected. But our R are not altogether with the membership, a great many or most of the mistakes and weaknesses lie with the Section and District Executive Committees. | First of all the Section Committee failed to | prepare ideologically the membership for this political campaign. In most units very poor discussions on the election took place (only a week before the drive), some units had no dis. cussion to speak of. { | | Second the plan for the drive did not, under | | ] organizational weakn | the circumstances work. Legally we had 20 days to collect 12,000 signatures, (for south- ern California, meaning, of course, Los An- | geles). Under such conditions our apparatus | had to be centralized in one or two stations | from which to send out committees. Instead, | the plan was to give all the initiative to the | units. The units, however, proved to be. poli | tically and organizationally too weak for such | a task, with the result that only 40 per cent of the membership participated, more or less, | in the drive. Furthermore, the units were so confused that they did not know what to do first, whether to hold open air and factory | gate meetings or to collect signatures (in most eases the comrades who had to collect signa- tures were responsible for arranging the open air and factory gate meetings). Third, we altogether failed to activize our language and trade union fractions and thus failed to draw in the unions and fraternal or- ganizations to support the Party either finan- cially or organizationally in the election cam- paign. Fourth, the section, due to lack of forces, could not do anything in the state of Arizona and in Imperial Valley. A great part of the responsibilities of our section’s poor showing in the election cam- paign goes to the district. The district failed to give us political and organizational guid- ance. The district is responsible for starting the signature drive late. The district failed to put the Unemployed Insurance Bill on the ini- tiative referendum ballot. This would have given the whole district three months more time to mobilize all our forces and to bring our Unemployed Insurance Bill to tens of thousands of workers in California. The dis- trict failed to popularize early enough our slogan, “Boycott Capitalist Primaries—Vote Communist” (one day before the primaries the slogans were received here). This would have saved thousands of workers from voting in the primaries for the “Progressive” Rolph, and they would have given their signatures for our candidates. The district failed to launch | a campaign for the repeal of the Criminal | Syndical Law, in spite of the fact that this was decided upon at the State Nomination Convention. In connection with the Unemployed Insur- ance Bill we mrst point out that also the Center failed to instruct the various districts on time, in whose states the initiative refer- endum law exists to put our bill on the initia- tive referendum. Financial , Shortcomings. Financially the election campaign, so far, was not any more successful than the other activities. Although the section. held many meetings and several affairs, the income was very poor. We are far behind in raising our quota ($2500). Our expenses are almost as high as our income and therefore we helped the district very little. As a matter of fact. the money problem has hindered us in many ways, buying literature, printing leaflets, etc. ‘Tasks Ahead. 1. We must strengthen the units and Party discipline. 2. We must intensify our agitation amongst the workers to write the Communist Party in on their ballots—election day, Nov. 4th. 8. We must study the methods used by the Communist Party of Germany in their last election campaign. 4, Hold more regularly open air and fac- tory gate meetings. 5. Make a serious study of our shortcom- ings and mistakes in this election campaign to be able to avoid them in the next election campaign. 6. To work out plans for a drive to put the Party in this state on the ballot. | 7. We must see that units systematically follow up contacts. 8. Mobilize Party membership for distribu- tion of Special Campaign Edition of the Daily Worker. 9. Carry through successfully Red Rallies on Novy. 1st and 3rd winding up Election Cam- paign. Severe Crisis in the Coal Industry By F. BORICH The capitalists, their government and their statisticians are always hiding the real figures in regard to the actual conditions of the work- ing class, unemployment, wages, etc. This is Particularly true in the present economic crisis of capitalism, The bosses are trying to cover up the misery of the working class and to make the workers believe that “the new wave of prosperity ‘is just around the corner.” But the real figures cannot be hidden always. It happens that the bosses are fighting amongst themselves over the markets and profits. And in this fight they are bringing out figures which are much closer to correctness. At present there is a big struggle between the northern and southern coal operators over the freight rates and markets. In this fight E. W. Smith, head of the Coal Bureau in Ohio, in testifying on behalf of the Ohio operators against the present freight rates, presented the following figures to Examiner Bardwell of the Interstate Commerce Commission in regard to the coal situation in the state of Ohio, “The Ohio mines produced only 23,000,000 tons in 1929, paid $23,500,000 wages and em- ‘ployed about 21,000 men against 40,000,000 ‘tons production in 1923, 32,000 men employed and $71,000,000 in wages. There were 235 mines abandoned during the period.” When analyzed, these are very interesting and significant figures. They quite closely re- veal the crisis in the coal industry and the real conditions of the miners. Production in the period of seven years, according to these figures, has dropped 17,000,000 tons or 42 per cent; men employed dropped 11,000 or 34 per cent; and the wages dropped $47,500,000 or 66 per cent. The reduction im the wages is ‘the greatest. In 1923 the average yearly wages of miners were $2,218 or $44 per week, while in 1929 it was $1,119, or $21 per week. It must be remembered that several wage cuts took place in 1930. At present the weekly wages of miners is not over $15. The cost of production per ton in 1923 was $1.77, while in.1929 it was $1.02, or a decrease of 42 per cent. The average yearly production per miner in 1923 was 1,562 tons, while in 1929, in spite of the | tremendous mechanization of mines and in- creased speed-up, it has dropped to 1,090 tons, a decrease of 30 per cent. This sharp drop in production per miner is explained by the fact that the entire industry is working on a part time basis, on an average of two to three days per week. In reality the daily production’ per man has increased two-fold, while wages, real and nominal, has decreased. The figures of the southern operators are not as detailed as those of Ohio. Nevertheless they speak for themselves. In testifying be- fore the same Examiner Bardwell, on behalf of the southern operators in favor of the pre- sent freight rates, J. W. Cammack, Attorney General, presented the following figures: “On the lines of the Chesepeake & Ohio R. R., 280 mines were operating in August, 1930 against 660 mines in January of 1923. Of those shut down, 223 have been definitely abandoned. (A decrease of 380 mines or 57 per cent.) “On the lines of the Louisville & Nash- ville R. R., particularly in Kentucky, 216 mines are operating in 1930 against 393 in 1923, (A decrease of 177 mines or 45 per cent.) s “On the lines of the Norfolk & Western, controlled by the Pennsylvania R. R., 166 fi an NORMAN Ou N-O-R-M-FE, The Smith and Wesson Line We have an itch to tell you about the only Communist paper published south of what is jocosely known as “the Smith and Wesson Line.” The “Southern Worker,” it is called, and its address is Box 85, Birmingham, Alabama. But it is worth while reading for any worker, whether he lives down South or in Alaska. Because in it you will find the stories, straight from the heart of darkest America, of how the workers-and poor farmers of the South are robbed and enslaved—and the direction given them by the Communists of. what to do about it. . Simple stories, told by these toilers, ery aloud the lie of American “prosperity.” “A poor share cropper, whose landlord took the crop and says the farmer still owes him money, wants to know if he should “sign papers” to work off the debt, He adds that his wife died—Oh, the drab life and miserable death of the women of the southern hill country! Six small boys, caught in a rich farmer’s Sugar cane patch (water-melons and sugar cane are legitimate forage for small boys, re- member), are sold by the sheriff into peonage to the farmer to pick cotton—at Kosciusko, Mississippi. Nice ec: An Atlanta worker wvites how some scoun- drel who calls himself a “revolutionary,” is working colored girls twelve hours a day in his laundry for $6.50 a week and fired five of them for daring to talk with each other. But we ask the “Southern Worker,” why in hell didn’t it give the name and address of this “revolutionary” laundryman, ond explain to the workers that this skunk is not in the Communist Party? There are manv things, And not the lesst is the campaign the “Southern Worker” and all the workers the world over must wage to save the lives of the six Communists threat- ened with the electric chair because they dared to go into the hell of Dixie and organize Ne- gro and white workers together. Every copy of the “Southern Worker” you, readers, put in the hands of workers any- where, particularly in the South, is a nail in the coffin of such. slavery as existed in old Russia under Czar Nicholas. mines are operating as against 304 in 1923.” (A decrease of 138 mines or 45 per cent.) E. C. Mahon, president of the Southern Coal and Coke Co., testified: “The situation that prevails throughout. our coal territory gener- ally is much worse than it has been in any of the 26 years in which I have been engaged in the business.” He ‘concludes that:’ “The southern coal operators would pass out of the picture if they lose the. northwest market.” Both the’ northern and southern operators have testified that: “Production figures have dropped this year.as against last,” and of “disastrous shrinkage of. the coal industry.” The above figures and statements, compiled and made by the operators themselyes, reveal the entire depth of the severe crisis in the coal industry. Yet, théy do not describe the actual misery and starvation of the miners. In fact this misery and starvation is indescribable. There is no miner's family in the country that has a decent living. Poverty and starvation is seen everywhere. There are thousands upon thousands of miners still employed who receive no wages whatsoever, after deduction by the company of various expenses. Here is just one of numerous examples; At the Crescent Mine of the Pittsburgh Coal Co., subsidiary of Andrew Mellon, a miner, father of four child- ren, was working every day the mine worked from January 1 to September 15. The mine, on an average, was working four days a week, which is steadier than any other mines. And in this entire period, after the company de- ducted every ‘two weeks store bill, rent, ex- plosives, light, doctor, insurance, etc., the miner received 41 cents in cash. In 8% months 4lc! This is by no means an isolated case. An in- vestigation would show a large percentage of miners in the same or even worse situation. The coal operators, as is seen from the above wage scale, are doing their utmost to unload the burden of the crisis on the shoulders of the miners. Mechanization of mines and speed- up are rapidly increasing. All kinds of forms of wage cuts, direct and indirect, are taking place daily. Unemployment is growing tremen- THOMAS ATTACKS TAMMANY SWEET WORDS Witt ALWAYS PRevaw / pan'r/ —BY BURCK ws Item:—Norman Thomas declares Communists are too harsh in presenting demands for immediate jobless relief. Vote Red and Elect Communists! ARLIAMENTARY elections are not a for- mality with the Communist Party. Through its participation in the elections the Commu- nist Party continues the struggle for the same interests of the workers for which it always fights in the shops, on the picket lines and in the mass organizations. Vote Communist this year will mean to vote against wage cuts, for immediate unemployment relief, against the persecution. and deportation of foreign-born workers, against injunction and police terror. These are a few of the burning problems facing the American native and foreign-born workers and farmers. The Communist Party therefore made them the chief issues in the present elec- tion campaign. Beware of False Friends. The capitalist parties in America were al- ways characterized by their demagogy and hypocrisy. This year however, their demagogy is particularly outstanding because it effects the vitals in the struggle for existence of the working masses, While still playing with the prohibition issue, the capitalist parties were forced under mass pressure to change their tactics in the present election campaign. As a result of the economic crisis, growing unem- ployment and radicalization of the masse., the capitalist candidates, particularly of the so- called “opposition” parties like the democrats are forced to make false promises on unemploy- ment relief, employment for all, etc. The democratic party is taking advantage of the’ failure of the Hoover administration and the republican party to solve the crisis. It also takes advantage of the great unemployment and the great mass discontent. It is not only the New York democratic governor Roosevelt that promises unemployment relief and social insurance, but the democratic candidates in other states are doing likewise. The dema- gogic utilization of the crisis however, ap- plies not only to the democratic candidates but also to leading republican candidates, who run as independent and progressives, in order not to place upon themselves the stigma of the Hoover admiistration. The same applies to the other capitalist parties like the socialist and the farmer labor party. Will these parties do anything for the unem- ployed and for the working class generally? Their very program on unemployment relief and social insurance exposes their insincerity and demagogy. aimed ,to utilize the misery of the masses in order to get. votes on November 4th. The program of the deniocratic party on these vital questions calls for a “study” of the question and of placing the burden of the un- employment relief and social insurance upon the workers. - How can any one expect’ the dously. All of this’is accompanied by the mass misery and: starvation of the miners, unparal- lelled in: the last three decades. It is but natural and logical that out of this mass misery and tremendous discontent of the miners is growing. It is crystallizing itself with an increased tempo, in spite of all demagogic promises of bosses and fascists and social fascists, into a definite mass radicalization of the miners. The coming winter will witness increased mass strike movements. against wage cuts and speed up, against misery and starya- tion, for the right to live, The situation has already reached a point beyond. endurance. The MOSWIU, realizing the approaching stormy battles, knowing the treacherous role of the fascist UMWA and its twin brother, the Fishwick-Farrington . social-fascist ‘outfit; realizing its own revolutionary role as the lead- er of the miners, is mobilizing all of its forces and preparing for a decisive strike struggle. It is concentrating on the most ,important mines of the key coal operators; it is issuing mine bulletins in these mines; it is organizing new and reorganizing old locals on a proper functioning basis; it is employing rank and file organizers; it is correcting its past mis- takes and wrong tendencies and beginning to establish itself as a real leader of the miners by converting its broad influence into an or- ganized strength; and finglly it is beginning a drive for the re-establishment of its official organ, “The Mineral Worker,” first issue of which will appear December 1 and which will become the strongest weapon at its disposal in the struggle against the coal operators and their agents, fascists and social-fascists. 4 p i democratic party to act against the interests of capitalism and for the working class when it is soul and body controlled by capitalism? We already can see the value of these fake promises of the candidates of the capitalist parties. This is best exposed by the election in Detroit of Mayor Murphy, an independent republican who also paraded as a “friend of labor” and prior to his election made’ promises for unemployment relief, a job for every worker, etc. After his election, Murphy re- plied to the unemployed by driving them out of the city of Detroit, ‘by giving starving charity and engaging himself in a “study” of the unemployment question. Only the Communists have a program ‘for the unemployed. Only the Workers’ Unemploy- ment Insurance Bill provides for adequate re- lief and insurance, Who is responsible for the crisis and unem- ployment? f At the beginning of the present crisis in America, the Hoover administration continu- ously assured us that the crisis is an accident, that it will be solved in a period of 60 days, that there is no unemployment, and the pros- perity of America is not impaired. The deter- mined struggle of the unemployed on March 6th, led by the Communist Party and the revo- lutionary trade unions, exposed the lies of the government and its agents and forced the rec- ognition of the unemployment question. The government has now changed its tactics concerning the crisis and unemployment. It is forced to admit that there is a crisis (they call it depression), but they say they are not re- sponsible for this crisis. Mr. Stimson, Secre- tary of State, in his key-note speech to the New York State republican convention stated that “the world economic crisis is responsible for the crisis in America.” They point out the fact that in China and India there are revolutionary struggles and the masses are pauperized, that the markets of the Soviet Union are closed to capitalist exploitation and in these three countries alone there is concen- trated half the world’s population to whom American capitalism cannot sell any of its products and therefore is forced to close down its industrial establishments. This approach to the causes for the American crisis is not only an attempt to disclaim responsibility for the crisis and the misery of the masses, but it has eyen more important political implications. They are: war preparations against the Soviet Union and endorsement for its imperialistic policies in the colonies. The ruling class be- lieves that when they will tell the workers and farmers of this country that the Soviet work- ers’ government and the revolutionary struggle in China and India is responsible for their un- employment and misery, or that the imaginary “Soviet dumping” is responsible for the bank- ruptey of tens. of thousands of, American’farm- ers, that- by these means they. will instill a hatred in’ the: minds: of American masses against the Soviet Union and also fay the ideological basis for war mobilization ‘and at- tack at the appropriate moment. | © The American workers and farmers, how- ever, will understand that it is the very poli- cies of American capitalism, the very. nature of our ‘present economic system that is respon- sible for the crisis, unemployment and the ex- propriation of the land and_ property of, the American farmers; that the bug-a-boo ‘of Russian “wheat dumping” cannot ‘conceal the fact that Wall Street is robbing the farmers of their property, that is charging them ex- horbitant rates of interest on mortgages, that it is the American banking apid grain. trusts that dictate the price to the farmers and forces them to sell not only wheat, but other agricul- tural, commodities. they produce, below the cost of production. Nothing can conceal the wave- of wage cuts, the clubbing of unemployed, jail- _ing their leaders, killing workers, the, mount- ing wave of lynching, as the bosses reply to the demands of the unemployed for relief and work or wages. What do the Socialists Want? The workers of this country have seen the socialist party in action. They can now judge this party on the basis of its record in cities where it controls the administration. However, today the socialist party is coming out in an entirely different role. For example, its de- mands for unemployment relief and social in- By JORGE Unpopular “Public Opinion” While we must not rely on the spontaneity of the masses, as shown by the way they flocked enthusiastically behind the new rebel regimes in South American revolts simply be- cause the new regime was against the old one, yet one must take notice of the mass instinct which in Bolivia, Peru, Argentina and now in Brazil, at the first moment possible sent all the biggest capitalist newspapers up in smoke. | From Rio de Janeiro, the United Press cor- respondent cabled: “The mob wrecked the offices of six news- papers which supported the government, completely sacking and setting fire to the luxurious twenty-four story plant of the newspaper O Noite and destroying by fire the governmental organ, O Paiz.” Of course such destruction, especially if there were a real revolution of the workers, would be impermissible, destroying useful property that should be put to good use for the workers. But under the circumstances it is quite understandable. Capitalist newspapers make it their business to lie brazenly in defense of “law and order” and against the interests of the toiling masses. So it is most natural that the masses, at the first chance, take a crack at these informal liars who set themselves up as “public opin- ion.” It is merely the way the masses have of demonstrating that capitalist newspaper “‘pub- lic opinion”. is profoundly detested by most of the “public.” But we don’t expect “our own” capitalist press liars to learn from these examples, * * * The Best Laid Plans Recently the papers were full of the antics of Ambassador Dawes, the guy with a funny pipe and a moldy reputation for sagacity. It appears the old duffer has a list to port for antiques, and went to Spain, where he tells us that in deep caves, in crevices where a man lias to crawl on hands and knees, he made discoveries, by laying on his back and examining the stone above him, of tracings and drawings of prehistoric men. We wonder if, among those ancient draw- ings, there wasn’t the outline of what was once called “the Dawes Plan,” hailed about five years ago as the thing that was going to restore world capitalism to equilibrium and enthusiastically guaranteed by the “socialists” who were then ruling both England and Ger- many. ‘Ales, the darned thing just naturally keeled over and died before Dawes had time to capi- talize its “success” in running for president in the 1928 elections. Now, the next “savior” of capitalism, Owen D. Young, who went in to “amend” the Dawes Plan, and came out with a brand new “Young Plan,” guaranteed to extract blood out of the German turnip if it had to starve the whole German proletariat to death. he Owen D. Young, we repeat, who was hailed by. great crowds of hopeful brokers as about the wisest guy that walks recently appears to be retired from the public eye, since it has become clear before the ink got dry on his wonderful “plan,” that the German masses are going to use it for other purposes than ying “reparations.” paying P: if % * We Recommend Vaseline From the Joural of Commerce (N. Y.) of Oct. 23, we learn that the textile mill owners are chafed, but not by the cold weather. In fact the item says: “New England mill owners are reported chafing over what they say is the refusal of their labor to accept reductions in their wage scales,” While talcum powder is reputed good for chafed infants, in the case of mill owners we recommend vaseline, but either with or without it, we give three rousing cheers for New Eng- land mill workers and hope they'll keep right on chafing the bosses. “surance are raised, not because this is in the interests of the workers, or that capitalism, which is responsible for the crisis and unem- ployment must pay to the workers while they are unemployed. The raising of these demands have an entirely different purpose. As their leading candidate in the present elections, Louis Waldman, candidate for governor on the socialist ticket in New York State, stated that “when the government will do something for the unemployed, it will show that at a critical moment, the State still thinks of the unem- ployed” and that “the unemployment question can be solved by democratic methods.” The ruling class of America and its agent the A. F. of L. fears precisely this revolutionary struggle of the unemployed. Therefore, in this period when the nature of the capitalist state becomes more exposed to’ the workers, when the workers see that only through revolution- ary struggle can they get unemployment ‘and win their other demands, the socialist party is performing a great service to the ruling class by trying to maintain the confidence of the worker ‘in the government and convince them that unemployment can be solved by democratic methods. They eyen went a step further. They warned the bosses that unless they do something for the unemployed “the workers will follow the leadership of the Communists” and when the Communists will assume leaderhip “not only will their property be in danger, but their very live will not be worth’a cent.” Here the social- ist party. comes out definitely as the saviour of capitalism, as the instrurhent through which the bosses can expect that the workers will not ’ follow the leadership of the Communists and that no revolutionary stsuggle will take place. It is in the face of such political conditions that the election campaign. takes place. There are the political demagogues that must be ex- posed and smashed. The class struggle program of the Communist Party is the only solution to the problems of the masses of workers. This program must be supported on November 4th. You wili express your dissatisfaction and determination to fight for better economic conditions by voting Communist. You will exe press your solidarity with the successful socialist construction by voting Commuofist. You will deliver a blow to the coming wave of persecution of foreign’ born workers by voting Communist. You will vote for complete emancipation of the working class and the es- tablishment of a workers and farmers govern- ment by supporting the Communist platform and candidates.